Academic literature on the topic 'Arch of Septimius Severus'

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Journal articles on the topic "Arch of Septimius Severus"

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CORDOVANA, ORIETTA DORA. "Between History and Myth: Septimius Severus and Leptis Magna." Greece and Rome 59, no. 1 (2012): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383511000246.

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The aim of this article is to demonstrate the connections between political history and the use of myth for political purposes at Leptis Magna, birthplace of the African emperor Septimius Severus. The city, capital of the Tripolitanian Emporia in North Africa, was extensively restructured by the emperor and his son, Caracalla, after the civil wars of 193–7 AD. The urban renewal involved the harbour, perhaps very early in 198, and the Eastern area of the city close to the bank of the wadi Lebdah (see figure 1). The inscriptions on the buildings clearly refer to the period of their construction: the Forum Novum Severianum was completed between 202 and 205; the Basilica was built between 209–10 and completed under Caracalla in 215–16; a lead fistula from the Nympheum gives evidence that it was finished in 210. The inscription for the dedication of the tetrapylon arch is missing. This imposing monument on the cross-way between the cardo and the decumanus maximus of the city was the first visible to anyone approaching the city from the hinterland. Scholars now agree in placing its construction around 202–3, during the imperial family's stay in North Africa.
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Nardi, Roberto. "Conservation of the Arch of Septimus Severus: work in progress." Studies in Conservation 31, sup1 (1986): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/sic.1986.31.supplement-1.3.

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Jones, Mark Wilson. "Genesis and Mimesis: The Design of the Arch of Constantine in Rome." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59, no. 1 (2000): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991562.

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The Arch of Constantine in Rome marks the passing of the pre-Christian era in architectural terms, recapitulating imperial traditions while at the same time heralding a new consciousness. It pioneered modes of design that exploited recycled elements for the sake of effects and motives quite beyond purely pragmatic considerations. Long the subject of controversy, the monument is today the focus of a scholarly quarrel over the possibility that its superstructure once belonged to an earlier arch on the same site. This study refutes this hypothesis on the basis of considerations of technique and design, showing instead that its composition depended on the emulation of the nearby Arch of Septimius Severus. The connection between the two buildings is indeed as direct as that between Trajan's Column and its full-scale "copy," that of Marcus Aurelius, and it is possible to unravel the rationale behind the transformation of one arch into the other. Since the composition of Constantine's was in this way effectively resolved, the architect could concentrate on the adaptations necessary for accommodating the various sets of recycled components. And despite their heterogeneous character, the outcome was a project of singular coherence in terms of proportion and geometry. It was the product of a unitarian conception that promoted Constantine's ideological program in the realm of urban design, imperial iconography, and political and religious intent.
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Noreña, Carlos F. "The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues." Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184774.

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The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice. Imperial mediation between man and god was commemorated by a proliferation of sacrificial images that emphasized the emperor's central role in the act of sacrifice. Portrait groups of the imperial family were blunt assertions of dynasty and figured the emperor as the primary guarantor ofRoma aeterna.Public sacrifices to deified emperors and the imagery of imperial apotheosis surrounded the emperor with an aura of divinity. An extraordinary array of rituals, images, and texts, then, gave visual and symbolic expression to the emperor's numerous functions and publicized the manifold benefits of imperial rule.
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Warmington, Brian, and Anthony R. Birley. "Septimius Severus: The African Emperor." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 3 (1989): 547. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220232.

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Benario, Herbert W., and Anthony R. Birley. "Septimius Severus: The African Emperor." Classical World 83, no. 3 (1990): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350626.

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Mastrocinque, Attilio. "Juno Caelestis and Septimius Severus." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 57, no. 2-3 (2017): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2017.57.2-3.10.

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Eck, Werner, and Andreas Pangerl. "Diplome der Kaiser des 3. Jh. für Prätorianer – außer Severus Alexander." Acta Musei Napocensis 56 (December 12, 2019): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.56.05.

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In contrast to the 1st and 2nd centuries, diplomas for praetorian soldiers became very frequent in the 3rd century. There are 13 new diplomas published here from the decades between Septimius Severus and Philippus Arabs; 16 diplomas from the time of Severus Aexander are excluded, which are published elsewhere. There are five diplomas of Septimius Severus, one of Caracalla, two each of Maximinus Thrax and Philippus Arabs; for three diplomas, the emperor cannot be determined. On the outside of a diploma the text for a praetorian is engraved, and on the inside, for the soldiers of one of the Italian fleets.
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Mehmet Ali, KAYA. "Roma İmparatoru Septimius Severus Döneminde Anadolu----Anatolia in the Period of Roman Emperor Septimius Severus." Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 25, no. 39 (2006): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/tarar_0000000216.

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Chrysanthou, Chrysanthos S. "Herodian's Septimius Severus: Literary Portrait and Historiography." Classica et Mediaevalia 70 (January 13, 2022): 181–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.130263.

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 In this article I offer a comprehensive examination of Herodian’s narrative of the emperor Septimius Severus, with a focus on his literary programme and historical methodology. First, I corroborate the view of recent scholarship as regards Herodian’s complex characterization of Septimius Severus by offering new insights into Herodian’s technique of progressively shaping the emperor’s portrait with great richness and complexity. Second, I show that Herodian goes to some trouble to rework his source material, mainly Cassius Dio’s History, in order to favour a more positive reading of Severus, which best suits his themes and interests. Third, I argue that Herodian constantly employs intratextuality in order to develop substantial structural, thematic, and verbal associations and comparisons between Severus and other historical agents and thus draw the reader to perceive his history in a dovetailed and comparative manner. Thus, I propose that Herodian’s portrait of Severus is his own innovation, and that it should be tailored to his overall narrative method of providing a cohesive, unified, and intelligible re-configuration of the fragmented and chaotic post-Marcus world. I show that Severus’ portrait has been shaped by Herodian’s universalising view of imperial history, and that it is used to provide a sense of continuation and repetition among separate reigns by establishing thematic oppositions (mainly between activity and cowardice, and between tyrannical and enlightened behaviour), which recur as a unifying factor for his work as a whole.
 
 
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Arch of Septimius Severus"

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Friedl, Raimund. "Der Konkubinat im kaizerzeitlichen Rom : von Augustus bis Septimius Severus /." Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376196441.

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Mattern, Torsten. "Gesims und Ornament : zur stadtrömischen Architektur von der Republik bis Septimius Severus /." Münster : Scriptorium, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41304240w.

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Matthies, Sandra. "Die Ikonographie alexandrinischer Münzbilder in der Epoche der severischen Kaiser (193-235 n. Chr.)." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18062.

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Das römische Ägypten am Ende des zweiten und zu Beginn des dritten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderts ist eine sehr abwechslungsreiche Zeit. Doch in wieweit lassen sich historische Begebenheiten auch auf den Prägungen des Nillandes nachweisen? Die alexandrinischen Münzen sind eine Besonderheit der kaiserlichen Domäne Ägypten, schon weil sie aufgrund ihrer Materialzusammensetzung einen geringeren Wert haben und ausschließlich für den Umlauf in dieser bestimmt sind. In einem Typenkatalog sind zunächst mehr als siebentausend alexandrinische Münzen aus öffentlichen wie auch privaten Sammlungen, aber auch aus dem Münzhandel erfasst worden, um angemessene Informationen zu den severischen Prägungen zu erhalten. Dieser ermöglicht nun einen ersten Gesamtüberblick über die Münzprägung der severischen Zeit, die ebenso abwechslungsreich ist wie die Epoche selbst. Der Hauptfokus liegt dabei auf den ikonographischen Aspekten der Münzrückseiten, wobei geldgeschichtliche Entwicklungen eine ebenso große Rolle spielen, um einen Gesamteindruck vom Bildprogramm jedes einzelnen römischen Kaisers der severischen Dynastie zu bekommen. Einen Ausblick auf die anschließende Zeit der Soldatenkaiser gibt ein Appendix, der die alexandrinischen Prägungen des Maximinus Thrax kurz umreißt.<br>The history of Egypt during the severan period is a time rich in variety. This epoch is examined on the local coins of the mint of Alexandria which are unique because they were assigned just for the circulation at the Nile. To get an overview about the severan coinage in Egypt more than 7000 alexandrian coins were recorded in different collections and ordered in a typology which should be the basis of the iconographical examimations to get a picture from the iconographic programm of each severan emperor. Following this is an appendix of the coinage of Maximinus Thrax to get a prospect to the following time.
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Pappelau, Christine [Verfasser], Hermann [Gutachter] Schlimme, and Hans-Rudolf [Gutachter] Meier. "Das Septizonium des Septimius Severus : Geschichte, Niederlegung, Transport und Wiederverwendung seiner Baumaterialien / Christine Pappelau ; Gutachter: Hermann Schlimme, Hans-Rudolf Meier." Berlin : Technische Universität Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1223537617/34.

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Campion-Lavigne, Julie. "L'empereur Antonin Caracalla." Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMR095.

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Né en 188 alors que son père était gouverneur de la Gaule Lyonnaise, Caracalla est un empereur de la dynastie sévérienne régnant entre 211 et 217. Fils aîné de Septime Sévère et de Julia Domna, L. Septimius Bassianus prend le nom de Marcus Aurelius Antoninus en hommage à l’empereur Marc Aurèle et est très tôt associé au pouvoir. Perçu par les sources littéraires anciennes comme un tyran et un soudard (Cassius Dion, Hérodien par exemple), ce porphyrogénète accomplit des réformes militaires, administratives et financières, telles que le fameux édit de Caracalla de 212. D’autres sources, épigraphiques, numismatiques et archéologiques, accordent à cet empereur une image souvent plus positive. L’objet de l’étude est de montrer l’existence de ruptures et de continuités entre Caracalla et la figure paternelle, entre sa politique et l’œuvre de son prédécesseur. Il s’agit également de se demander si le fait d’être porphyrogénète est un handicap ou un atout dans l’œuvre politique, religieuse, culturelle et économique d’Antonin Caracalla<br>Born in 188 when his father was governor of the Gaul Lyonnaise, Caracalla is an emperor of the Severe dynasty ruling between 211 and 217. Eldest son of Septimius Severe and Julia Domna, L. Septimius Bassianus takes the name of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus in tribute to the emperor Marc Aurele and is very early associated with power. Perceived by ancient literary sources such as a tyrant and a soldier (Cassius Dio, Herodian, for example), this purple-born carries out military, administrative and financial reforms, such as Caracalla's famous 212 edition. Other sources, epigraphic, numismatic and archaeological, give this emperor an often more positive image. The purpose of the study is to show the existence of breaks and continuities between Caracalla and the paternal figure, between his politics and the work of his predecessor. It is also a question of whether being a purple-born is a handicap or an asset in the political, religious, cultural and economic work of Antonin Caracalla
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Davis, Louise. "Continuatio et renovatio : l'idéologie impériale de Septimius Severus." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4315.

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Le règne de Septimius Severus (193-211 apr. J.-C.) se situa entre la période de béatitude des Antonins et la crise de l’Empire romain du IIIe siècle. Cet empereur fut acclamé Auguste par ses légions de la Pannonie Supérieure et il fut contraint de se battre pendant quatre ans afin de demeurer au pouvoir. En y incorporant son origine africaine, ces constats pourraient nous porter à voir dans le règne de Severus les prémices de l’évolution entre le Principat et le Dominat, qui se seraient manifestées entre autres à travers son idéologie impériale. Ce mémoire de maîtrise illustre comment cet empereur adhéra à la tradition iconographique établie depuis le règne d’Auguste, et détermine également l’ampleur de ses innovations sur le plan idéologique. Ainsi, avec l’appui des sources iconographiques, épigraphiques et littéraires, nous nous efforçons à démontrer que l’idéologie de Severus. s’intègre dans une continuité évolutive de la perception du pouvoir impérial.<br>Septimius Severus reigned from 193 to 211 A.D., between the Golden Age of the Antonine dynasty and the third century crisis of the Roman Empire. He was saluted emperor by his legions of Upper Pannonia but was compelled to fight two civil wars to retain power. From this, and his African origin, it could be interpreted that the imperial rule of Severus was the genesis of the evolution from the Principate to the Dominate, expressed through his imperial ideology. This Master’s thesis examines how an emperor of African origin adhered to the iconographic traditions inaugurated under the reign of Augustus, and establishes the degree and nature of his ideological innovations. Founded on literary, epigraphic and iconographical sources, this research will demonstrate that the ideology of Severus was part of the continued evolution of the Romans’ perception of imperial power.
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Gorrie, Charmaine Lynn. "The building programme of Septimius Severus in the city of Rome." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/6612.

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During his reign from 193-211, Septimius Severus was responsible for a significant building programme in the city of Rome. This involved both new buildings and the restoration of existing structures. Previous scholarship, however, has tended to consider specific buildings of the period in isolation instead of analysing Severus' building programme as a whole. The purpose of the present study is to redress this by examining the overall programme in the historical context of Severus' reign through archaeological investigations, studies of art and architectural history, epigraphy, numismatics, and the literary record. A framework for the motivation behind Severus' building programme may be established by relating the types of buildings constructed anew or restored to what is known of his reign through other sources. Severus wished to portray himself as the rightful heir of the Antonines who had been chosen by divine providence to establish a renewed period of peace and prosperity. Through his building activity he exploited important institutions to underline this position and to legitimize his rule. By his concern for the physical fabric of the capital he at the same time reinforced the message that he had restored the prestige of the Empire. The importance attached to this restoration is attested by the numerous inscriptions placed throughout the city on the restored buildings and other structures proudly announcing the attentions of the new emperor. Much of the Severan enhancement and restoration seems to have been geared toward the celebration of the Secular Games in the capital, an event that heralded a new age of renewal and restoration. Severus' intention of establishing a new dynasty was also implicit in the creation of an architectural presence within the heritage of the imperial city. The use of a building programme within the capital to reinforce the policies of the emperor originated with the first emperor, Augustus. While not on the same scale as the Augustan redevelopment of the city, Severus' building activity followed this imperial tradition with a deliberate and concerted building programme that reflected his propagandistic aims.
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Meißner, Nike [Verfasser]. "Studien zu verkleinerten rundplastischen Kaiserporträts von Augustus bis Septimius Severus / Nike Meißner." 2004. http://d-nb.info/975876112/34.

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Herz, Zach Robert. "Playing the Judge: Law and Imperial Messaging in Severan Rome." Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8MD0GMM.

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This dissertation analyzes the interplay between imperial messaging or self-representation and legal activity in the Roman Empire under the Severan dynasty. I discuss the unusual historical circumstances of Septimius Severus’ rise to power and the legitimacy crises faced by him and his successors, as well as those same emperors’ control of an increasingly complex legal bureaucracy and legislative apparatus. I describe how each of the four Severan rulers—Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Elagabalus, and Severus Alexander—employed different approaches to imperial legislation and adjudication in accordance with their idiosyncratic self-presentation and messaging styles, as well as how other actors within Roman legal culture responded to Severan political dynamics in their own work. In particular, this dissertation is concerned with a particularly—and increasingly—urgent problem in Roman elite political culture; the tension between theories of imperial power that centered upon rulers’ charismatic gifts or personal fitness to rule, and a more institutional, bureaucratized vision that placed the emperor at the center of broader networks of administrative control. While these two ideas of the Principate had always coexisted, the Severan period posed new challenges as innovations in imperial succession (such as more open military selection of emperors) called earlier legitimation strategies into question. I posit that Roman law, with its stated tendency towards regularized, impersonal processes, was a language in which the Severan state could more easily portray itself as a bureaucratic institution that might merit deference without a given leader being personally fit to rule. This dissertation begins by discussing the representational strategy of Septimius Severus, who deployed traditional imperial messaging tropes in strikingly legalistic forms. I then explore how this model of law as a venue for or language of state communication might explain otherwise idiosyncratic features of the constitutio Antoniniana, an edict promulgated by Septimius Severus’ son Caracalla that granted citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Empire. I next discuss two unusual features of the corpus of rescripts issued by Severus Alexander, the last Severan emperor: specifically, the relabeling of rescripts issued by Elagabalus, Alexander’s cousin and predecessor, as products of Alexander’s reign; and the idiosyncratic frequency with which rescripts issued under Alexander’s authority cite prior imperial (and particularly Severan) precedent. Finally, I discuss how jurists responded to Severan (and particularly late Severan) political and legal culture: late Severan jurists are particularly inclined to justify their legal decisionmaking in terms of the desirable consequences of a given decision’s universal promulgation, and similarly likely to justify their opinions by citing to an impersonal ‘imperial authority’ rather than to named figures. I argue that these changes reflect both state and scholarly attempts to wrestle with increasingly unstable imperial selection processes, and to articulate a vision of Roman governance that might function in the new world of the third century C.E.
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Books on the topic "Arch of Septimius Severus"

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Spielvogel, Jörg. Septimius Severus. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2006.

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Hassebrauk, Gustav. Kaiser Septimius Severus. Druck von J.H. Stocks Buchdruckerei, 1991.

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Birley, Anthony Richard. The African emperor: Septimius Severus. B.T. Batsford, 1988.

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Birley, Anthony Richard. Septimius Severus: The African emperor. Routledge, 1999.

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Zahrān, Yāsamīn. Septimius Severus: Countdown to death. Stacey International, 2000.

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Septimius Severus: The African emperor. Yale University Press, 1989.

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Septimius Severus et senatores: Septimius Severus' personal policy towards senators in the light of prosopographic research (193-211 A.D.). Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego, 2012.

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The Governors of Roman Syria from Augustus to Septimius Severus. R. Habelt, 1998.

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Der Konkubinat im kaiserzeitlichen Rom: Von Augustus bis Septimius Severus. F. Steiner, 1996.

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Erik, Christiansen. The Roman coins of Alexandria: Quantitative studies : Nero, Trajan, Septimius Severus. Aarhus University Press, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Arch of Septimius Severus"

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Lloyd, Maria. "The Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman Forum: a Re-Consideration." In The Roman Empire during the Severan Dynasty, edited by T. Corey Brennan and Eric C. De Sena. Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463214340-022.

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Afonso, Lúcia. "Baetican Oil and Septimius Severus." In The Roman Empire during the Severan Dynasty, edited by T. Corey Brennan and Eric C. De Sena. Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463214340-016.

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Gradoni, Mark K. "The Parthian Campaigns of Septimius Severus: Causes, and Roles in Dynastic Legitimation." In The Roman Empire during the Severan Dynasty, edited by T. Corey Brennan and Eric C. De Sena. Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463214340-003.

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De Albentiis, Emidio. "The Cartographic Representation of Rome at the Time of Imperial Rome and Its Contemporary Implications: The Forma Urbis Romae of the Emperor Septimius Severus." In Lecture Notes in Civil Engineering. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59743-6_16.

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"38. Arch of Septimius Severus, Rome." In Rome and its Empire, AD 193-284. Edinburgh University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748629923-052.

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"SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS." In Britannia Romana. Oxbow Books, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh1dvdr.12.

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"JULIA DOMNA." In Septimius Severus. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203028599-10.

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"THE CONSPIRATORS." In Septimius Severus. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203028599-11.

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"THE YEAR 193." In Septimius Severus. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203028599-12.

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"THE WAR AGAINST NIGER." In Septimius Severus. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203028599-13.

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Conference papers on the topic "Arch of Septimius Severus"

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BRARA, AHMED, and NAIMAT OULOUM. "Deterioration patterns of building limestone in the Septimius Severus family Temple in the Romain ruins of Djemila Algeria." In Fourth International Conference on Advances in Civil, Structural and Environmental Engineering - ACSEE 2016. Institute of Research Engineers and Doctors, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15224/978-1-63248-114-6-74.

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