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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Arabiska våren'
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Rapaport, Josefina, and Thörnell Niki. "Den arabiska våren." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-58418.
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Den arabiska våren är ett uttryck som kom att användas i svensk media under revolutionerna som ägde rum ibland annat i Nordafrika under vintern/våren 2010-2011. Revolutionerna fick stor uppmärksamhet i medierna och många ledare behandlade ämnet i svensk press under denna period. Framställningen av händelserna i dessa ledare handlade om bland annat kampen för demokrati, folket som kämpade mot illvilliga despoter samt Västvärldens förhållningssätt till konflikterna och regionen. Vi ville se om dessa förändringar i Nordafrika har påverkat sättet som media framställer regionen. Det har bedrivits postkolonial forskning om framställningen av Orienten, och när nu tillfälle gavs att få studera detta ur en ny angreppsvinkel väcktes vårt intresse. Uppsatsen undersöker huruvida det förmedlas en stereotyp bild av regionen och dess befolkning. Samtidigt undersöks om det förmedlas ett eurocentriskt världsbild genom media. Undersökningen baseras på en analys av 16 ledare i de fyra största svenska tidningarna, Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Aftonbladet och Expressen. Vi utgår ifrån teorier om orientalism, eurocentrism, stereotypisering postkolonialism, journalistik och media. Dessutom presenteras en teoretisk ram för metoden, den kritiska diskursanalysen enligt Norman Fairclough. Resultatet av analysen visade att det finns en dominansrelation mellan Västvärlden och Orienten och att ledarna reproducerar denna hegemoniska världsordning. Sättet som regionen beskrevs på tycktes ingå i tidigare diskurser om Orienten och det västerländska perspektivet trädde fram i positiva ordalag om att länderna tog stora kliv mot att efterlikna Västvärlden. Förändringarna verkade sättas i kontrast till de stereotypa beskrivningar som handlar om Orienten. Detta skulle kunna innebära att de koloniala strukturerna fortsätter att göra sig påminda genom ett reproducerande av en orientalisk diskurs. Vanligt förkommande ord: Orienten, orientalism, occidenten, västvärlden, postkolonialism, Fairclough, eurocentrism, stereotypisering, journalistik, media, ledare, diskurs, hegemoni, ideologi, diskursanalys, maktförhållanden
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Nizarki, Galiar. "Arabiska våren : Framställningen av revolutionen i Mellanöstern/Nordafrika i mainstreammedia." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-18049.
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”Arabiska våren – framställningen av revolutionen i Mellanöstern/Nordafrika i mainstreammedia” är titeln på denna studie som har syftet att studera hur mainstreamkanalerna Al Jazeera och BBC rapporterat kring revolutionerna i Tunisien och Syrien för att på så sätt kunna uttala om den ”Arabiska vårens” framställning. Syftet har också varit att jämföra mediekanalernas konstruktion av revolutionerna med varandra för att belysa eventuella likheter och skillnader i rapporteringarna. Med utgångspunkt av tidigare forskning kring identitetsteori, diskursanalys som teori, andrafiering och postkolonialism har mediekanalernas rapporteringar analyserat med hjälp av den kritisk diskursanalytiska metoden. Resultaten och slutsatserna som kan tas i denna studie är kortfattat att Al Jazeera konstruerar diskursen om revolutionen genom att underminera postkoloniala strukturer. Al Jazeera tar en ställning mot väst och dess intressen, samt aktörer förknippade med väst där de västallierade andrafieras som ”De onda Andra”. BBC andrafierar revolutionen där konstruktionen av diskursen om revolutionerna uttrycks i postkoloniala diskurser. BBC andrafierar aktörer i revolution i dimensionerna ”De goda Andra” och ”De onda Andra”, där de förstnämnda tillämpas på västallierade och den andra förknippas med aktörer som väst inte har goda politiska relationer med.
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Möller, Olof. "Varför demokratiserades Tunisien och inte Libyen? : En jämförande fåfallstudie om ländernas arabiska vår." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60434.
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This essay have examined why Tunisia succeeded in democratizing when Libya did not. The two questions that this paper has set itself are the following: How can Tunisia's evolution from dictatorship to democracy after the Arab Spring be explained? How can the Libyan failure of democratization after the Arab Spring be explained? Based on four of Larry Diamonds nine factors in the book "The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World", these two questions are answered. When answering these two questions, this paper applied a research design that is a comparative “Few Case Study”, more correct, a reversed "Most Similar Research Design" (MSRD). The analysis of the four factors showed that Libya is not democratized because the country did not receive any support after the international military intervention took place. It is known that “democracy by force” does not bring democracy overnight and the country would have needed help with evolving democracy. In Tunisia's case, the Arab spring was relatively peaceful, and the transition to democracy could happen in a calm way.
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Behrouz, Shahram. "Arabiska våren och dess efterspel : En jämförande demokratiseringsstudie mellan Tunisien och Egypten." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100448.
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It has been ten years since the 26-year-old fruit seller set himself on fire to protest corruption in Tunisia. The street vendor created a wave of protests in the Arab world, a campaign for civil resistance, better known as the "Arab Spring". The protests led to the removal of long-standing authoritarian regimes in countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Libya. The civil resistance was a result of an economic crisis, high unemployment and corruption. The citizens of the arab world were demanding freedom of expression and greater civil rights. Tunisia became a successful example, where the country today is a complete democracy. In Egypt, the revolution also led to democratization, but for a short period of time. Egypt became more authoritarian after a coup led by the military. The other states failed and the consequences have been devastating with results of civil wars in Libya and Yemen. The main purpose of this essay was to sort out and understand why Tunisia succeeded to become a democracy after the arab spring 2010, while Egypt failed. A qualitative analysis with a comparative democratization study, composed of a most different system-design. The theoretical framework is based on Samuel Huntington (1991) “third wave democratization” and the author’s criteria on democracy, which includes regime legitimacy, economical modernization, and religious change.
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Qaas, Said. "Demokratiseringsprocessen i MENA : En jämförande fallstudie om arabiska våren i Jemen och Tunisien." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-44392.
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The purpose of this study was to analyze and compare why Yemen’s democratization process failed while Tunisia’s succeed after the Arab spring. The main question of this paper is: Why did the democratization process in Yemen failed, but succeeded in Tunisia after the Arab Spring emergence in year 2011 based on Diamonds theory? The method that applied to this study is a comparative case study in form of “Most Similar System Design” known as “MSS-design”. After applied four of Larry Diamonds nine factors, the study finally reached the answer of the main question. The results showed that the absence of historically solid national unity, internally fragmented civil society and the military intervention of Saudi-led coalition was the main factors that caused why Yemen’s democratization process failed. On the other side the strong civil society, diplomatic peaceful pressure and the historical separation of military from the Tunisian political system was the main factors that pushed Tunisia towards democracy.
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Abraham, Simona, and Victoria Bjerstedt. "Det våras för uppror : Om bevakningen av Tunisien, Egypten och Libyen år 2011 i Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kommunikation, medier och it, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-15221.
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Det här är en studie om den svenska dagstidningsrapporteringen om inledningen av den arabiska våren i Tunisien, Egypten och Libyen under år 2011. Vår utgångspunkt är de tolv klassiska nyhetsvärderingsteorierna, med tyngd på geografisk, kulturell och ekonomisk närhet. Uppsatsen syfte är att få bättre kännedom om likheterna och skillnaderna i den svenska rapporteringen från de tre länderna Tunisien, Egypten och Libyen. Vi undersöker två veckor för varje land i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Vi har valt att se tidningarna som en gemensam portal för den svenska internationella mediebevakningen. Vi har gjort en kvantitativ undersökning, när rapporteringen av upproren började, hur den såg ut och vilka källor man valde att lyfta fram. Vi valde också att göra en mindre kvalitativ intervjuundersökning för att förstå förhållandena för de svenska utrikesreportrarna. Resultatet av analysen visar många likheter mellan länderna. Majoriteten av källorna var andra nyhetsbyråer. Största skillnaden var hur man skapade närhet till händelserna i de olika länderna. I Egypten så fokuserade journalisterna mer på att lyfta fram svenskarna i upproret och att ta upp vardagsproblem som publiken kunde identifiera sig med, till exempel att maten började ta slut i butikerna eller känslan över att demokratiska rättigheter var hotade. Tunisiens rapportering var mer folkorienterad medan artiklarna om Libyen hade mer fokus på elitpersoner. Den arabiska våren påverkade resten av världen både ekonomiskt och politiskt vilket gav ett högt nyhetsvärde i tidningarna.
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Gebara, Linn. "Muslimer och islam i svensk press : - en studie om i vilka sammanhang muslimer och islam framställs i Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter under åren 2011-2013." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Religionssociologi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-244412.
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The aim of this paper is to study in which contexts Muslims and Islam are represented in newspaper- articles in the Swedish press. The research questions are formulated as follow: In what contexts are Muslims and Islam represented in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter during the years 2011-2013 ?Does the newspaper-articles in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter reflect open or closed attitudes about Islam? My material compromises twenty-five newspaper- articles from the newspapers Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter during the years 2011-2013. The material became a subject for qualitative content analysis. This resulted in four categories, the categories were formed from the content of the newspaper-articles. The categories are: (1) Violence / Terrorism, (2) Extremist / Fundamentalist, (3) Islamic god´s state / government / Islamism and (4) Others. Those categories are produced by a number of different phenomena where Muslims and Islam are called. The analysis was based on two theories: The Runnymede Trust model and stereotyping theory. The Runnymede Trust model explains if it exists open and closed attitudes about Islam in the newspaper-articles. The aim of the stereotyping theory was to see the specific role of the media as a mediator of stereotypes, particular in the descriptions of Muslims and Islam. The examination shows that that there is no closed attitudes about Islam, but there are open attitudes about Islam in the newspaper- articles that was published during the years 2011-2013, in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. This study shows that the media has a less prominent role as a mediator of stereotypical traits of Muslims and Islam in the newspaper- articles. The conclusion of this study can be summarized as follow: Muslims and Islam are represented in the context Violence/Terrorism, Extremists/Fundamentalist and Islamic god´s state/government/Islamism when Islamist political parties/organizations or Muslims as supporters of extremist terrorist groups have acted violently during the Arab Spring.
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Bochenski, Ozeir Adrian. "Den arabiska vårens inverkan på demokrati i Arabvärlden : En jämförande studie kring Tunisiens och Egyptens divergerande demokratiutveckling." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104323.
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The outbreak of the Arab Spring took place more than ten years ago and is currently of great interest to researchers. The suicide of the street vendor Bouazizi is considered the start of the revolution. As a result of the uprisings, both Tunisia and Egypt succeeded in overthrowing their authoritarian leaders and regimes. However, Tunisia managed to maintain and develop a democratic political system, unlike Egypt, which is still classified as an authoritarian dictatorship. The main purpose of this study has been to find explanations for why a regime change took place in both countries during the Arab Spring and why Tunisia’s democratization process remained successful compared to Egypt’s. Huntington’s transition processes and consolidation theory have been helpful in finding answers to these questions. The study is of a comparative nature where the most similar system design has been applied. A key conclusion concerns the fact that Egypt’s non-neutral and powerful military has undermined the country’s democratization process. In contrast, Tunisia’s democratization process has been characterized by a peaceful period with a neutral military and political actors willing to negotiate with each other despite divided political views.
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Petrelius, Ausi, and Charlotte Årling. "Revolutionen är en man : Genus, nationalitet och nyhetsvärdering i de svenska mediernas rapportering om den arabiska våren." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-89355.
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In this study we examine four Swedish newspapers’ visual coverage of the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings in 2010 and 2011 – commonly known as the “Arab Spring Revolution”, the “Jasmine revolution” and in Sweden also the “Women’s revolution” – focusing on three main perspectives: news values and framing, postcolonialism, and gender. By means of a comprehensive content analysis and an in-depth semiotic analysis, the purpose of this study is to investigate how Swedish written media frames the revolution and its initiators and partakers through news photographs, headlines, lead paragraphs and photograph bylines, and to determine whether or not it reproduces earlier trends of media coverage and framing of non-Westerners and non-Western societies. The purpose of the extensive content analysis is to attain data for empirical research of the visual portrayal of the uprisings’ first twelve weeks in Sweden’s four largest newspapers Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Aftonbladet and Expressen. The analysis reveals that episodic framing is regularly used in all four newspapers, and that media demonizes Tunisians and Egyptians by constructing them as a brutal, uncivilized and threatening group which almost exclusively consists of men, and whose members are neither quoted nor named. It also shows that women are symbolically annihilated by media and that the very few women who do occur are gender stereotyped in accordance with established media conventions and postcolonial tradition, with the interesting exception of women being quoted to a larger extent than men. The analysis furthermore confirms the low occurrence of female journalists in Swedish foreign reporting, as well as demonstrates that the gender of the journalists does not influence what types of stories are written or how they are framed. The variable frequencies obtained from the content analysis provide indicators which are subsequently explored in the semiotic analysis of four news photographs. The qualitative study establishes that the North African uprisings are represented and framed as being conducted by a group of angry, uncontrolled and unstoppable men. In conclusion, the results of this study indicates that Sweden’s four largest newspapers use a colonial discourse which threatens to establish and reproduce the idea of Tunisians and Egyptians as the Arabic “Others”.
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Lindmark, Linnea. "Officiella och icke-officiella aktörer : – En studie av synliga källor i nyhetsartiklar från revolutionen i Egypten 2011." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi och medier, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-18626.
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Hamidi-Nia, Gilda. "Vart tog aktivisterna vägen?" Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-130936.
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Fem år har gått sedan hela världens strålkastare riktades mot länder i Mellanöstern och Nordafrika. Storögda och förväntansfulla var världspubliken när de såg hur tiotusentals människor samlades runt flera gator och torg och krävde att få sina röster hörda och att de styrande diktatorerna skulle avgå. Det skanderades då, år 2011, om demokrati och frigörelse från decennielånga förtryck. Men i dagens Egypten vittnar människor om att det under de här fem åren regredierat till ett lika illa, om inte värre, samhälle än innan. Oppositionella röster motverkas och tystas genom att sprida skräck hos dem som en gång vågat tala. En oförutsägbar statsapparat fängslar, griper och styr. Tunisien lyckades som det enda land att reformera statsskicket och gå från diktatur till ett demokratiskt styre. Men däremot är vissa viktiga institutioner, som polisväsendet, kvar i det gamla och påverkar de som redan är utsatta då landet befinner sig i ett politisk och ekonomisk limbo. I flera andra länder i regionen, brinner det än i dag fullbordade inbördeskrig. Vilka var det som så hängivet stod där på torgen och dessutom inspirerade fler till att ansluta sig? Och hur gick det sen för dem och deras länder?
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Ringström, Jenny, and Linda Carlsson. "Frihetskämpar och ockupanter på Tahrir : En studie av hur fyra svenska medier gestaltade den Egyptiska revolutionen 2011/2012." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kommunikation, medier och it, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-16677.
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Den här studiens syfte är att undersöka hur fyra svenska medier (Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet och SR Ekot) rapporterat om revolutionen i Egypten under 2011 och början av 2012. I enlighet med postkoloniala teorier visar undersökningen hur reportagen bär spår av eurocentrism, alltså idén att så kallade västerländska normer är bättre än andra normer, i detta fall muslimska. Reportagen reproducerar även stereotypa uppfattningar av i synnerhet personer med anknytning till muslimska partier. Det framstår även som trovärdigt att dramaturgiska grepp förstärker behoven av dessa förenklingar. Under året förändrades tonläget i reportagen. Under första delen av revolutionen var inställningen till revolutionen och demonstranternas mål positiv. Senare under året var tonen mer negativ. I början beskrevs demonstranter och folk som en enhet, senare särskilde reportagen ofta muslimer och kristna. Trots att Egyptens befolkning till 90 procent består av muslimer så kom kristna oftare till tals än muslimer. Resultatet av denna undersökning visar på tendensen att det i den svenska medierapporteringen fanns förhoppningar att ”de” (Egyptens folk) skulle bli mer som ”vi”(européer). För att komma fram till detta resultat har arton gestaltande reportage studerats med kritisk diskursanalys enligt Roger Fowler. Reportagen är strategiskt valda från specifika perioder i anslutning till tre nyckelhändelser - revolutionens inledning, valet och årsdagen. Den teoretiska ramen formas av postkoloniala teorier om ”vi” och ”de andra” samt dramaturgi, framför allt användandet av polemik och retoriska grepp.
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Lindqvist, Robin. "Flyktingar i svensk press : En komparativ diskursanalys av svenska mediers skildringar av flyktingströmmarna under 1990- och 2010-talet." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-49939.
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The following study is a comparativ discourse analysis of three swedish newspapers, with different political tendencies, depiction of refugees in the 1990’s and the 2010’s. The study is based on the theory of discourse and discourse analysis and the method is an adapted form of Ulf Mörkenstam’s analysis of the description of the samis in swedish law texts. This method is formed from the conclusion that by identifying what the author mediate as a problem, the cause of the problem, and the solution of the problem, you can form an percetion of the subjects discourse. To help create an estimation of the subjects he uses so called chains of analogy, or as the famous discourse theorists Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe calles them, chains of equivalence. In this case the term ”refugee” is connected to other phrases within the same text and together with the context of the problem – cause – solution it forms the discourse. The subject of the discourse is then compared between two different points in times to see if it has been a change within the last 23 years. The study showed that the discourse have indeed changed. While the characters within the discourse have remained the same and the subject is connected to similair problems in 2015, the fact that the newspapers do not write about the resistance against the countrys refugee intake in an atempt to act as an opposition against the xenophobia, as they did in 1992, the result of this study shows that xenophobia has been more accepted in the swedish media during the last decades. This is also shown through the chains of analogy where the phrase ”refuge” is related to words with more negative association in 2015 than in 1992.
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Sjöberg, Jeanette. "När turisterna flyr : En diskursanalys av den mediala rapporteringen av arabiska våren i Tunisien samt terroristattacken vid Bardomuseet i Tunisien år 2015." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Kulturgeografi, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-103863.
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Rundell, Johan. "Tillämpningen av begreppet Responsibility to Prevent : En studie av Förenta Nationernas säkerhetsråds agerande under den arabiska våren i Syrien 2011-2012 utifrån begreppet Responsibility to Prevent." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-4062.
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I diskussionen kring hur stater bör förhålla sig till varandra när främmande människor i andra stater utsätts för lidande av sin egen statsledning ställs ofta idéer om globala humanitära rättigheter, som utvecklats efter andra världskriget och förintelsen, emot normer om staters okränkbarhet och principen om att inte intervenera i andra staters interna verksamhet. Syftet med detta arbete är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning begreppet Responsibility to Prevent tillämpats i FN:s säkerhetsråds agerande under en samtida konfliktsituation, detta med bakgrund i utvecklingen av det nya tankesättet med global humanitär rätt som ett gemensamt internationellt ansvar. Arbetet behandlar teorierna solidarism, pluralism och realism. För att söka svaret på frågeställningarna används kvalitativ textanalys av skriftliga öppna källor. Insamlingen av empiriska data består av tryckt media, officiella dokument samt texter och artiklar tagna från internet. Resultatet från arbetet visar att Förenta Nationernas säkerhetsråd till viss del har agerat i enlighet med begreppet Responsibility to Prevent. Vidare redogör arbetet för att två inflytelserika, permanenta medlemmar i säkerhetsrådet har motiverat sitt ställningstagande utifrån olika synsätt på hur konflikten bör hanteras och att deras motiveringar påverkats av deras skilda synsätt på statssuveränitet och intervention. Undersökningen leder även fram till slutsatsen att vetorätten i säkerhetsrådet, under konflikten i Syrien 2011-2012, har begränsat utvecklingen och implementeringen av tankesättet att säkerheten för världens befolkning ska betraktas som ett gemensamt ansvar.
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Gorginpaveh, Arvin. "Demokratisering i Nordafrika : En jämförande demokratiseringsstudie av Egypten och Tunisien." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79596.
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The objective of this essay is to present both the reason behind the Egyptian democratization failure, as well as the cause of the success of the Tunisian democracy. The methodology of this essay is composed of a comparative democratization study, which includes a most similar systems-design method. The studies will try to pinpoint the key components of the result of the democratization, by using four of Larry Diamond’s nine internal and external democratization factors, which are presented in his book: ‘The Spirit of Democracy’. The results of this study indicate that Egypt had a far larger and more influential military force and also a critical economy, despite less international support for their democratization. Tunisia has a more democratic-oriented civil society and through democratic assistance from the European Union, a peaceful transition into a democratic system was possible. In this essay, a far deeper analysis of the democratization process will be highlighted, including how to prove how these essential factors caused the different outcomes of the Arabic spring protests.
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Elwe, Josefin. "Tunisiens Demokratisering : En fallstudie om vägen mot ett demokratiskt samhälle." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90993.
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This essay aims to examine how the democratization of Tunisia has taken place since the Arabic spring. It will also analyze how well the country qualifies as a consolidated democracy and what conflicts that have been the driving force of the democratization process. The essay is a qualitive case study and explores the years of 1987 to 2018. Moreover, it is supported by the democratization theory of Dankward A Rustow. The Arabic spring was a consequence of the high unemployment numbers, the poverty in the country and the discontent of the president’s approach of ruling. The road to the democracy has suffered from many difficulties due to influences of the previous authoritarian rule. The situation in Tunisia after the Arabic spring has been unstable and demonstrations in smaller scales has taken place. Today the country has free and fair elections regularly and 2014 a new constitution was introduced. However, people have not gained a better lifestyle from the democratization even though the democracy has flourished. Lastly, the Tunisian democracy is not yet consolidated and still needs to the implemented into the country’s laws and population.
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Jarl, Kajsa. "Tunisiens demokratisering : En fallstudie." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90865.
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The people in Tunisia demanded democracy and civil liberties, which led to large-scale demonstrations against the Tunisian regime in December 2010. The demonstrations against the authoritarian regime was considered to be the beginning of the Arab Spring. Of all states that was affected by the Arabic Spring, Tunisia became that one country that succeeded their transition from an authoritarian state to a democratic one. In order to analyze why Tunisia became a democratic state, this study aims to clarify what factors that affected the democratization process. Through the theoretical framework of Samuel P. Huntington, the factors that affected the third wave democratization are used in this study in order to analyze the Tunisian democratization and transition. Through analyzation; deepening legitimacy problems of the regime and economic growth was considered to affect the Tunisian democratization. Actions of external actors partly affected the country’s democratization. However, religious changes and snowballing effects was considered not to have an impact on the democratization and transition towards democracy.
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Ramadan, Mohammad. "FN:s roll i världen: Risk och krishantering : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av R2P och FN:s roll i Syrien och Libyen." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104149.
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In the era of the Arab Spring, the people of Libya and Syria have fought for freedom and democracy. This essay aims to examine and analyze how The United Nations Security Council works to solve international problems in the world. The main questions of my study are: - How did the UN work on the basis of R2P in Libya and Syria? - Why could the UN Security Council to agree on R2P in Libya but not in Syria? Under the Arab Spring as the context, the purpose of this essay is to study the role of the United Nations UN in Syria and Libya. So, I highlight to the role of UN in R2P Responsibility to Protect in Libya and Syria. In 2011, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1973, which established a no-fly zone over Libya. The UN’s actions in Libya succeeded to remove the dictator Muammar Al-Gaddafi by R2P's principle, while The UN failed to remove dictator Bashar AL-Assad in Syria. The purpose of the R2P in Libya was to establish a no-fly zone and safe areas to protect civilians, but this led to the overthrow of Al-Gaddafi's regime in violation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1973. I have used the theory of Realism and Liberalism to adapt them with my own theory to achieve the aim of my essay. In this paper, I used also content analysis as a guide of Method to reach conclusions. The materials used for this essay are documents, books and articles etc. The results of my study are that the most important reason for Russia and China to use their veto in the UN Security Council is fear for the misuse of the international resolution to overthrow the regime in Syria. And thus, harm the very strong Chinese and Russian interests in Syria.
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Akouri, Elie. "Varför har Egypten inte demokratiserats? : En fallstudie om bakomliggande orsaker till den haltande demokratiseringsprocessen." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-65141.
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This paper is designed to analyse the situation regarding the attempt to implement democracy in Egypt and why it failed. Theories regarding democratic transition and consolidation is acting as scientific instruments to carry out this case study. This essay directs its focus on several key factors that has contributed to the prevention of democratic reforms. The theory concerning path dependence is used to compliment the remaining theories to distinguish vital historic aspects to this issue. Key factors such as the Muslim brotherhood, the Egyptian military and regime, as well as the liberal movement is examined in this paper to illuminate their respective contribution to this situation. The conclusion of this paper focuses on the military, unwilling to surrender its power, along with the religiously fundamental brotherhood, growing rapidly. A democratic transition was in the making, only to be shut down by the military, regaining its former power. Although chaotic and military-biased reforms continued, they were far from democratic. Because of all the key factors not sharing any political ideals, the situation has come to an abrupt halt regarding a democratisation process. The democratic ideal has become worn among the protestors and another try at a democratic transition is far from reality.
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Andersson, Karolina. "Att sätta muslimska kvinnors rättigheter på kartan : En studie av fem feministiska teoretikersperspektiv på islam och feminism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444015.
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Muslim women’s rights, and gender equality in the Muslim world, are commonly discussed subjects within the academic world. Feminism, as a term, is often connected to this topic of discussion. This thesis aims to analyze two different perspectives concerning how these rights should be achieved: Islamic feminism, using internal resources, and Muslim feminism, using external resources. Islamic feminism, as a strategy, proposes that by interpreting the Quran, the ultimate revelation of God, Islam could provide the central and egalitarian meaning of the Quran. There is disagreement within the academic community whether Islamic feminism would enable these rights. Muslim feminism, as a counterpoint to Islamic feminism, proposes that the state must become secularized. Rendering Islam and the state as separate entities. This thesis will utilize the theoretical perspective on Islam and feminism from five feministic academics. They all have different backgrounds, standpoints, and approaches towards the development of Muslim women’s rights, as well as what strategies they suggest to improve them. These strategies encounter different kinds of difficulties. The Islamic feminism, which uses the Quran, runs the risk of being too heavily associated with already established interpretations of the Quran. It may be seen as intertwined with existing fundamentalist views. On the opposite side of the spectrum, Muslim feminism may create a divide between Islam and women’s rights. This thesis aims to present the potential of different theoretical perspectives on Islam and feminism as well as the limitations on suggested strategies for improvement of Muslim women’s rights.
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Thorsen, Herman Westrum. "Ressurser og revolusjon : En økonomisk modellering av valget mellom demokrati og konflikt tilpasset den arabiske våren." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for samfunnsøkonomi, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-17387.
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