Journal articles: 'Archaic and classical Art'

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Mertens, Joan R., and Cedric G. Boulter. "Greek Art: Archaic into Classical." American Journal of Archaeology 90, no. 2 (April 1986): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505438.

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Lissarrague, Francois, and Judith M. Barringer. "Divine Escorts: Nereids in Archaic and Classical Greek Art." American Journal of Archaeology 100, no. 2 (April 1996): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506917.

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Roccos, Linda Jones, and Judith M. Barringer. "Divine Escorts: Nereids in Archaic and Classical Greek Art." Classical World 91, no. 4 (1998): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352085.

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Moignard, E. "Note. Divine escorts. Nereids in archaic and classical Greek art. J M Barringer." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 387–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.387.

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Oakley, John H., Karl Schefold, and Alan Griffiths. "Gods and Heroes in Late Archaic Greek Art." Classical World 88, no. 3 (1995): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351716.

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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 65, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000190.

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This is a particularly rich crop of books on Greek history. I commence with two important volumes on citizenship in archaic and classical Greece. Traditional narratives of Greek citizenship are based on three assumptions: that citizenship is a legal status primarily linked to political rights; that there was a trajectory from the primitive forms of archaic citizenship to the developed and institutionalized classical citizenship; and that the history of citizenship is closely linked to a wider Whig narrative of movement from the aristocratic politics of archaic Greece to classical Athenian democracy.

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Nováková, Mgr PhD Lucia, and Mgr Monika Pagáčová. "Dexiosis: a meaningful gesture of the Classical antiquity." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.213.

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Dexiosis is a modern term referring to the handshaking motif appearing in ancient Greek art, which had specific meaning and symbolism. Though it was a characteristic iconographic element of the Classical antiquity, its roots can be traced back to the Archaic period. Dexiosis was not merely a compositional element connecting two people, but carried a deeper meaning. Most often, the motif was associated with funerary art of the Classical Athens. On funerary monuments the deceased were depicted in the circle of their families, which reflected the ideals of contemporary society. Particularly notable is the contrast between the public character of the funerary monument and the private nature of the depiction. Its meaning should be perceived in terms of both the intimate gesture expressing emotions and the formal presentation of the family. Dexiosis emphasized a permanent bond as the fundamental element of the family in particular, and society in general. At the same time, it was associated with the theme of farewell. The gesture was performed by two people in a dialogical composition, which clearly showed their mutual relationship and the figures were depicted in various compositions regardless of their gender or age. The motif was also used in the Hellenistic and the Roman art.

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Markoe, Glenn E. "The "Lion Attack" in Archaic Greek Art: Heroic Triumph." Classical Antiquity 8, no. 1 (April 1, 1989): 86–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010897.

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Hafner, Markus. "Guy Hedreen: The Image of the Artist in Archaic and Classical Greece. Art, Poetry, and Subjectivity." Gnomon 89, no. 7 (2017): 585–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2017-7-585.

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D'Agostino, Bruno. "Image and Society in Archaic Etruria." Journal of Roman Studies 79 (November 1989): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301176.

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There are no direct visual representations of the city in Etruscan art, any more than there are in Attic art. Indeed the civic aspect of the Etruscan world is in general particularly elusive; even in inscriptions, references to political and social structures are rare and brief. In the case of Athens, the study of the imagery of Attic vase-painting as a unified and structured system of representations has revealed hitherto unsuspected significations. It is true that the basic places and occasions of social, institutional, political and religious life are not themselves portrayed; yet the social categories and essential functions of the city are displayed, through the medium of a kind of anthropological description.

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Osborne, Robin. "Pots, trade and the archaic Greek economy." Antiquity 70, no. 267 (March 1996): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00082867.

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Fine painted pottery is the archaeological trade-mark of the Greek presence overseas. Since other materials of exchange in the Classical world — soft things like grain, oil and slaves — are less archaeologically visible, a fresh look at issues in the archaic Greek economy revolves once more around patterns in the ceramics.

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Novakova, Mgr Lucia, and Dr Sc Lukas Gucik. "Powerful figures and images: Contribution to Personification of Polis in Hellenistic Art." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i2.49.

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Anthropomorphic symbol in the visual art was an integral part of ancient Greek culture since beginning. Personification of Hellenistic polis, understood as broad and diverse social, geographic and political phenomenon, can be approached by an analysis of archaeological and written sources. Define polis in miscellaneous Hellenistic society is a complex task, especially when socio-historical context is not directly reflected by individual archaeological finds and detailed historical data. Certain changes within political sphere appeared and status of city-states varied. An effort to restore political sovereignty did not expire entirely, therefore personification of poleis from previous period remained in some cases almost unchanged. Personification of political units in Classical art might be similar, distinct or completely different from Hellenistic depictions. Personification of polis in Classical period reflected not only patriotic stance and civil affiliation, but also the legitimacy of state independence. In this aspect, a connection with art of following period may be seen: reshaping of political propaganda was performed during Hellenistic age. Legitimity of state power and expressive means of fine arts were closely related since Archaic period, which occured later in various forms.

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Stewart, Peter. "(R.) Osborne Archaic and Classical Greek Art. Oxford UP, 1998. Pp. viii + 270. £30 (£9.99 pb.). 0192842641 (0192842021 pb.)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 120 (November 2000): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632540.

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Oakley, John H., and Thomas H. Carpenter. "Dionysian Imagery in Archaic Greek Art: Its Development in Black-Figure Vase Painting." Classical World 81, no. 1 (1987): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350141.

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Hallett, C. H. "The origins of the classical style in sculpture." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629643.

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The first part of this paper briefly reviews current theories as to the origins of the Classical style, and proposes an alternative approach. The second part, making use of some rather neglected pieces of literary evidence, attempts to reconstruct the circumstances in which this distinctive sculptural style was created, and presents it in a new light: as the ingenious solution to a specific artistic problem which confronted fifth-century Greek sculptors as a result of their final rejection of archaic stylization.

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Stafford, Emma. "Visualizing Creation in Ancient Greece." Religion and the Arts 13, no. 4 (2009): 419–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/107992609x12524941449886.

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AbstractThere is very little direct representation of acts of creation in Greek art. This paper examines the visual potential of the extended creation narrative first related by Hesiod, focusing on the handful of episodes which are to be found in the visual arts—the births of Aphrodite and Athene, Zeus's slaying of Typhon and the Gigantomachy—while attempting to account for their selection. It also considers the remarkable lack of an authoritative account of the creation of mankind in the archaic and classical periods, and the relatively late development of Prometheus's role as man's creator, which contrasts with the much earlier establishment of traditions concerning local “first men” and the creation of the first woman, Pandora.

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Bulycheva, Elena I. "Sergey Timofeyevich Konenkov’s Mythopoetics." Observatory of Culture 18, no. 1 (May 24, 2021): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2021-18-1-55-65.

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The article deals with the features of mythopoetic models in S.T. Konenkov’s sculpture. Despite the fact that monographs, albums, dozens of articles are devoted to the maestro’s works and they are quite well studied, the nature of the mythologism of S.T. Konenkov’s artistic thinking has not been fully revealed. In the ideological context of Soviet art studies, which were based on the methodology of the “social history of art”, only the fact of the sculptor’s deep interest in archaic folk traditions was noted, while this topic can be considered as a natural manifestation of the myth-making process characteristic of the art of the 20th century as a whole. Using the example of S.T. Konenkov’s works, the article attempts to retrace the formation specifics of the “non-classical artistic language” of mythopoetics in the Russian land, which consisted in the fact that, unlike Western European artists who would immerse in the exotic world of archaic art of non-European origin (primarily Africa), Russian masters were fascinated by their home antiquity. When considering the mythological structures that served as the basis for the mythopoetic models of S.T. Konenkov’s sculptural projects, three basic groups can be conditionally distinguished: a direct appeal to ancient mythology, pagan Slavic reminiscences, and a mythological interpretation of a freshly created new world. It is thanks to myth-making that the characters of S.T. Konenkov’s sculptural compositions, despite all the heterogeneity of specific subjects, belong to the integrity of a single cosmos created by the mythopoetic consciousness of the maestro. At the same time, the common mythological foundations of the Russian sculpture development in that period determine the commonality of the mythopoetic models, characteristic not only of S.T. Konenkov’s works. In many ways, they are also quite clearly manifested in the works of S.D. Erzia, A.S. Golubkina, and others.

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Slawisch, Anja. "FIGURES IN MOTION: AN IONIAN PERSPECTIVE ON THE SEVERE STYLE." Annual of the British School at Athens 114 (June 7, 2019): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245419000029.

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A re-examination of three marble sculpture fragments from Miletos and their dating provides the catalyst for a revised approach to the source of the Severe Style both in chronological and geographical terms. A number of evidential threads are assembled to demonstrate the likelihood that the Severe Style has its origins in an earlier artistic milieu than usually assumed, i.e. before 494bc, with Ionian workshops playing an equal if not leading role to Attic ones in its creation. It is argued that the Severe Style should not be considered an Athenian artistic response to the trauma of the Persian Wars, produced in a thunderbolt of inspiration around 480bc. Instead the mechanisms of innovation for classical art should be sought elsewhere, with the shift from Archaic and Classical styles better conceived as a slower process with no epochal thresholds and the Severe Style's association with Athens a result of the city's subsequent successful cultural propaganda.

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Ruoppa, Raine. "John Dewey’s Theory of Aesthetic Experience: Bridging the Gap Between Arts and Sciences." Open Philosophy 2, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opphil-2019-0007.

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AbstractJohn Dewey’s philosophical pragmatism offers a reformatory approach to the arduous relationship between natural sciences and humanities. The crucial issue, which Dewey sets himself to resolve, is the pre-Darwinian influence of classical philosophy upon various scholarly practices. Ancient background assumptions still today permeate a considerable proportion of academic research and argumentation on both sides of the debate. Even evolutionary accounts appear to be affected. In order to avoid the often implicit, but nonetheless problematic, consequences that ensue from such archaic premises, I examine Dewey’s reappraisal of the concepts of art, science and knowledge. An analysis of these key concepts renders it possible to understand the proper function of aesthetic experience. In this paper, natural constitution of an aesthetic experience, which carries one of the intrinsic relations between art and science, comprises the core of the proposed solution. Furthermore, establishment of an integral aesthetic connection forms a fruitful basis for further bridging of the gap between hard sciences and humanities.

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Miller, M. C. "The parasol: an oriental status-symbol in late archaic and classical Athens." Journal of Hellenic Studies 112 (November 1992): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632154.

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The parasol, whatever the conditions of use, ultimately functions as a social symbol as it satisfies no utilitarian need. The operative mechanism of that symbol varies from culture to culture but the parasol is polysemous even at its least complicated, when held by the person to be protected without allusion to foreign social systems and in the context of single-sex usage. For example, as an implement of fashionable feminine attire of over a century ago, the parasol signified the maintenance of a standard of beauty that precluded extended activities out of doors and the delicate constitution of the lady thus protected, both with further implications of ‘good breeding’ and economic inutility; and the wasteful employment of items that must be changed with the costume and discarded before unserviceable to suit the dictates of fashion. Both facets—termed ‘conspicuous leisure’ and ‘conspicuous consumption’ by Veblen—conjointly served to advertise the wealth of the individual man on the basis of whose property such extravagance and non-productive practice could be sustained.

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Hedreen, Guy. "Image, Text, and Story in the Recovery of Helen." Classical Antiquity 15, no. 1 (April 1, 1996): 152–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011034.

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Ancient Greek visual representations of the recovery of Helen by Menelaos are generally thought to depend closely on two distinct poetic sources. This paper argues that this belief is untenable. The principal theoretical assumption underlying it, that there will always be a close fit between ancient Greek poetic and artistic representations of a given story, is not the only conceivable relationship between poetry and art in Archaic and Early Classical Greece. The empirical evidence advanced to support the belief, the occurrence of similar motifs in both the poetic sources and the visual representations, is strained: scholars have read into the pictures motifs or intentions, including nudity and seduction, that are known from literature but have not been given unambiguous visual form in the pictures. This paper argues that the relationship between the artistic and literary representations of the recovery of Helen is much more distant and less direct than most scholars have thought. The same general story underlies all the pictorial representations of the subject in the Archaic and Early Classical periods, but no specific poetic source was necessarily behind the story circulating among the artists. This study draws attention, in particular, to methods of storytelling that are unique to the visual arts. It addresses in detail one of the most striking and problematic aspects of the iconography of the recovery of Helen, the variety of physical settings of the event, and argues that the pictorial elements of setting provide important narrative information that verbal narratives would convey in a different way.

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Tatla, Helen. "Classical architecture in the scope of Kantian aesthetics: Between Lyotard and Rancière." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 11, no. 3 (2019): 487–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj1903487t.

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Classical architecture's inherent potentiality to constitute the principal architectural expression of western culture since Greek antiquity is due to its dual character: although it comes out from the primordial unity of things expressed by myth and religion in archaic times, it acquires its form of completion in the fifth c. BC, as a symbol of democracy and a harmonic articulation of the world on the ground of philosophical thinking. By placing the avant-guard art in the sphere of the Kantian sublime, Jean-Francois Lyotard focuses on the impossibility of an absolute relation between reason and perception or between thinking and image, in modernity. He considers that in cases where this happens, it gives birth to political monsters. He connects postmodern expressions of classicism in architecture with Freud's "Interpretation of Dreams" and the Kantian beautiful. Jacques Ranciere's approach to a Kantian in basis aesthetic consideration of modernity is opposite to that proposed by Lyotard. Instead of the sublime, Ranciere relates the beautiful with the rupture between thinking and perception . In this respect, fragments of the past can stimulate a creative procedure in the present. This investigation aims to contribute to the dialogue for a renovated approach to the role of classicism in architecture today.

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Estrin, Seth. "Cold Comfort: Empathy and Memory in an Archaic Funerary Monument from Akraiphia." Classical Antiquity 35, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2016.35.2.189.

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Focusing on a single funerary monument of the late archaic period, this paper shows how such a monument could be used by a bereaved individual to externalize and communalize the cognitive, perceptual, and emotional effects of loss. Through a close examination of the monument’s sculpted relief and inscribed epigram, I identify a structural framework underlying both that is built around a disjunction between perception and cognition embedded in the self-identified function of the monument as a mnema or memory-object. Through the analysis of other epigrams and literary passages, this disjunctive framework is shown to be derived, in turn, from broader conceptualizations in archaic Greece about how both mental images, including memories, and works of art allowed continued visual, but not cognitive-affective, access to the deceased. From this perspective, the monument’s relief opens up to us the experience of the bereaved individual who is only able to connect with the deceased through a remembered mental image.

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Osborne, R. G. "DEATH REVISITED; DEATH REVISED. THE DEATH OF THE ARTIST IN ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL GREECE." Art History 11, no. 1 (March 1988): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.1988.tb00279.x.

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VOLKOV, YURI. "PRINCIPLE OF BEAUTY IN SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE: SOCIOCULTURAL VERSION OF THE GNOSEOLOGICAL APPROACH." Studia Humanitatis 18, no. 1 (June 2021): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j12.art.2021.3703.

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The article addresses the problem of the genesis of the beauty principle in scientific cognition from the standpoint of the gnoseological approach supplemented by some conceptual generalizations from the fields of social epistemology and sociology of thinking. The relevance of this approach is due to the critical attitude to gnoseology as a general theory and methodology of science on the part of non-classical epistemology, the history of science and scientific theories of the middle range. An external factor that actualizes the current internal scientific situation is the prolongation of integration processes typical for postmodern culture associated with the search for points of contact between science and art. The article shows that despite the addition of the principle of beauty to the heuristic tools of modern exemplary science, there is an unresolved problem of the genetic relationship between aesthetics and science. This connection was best demonstrated in detail by the example of the similarity and difference between mathematics and music initiated in antique culture and reflecting the love of symmetry and harmony inherent in the Greek worldview. On the other hand, the differences in the perception of works of science and art which are obvious to ordinary consciousness required ancient thinkers to introduce concepts and principles that synthesize different aspects of the manifestations of the useful, true, and beautiful. In this connection, the binary mythopoetic cosmos-chaos opposition, which is found in its direct form in archaic and natural-philosophical cosmologies, is proposed as the historically first form that integrates the complex and contradictory content of the beauty principle. The results of the study lead to the conclusion that only natural philosophical models of the cosmos make a fundamental distinction between the “chaos” of opinions about phenomena and the “cosmos” of the true knowledge about their speculative entities. It is this worldview scheme of a single, conceptually ordered, and therefore truly beautiful world that served as an ideal model for classical European science.

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Meister, Felix J. "Plutarch and the Spartan wedding ceremony." Journal of Hellenic Studies 140 (November 2020): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426920000105.

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Abstract:This article reviews the historical accuracy of the account of the Spartan wedding ceremony in Plutarch’s Vita Lycurgi. It surveys the texts that are usually quoted in support of Plutarch’s account and argues that none offers a relevant parallel. It also suggests a different kind of wedding ceremony for Archaic and Classical Sparta.

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Pedrucci, Giulia. "Sangue mestruale e latte materno: riflessioni e nuove proposte. Intorno all’allattamento nella Grecia antica." Gesnerus 70, no. 2 (November 11, 2013): 260–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-07002004.

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Within a larger study on breast-feeding in ancient Greece, we dwelt on four subjects (the superstitions concerning menstrual blood, milk and dairy products consumption by the Athenians, different kinds of milk and beliefs related to the transmission of hereditary characteristics through human milk, the connection between milk, breast and madness) on which we have identified a certain number of neglected sources. Starting from these, we can gain not only some mosaic tiles of the overall fragmentary view on habits and beliefs about breast-feeding, but also, more generally, helpful hints on some aspects of the Greek world and mentality that we barely know. In attempting to reach some general conclusions, we have also considered the iconographic sources, trying to explain, in part at least, the reason for the almost complete absence of scenes of breast-feeding in the archaic and classical art.

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Fearn, David. "Oligarchic Hestia: Bacchylides 14B and Pindar,Nemean11." Journal of Hellenic Studies 129 (November 2009): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900002937.

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Abstract:This article uses recent findings about the diversity of political organization in Archaic and Classical Greece beyond Athens, and methodological considerations about the role of civic Hestia in oligarchic communities, to add sharpness to current work on the political contextualization of Classical enkomiastic poetry. The two works considered here remind us of the epichoric political significance of such poetry, because of their attunement to two divergent oligarchic contexts. They thus help to get us back to specific fifth-century political as well as culturalRealien.

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Isaakidou, Valasia, Paul Halstead, Jack Davis, and Sharon Stocker. "Burnt animal sacrifice at the Mycenaean ‘Palace of Nestor’, Pylos." Antiquity 76, no. 291 (March 2002): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00089833.

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The burnt sacrifice of bare (defleshed) bones, described in Homer's Odyssey and well documented from Archaic and Classical Greece, is now clearly attested by burnt faunal remains from the ‘Palace of Nestor’ at Mycenaean Pylos. This evidance is of great importance for understanding both the historical role of sacrifice in Greek religion and the significance of fensting in Mycenaean palatial society.

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Scaife, Ross. "The "Kypria" and Its Early Reception." Classical Antiquity 14, no. 1 (April 1, 1995): 164–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25000145.

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This article analyses the remains of the seventh-century epic known as the "Kypria" from literary as well as iconographical perspectives. The literary study of the "Kypria" includes a provisional reconstruction followed by a defense of the poem against many critics, beginning with Aristotle, who have found it tediously linear and unsophisticated. The "Kypria" apparently made artful use of catalogues, flashbacks, digressions, and predictions as traditional sources of epic poikilia. The second part of this study examines several (but not all) instances in which the "Kypria" influenced representational art of Archaic Greece. Study of the iconographical tradition often yields details which may be retrojected into the poem, albeit with varying degrees of certitude. The influence of the "Kypria" on the iconography of Greek art, especially pronounced considering the greater overall prestige of the Iliad and the Odyssey, is explained on the basis of the themes and purposes of the cyclic poem. First, the "Kypria" was so often translated into the visual medium because of the high number of potentially interesting subjects which it offered to artists. Second, Proklos commented that the poems of the epic cycle were later preserved less for their literary quality than for the concatenation of epic events which they preserved. In choosing to transfer this poetic tradition to their own media, archaic artists simultaneously evoked the powerful causality of the poem and, more importantly, alluded to the larger story of the Trojan War.

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Steinhart, Matthias, and William J. Slater. "Phineus as monoposiast." Journal of Hellenic Studies 117 (November 1997): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632561.

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The name vase of the Phineus painter in Würzburg is the largest of all known Chalcidian cups. Dated c. 530, it is also one of the most important narrative works of art of the sixth century (PLATE V). Accordingly, it is scarcely surprising that the vase itself has been often described and interpreted. If we offer now a further analysis, it is rather to exemplify and elaborate the judgment of Erika Simon that ‘the vase has the same charm as the fragments of archaic lyric’. In fact, we believe that the vase provides us with a closer and more interesting parallel to archaic lyric than has been realized, and at the same time allows us to perceive that the artist was deliberately attempting to provide us not just with a mythical history, but more specifically with an exemplum, a story from which we are required to make a deduction by analogy, or with an ainos, a story where the point is not explicitly stated, both well known features of archaic narrative.

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Passmore, Oliver. "PRESENT, FUTURE AND PAST IN THEHOMERIC HYMN TO APOLLO." Ramus 47, no. 2 (December 2018): 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2018.11.

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Within Classics, there is growing interest in the nature of reperformance, particularly in relation to archaic and classical Greek poetry and drama. Developing out of the now well-established ‘performative turn’ in studies of early Greek song, and gaining impetus from a series of publications focussing on the contextual specificity of archaic lyric and drama, those interested in reperformance ask what it means for a song or a play, composed for a specific occasion, to be reperformed in another time and (potentially) another place. While interest in reperformance is certainly not new, the debate is now increasingly taking place in dialogue with parallel studies of reperformance in other disciplines. Research in performance studies has articulated a paradox at the heart of reperformance: since aperformanceis imagined as a singular event that exists only in that moment, and in a specific context,reperformance is an attempt to repeat the unique. Theorists and practitioners have in turn explored this paradox in relation to the restagings and re-enactments of one-time events and performances, such as battle re-enactments, the reconstruction of ballet choreographies before the days of film and live performance art. These examples reveal the complex temporalities involved in reperforming notionally one-time events, as an attempt to capture the ephemeral and collapse the present and the past (as well as the there and the not-there) in the ‘syncopated time’ of the reperformance.

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Enegren, Hedvig Landenius. "Loom weights in Archaic South Italy and Sicily: Fice case studies." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 8 (November 2015): 123–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-08-06.

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Textiles are perishables in the archaeological record unless specific environmental conditions are met. Fortunately, the textile tools used in their manufacture can provide a wealth of information and via experimental archaeology make visible to an extent what has been lost. The article presents and discusses the results obtained in a research project focused on textile tool technologies and identities in the context of settler and indigenous peoples, at select archaeological sites in South Italy and Sicily in the Archaic and Early Classical periods, with an emphasis on loom weights. Despite a common functional tool technology, the examined loom weights reveal an intriguing inter-site specificity, which, it is argued, is the result of hybrid expressions embedded in local traditions. Experimental archaeology testing is applied in the interpretation of the functional qualities of this common artefact.

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Villing, Alexandra. "For whom did the bell toll in ancient Greece? Archaic and Classical Greek bells at Sparta and beyond." Annual of the British School at Athens 97 (November 2002): 223–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400017408.

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Bells of fairly small size were known across ancient Greece from the Archaic period onwards, both in bronze and terracotta. They are found in sanctuaries, graves and, more rarely, in houses, and served a variety of purposes, both practical and more abstract, in daily life and ritual, and in both male and female contexts. Archaeological, iconographical and literary sources attest to their use as votive offerings in ritual and funerary contexts, as signalling instruments for town-guards, as amulets for children and women as well as, in South Italy, in a Dionysiac context. A use as animal (notably horse) bells, however, was not widespread before the later Roman period. The bells' origins lie in the ancient Near East and Caucasian area, from where they found their way especially to Archaic Samos and Cyprus and later to mainland Greece. Here, the largest known find complex of bronze and terracotta bells, mostly of Classical date, comes from the old British excavations in the sanctuary of Athena on the Spartan acropolis and is published here for the first time. Spartan bells are distinctive in shape yet related particularly to other Lakonian and Boiotian bells as well as earlier bells from Samos. At Sparta, as elsewhere, the connotation of the bells' bronze sound as magical, protective, purificatory and apotropaic was central to their use, although specific functions varied according to place, time, and occasion.

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Morris, C. "Review. The Coroplastic Art of Ancient Cyprus: IV The Cypro-Archaic Period: Small Male Figurines." Classical Review 47, no. 2 (February 1, 1997): 387–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/47.2.387.

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Day, Joseph W. "Rituals in stone: early Greek grave epigrams and monuments." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632029.

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The goal of this paper is to increase our understanding of what archaic verse epitaphs meant to contemporary readers. Section I suggests their fundamental message was praise of the deceased, expressed in forms characteristic of poetic encomium in its broad, rhetorical sense, i.e., praise poetry. In section II, the conventions of encomium in the epitaphs are compared to the iconographic conventions of funerary art. I conclude that verse inscriptions and grave markers, not only communicate the same message of praise, but do so in a formally parallel manner. Section III, drawing on Pindar as a preserver of archaic thinking, attributes the parallelism between verse epitaph and grave marker to their common debt to funerary ritual. The epigrams will be seen to share with their monuments the goal of memorializing this ritual.

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Davies, Malcolm. "A convention of metamorphosis in Greek art." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629653.

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As part of his recent study of ‘Narration and allusion in Archaic Greek Art’, Professor A. M. Snodgrass has cause to treat of the famous Attic black-figure vase which depicts Circe handing a cup containing her sinister brew to one of Odysseus’ sailors. She is stirring it with her wand the while, and yet this sailor, and three companions besides, have already been transformed into various animals (or at least his head, and their heads and arms have been). Professor Snodgrass has no difficulty in explaining the apparent simultaneity of separate events here and elsewhere on this vase-painting as relating to what he calls the ‘synoptic’ technique of early Greek Art, that familiar device whereby several successive episodes in a narrative are presented together within the same picture. And he is inclined towards a similar line of explanation as regards the partial transformation of Odysseus’ ἑταῖροι: the artist ‘wished to express the passage of time by indicating a half-way stage in the transformation’.

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Connor, W. R. "Tribes, festivals and processions; civic ceremonial and political manipulation in archaic Greece." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630068.

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In recent years classicists and ancient historians have devoted renewed attention to the Archaic Age in Greece, the period from approximately the eighth century to the fifth century BC. Important articles, excavation reports and monographs, as well as books by Moses Finley, L. H. Jeffery, Oswyn Murray, Chester Starr and others, not to mention a recent volume of the Cambridge Ancient History, bear witness to the vigor of recent scholarship in this area. Among many of these treatments of the period, moreover, is evident an increasing recognition of the close connection between social and economic developments and the political life of the Greek cities of the period. At the same time that this renewed interest in the Archaic Age has become so prominent in classical studies, a group of scholars working in more modern periods has developed a fresh approach to the role of ritual and ceremonial in civic life, especially during the European Middle Ages and Renaissance. Deeply influenced by cultural anthropology, they have found in the often surprisingly rich documentation about festivals, processions, charivaris etc. important insights into the societies in which these activities took place. Classicists looking upon this movement may be inclined to undervalue its originality and perhaps its controversiality, pointing out that a serious interest in ancient festivals has long been prominent in classical scholarship and is well represented in recent books such as those by Mikalson, Parke and Simon and such older works as Martin Nilsson's frequently cited Cults, myths, oracles and politics in ancient Greece (Lund 1951). Yet there is a great difference both in method and in results between the traditional approaches to ceremonial represented in the study of ancient Greece and those being developed in more recent fields.

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Tanner, Jeremy. "Art and Archaeology - (O.) Palagia Ed.Greek Sculpture. Functions, Materials and Techniques in the Archaic and Classical Periods. Cambridge UP, 2006. Pp. xv + 326. £55. 9780521772679." Journal of Hellenic Studies 127 (November 2007): 222–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007542690000238x.

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Heuer, Keely. "Tenacious Tendrils: Replicating Nature in South Italian Vase Painting." Arts 8, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8020071.

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Elaborate floral tendrils are one of the most distinctive iconographic features of South Italian vase painting, the red-figure wares produced by Greek settlers in Magna Graecia and Sicily between ca. 440–300 B.C. They were a particular specialty of Apulian artisans and were later adopted by painters living in Paestum and Etruria. This lush vegetation is a stark contrast to the relatively meager interest of Archaic and Classical Athenian vase painters in mimetically depicting elements of the natural world. First appearing in the work of the Iliupersis Painter around 370 B.C., similar flowering vines appear in other contemporary media ranging from gold jewelry to pebble mosaics, perhaps influenced by the career of Pausias of Sicyon, who is credited in ancient sources with developing the art of flower painting. Through analysis of the types of flora depicted and the figures that inhabit these lush vegetal designs, this paper explores the blossoming tendrils on South Italian vases as an evocation of nature’s regenerative powers in the eschatological beliefs of peoples, Greek and Italic alike, occupying southern Italy.

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Nooter, Sarah. "The War-Trumpet and the Sound of Domination in Ancient Greek Thought." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 7, no. 2 (August 20, 2019): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341348.

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Abstract In this piece, I contend that the war-trumpet (salpinx) was understood in ancient Greek literature as connected to the divine and invincible. I show how this understanding arose from a focus on the sound of the war-trumpet, accompanied by silence around the physical act of playing it, inasmuch as this act, in the parallel case of the aulos, reveals embodiment and vulnerability. In archaic and classical texts, ranging among Aristophanes, Thucydides, Homer, Aeschylus, Sophocles and Aristotle, we see that the sound of the salpinx is both infallible and capable of connoting the domination of Greek males in several fields: battles, courts of law, and the imagining of human and nonhuman ontology.

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Hesk, Jon. "(L.G.) Mitchell Panhellenism and the Barbarian in Archaic and Classical Greece. Swansea: The Classical Press of Wales, 2007. Pp. xxvi + 262. £45. 9781905125142." Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 214–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000327.

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Constantakopoulou, Christy. "Landscape and Hunting. The Economy of the Eschatia." Land 7, no. 3 (July 26, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land7030089.

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This paper explores the place of ancient Greek hunting within the Greek landscape and environment, with particular reference to the eschatia, the marginal, uncultivated (or marginally cultivated) land. It is part of a bigger project on the social history of hunting in archaic and classical Greece, where emphasis is placed on the economic and dietary contribution of hunting for Greek communities. Hunting has attracted scholarly attention, mostly as a result of the role that hunting narratives play in Greek mythology, and the importance of hunting scenes in Greek art. Rather than talking about the role of hunting in rites of passage, I would like to explore the relationships of different social classes to hunting (which is understood here to include all forms of capturing animals on land, including trapping and snaring). The ‘un-central’ landscape of the eschatia appears to be an important locus for hunting practices, and therefore, a productive landscape. Hunting in the eschatia was opportunistic, required minimum effort in terms of crossing distances, allowed access to game that could be profitable in the market, and made the transport of game easier to manage.

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Steiner, Deborah. "Framing the fox: Callimachus' secondIamband its predecessors." Journal of Hellenic Studies 130 (November 2010): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426910000765.

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AbstractThis article treats the figure of the fox that appears as one of the members of the embassy sent by the animals to Zeus in Callimachus' secondIamb. By exploring previous appearances of the fox in the poetic repertoire, I identify a series of Archaic and early Classical works that Callimachus uses by way of ‘intertexts’, and argue that the Hellenistic author draws on the animal's place within the interconnected iambic and fable traditions that inform his poem. Already visible in these earlier texts, and anticipating Callimachus, is a concern with literary as well as ethical polemics.

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Palagia, Olga. "A classical variant of the Corinth/Mocenigo goddess: Demeter/Kore or Athena?" Annual of the British School at Athens 84 (November 1989): 323–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021006.

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This paper examines the fragment of a life-size marble statue of a goddess in the storerooms of the Acropolis Museum (inv. no. 13641). Both technical and stylistic considerations show that it is an original work of the mid 5th century B.C., issuing from the artistic milieu of the Parthenon. The figure was dressed in a chiton under a himation pinned on the right shoulder (diplax), following a sub-Archaic fashion current throughout the 5th century and recurrent in Archaising works of later periods. This dress is familiar from Attic red-figure vase-paintings, where it is donned by a number of deities, mainly female but male too (Apollo and Dionysos) and mortal women on festive occasions.Apart from the Acropolis fragment, three statuary types in chiton and diplax are known from the 5th century: the Corinth/Mocenigo ‘Kore’, the Athena Albani and the Athena Hope/Farnese. The Acropolis fragment is compared to all three and found to be an independent creation, perhaps reflecting yet another large-scale prototype of the period. There follows a discussion of the iconographical type of all four figures and of the possibility that they are all Athenas, inspired by a version of the Athena Polias on the Acropolis.

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Bremmer, Jan N. "The agency of Greek and Roman statues. From Homer to Constantine." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 6 (November 2013): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-06-02.

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In the Archaic period the Greeks did not yet conceptualize the difference between a divinity and its statue. Therefore, stories that stressed the agency of statues separate from their divinities must have seemed less strange at that time than when the statues had become independent, so to speak, from their gods or goddesses. The latter started to happen in the transitional period to the Classical era when the well-known triad of divinities—heroes—mortals came into being, and philosophers began to criticize the worship of statues. All these changes together led to a development in which the agency of statues increasingly became noteworthy. After the 5th century BC we keep hearing about the agency of statues but we can also notice a growing critique of the worship of statues by different philosophical schools. In both Greece and Rome divine statues manifested themselves in particular during moments of crisis or of a decisive political character. In the Greek East the belief in the agency of statues lasted until the 3rd century AD, as Archaic statues represented a kind of cultural capital for the Greeks under Roman rule. Yet, in the end the continuing philosophical critique, which had been radicalized by the Christians, made the agency of statues intellectually unacceptable.

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Christesen, Paul. "THE TYPOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY OF SPARTAN BURIALS FROM THE PROTOGEOMETRIC TO THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: RETHINKING SPARTAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND THE OSTENSIBLE CESSATION OF ADULT INTRAMURAL BURIALS IN THE GREEK WORLD." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (November 2018): 307–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245418000096.

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This article makes use of recently published graves to offer the first synthetic analysis of the typology and topography of Spartan burials that is founded on archaeological evidence. Our knowledge of Spartan burial practices has long been based almost entirely on textual sources – excavations conducted in Sparta between 1906 and 1994 uncovered fewer than 20 pre-Roman graves. The absence of pre-Roman cemeteries led scholars to conclude that, as long as the Lycurgan customs were in effect, all burials in Sparta were intracommunal and that few tombs had been found because they had been destroyed by later building activity. Burial practices have, as a result, been seen as one of many ways in which Sparta was an outlier. The aforementioned recently published graves offer a different picture of Spartan burial practices. It is now clear that there was at least one extracommunal cemetery in the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. What would normally be described as extramural burials did, therefore, take place, but intracommunal burials of adults continued to be made in Sparta throughout the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. Those burials were concentrated along important roads and on the slopes of hills. The emergent understanding of Spartan burial practices takes on added significance when placed in a wider context. Burial practices in Sparta align closely with those found in Argos and Corinth. Indeed, burial practices in Sparta, rather than being exceptional, are notably similar to those of its most important Peloponnesian neighbours; a key issue is that in all three poleis intracommunal burials continued to take place through the Hellenistic period. The finding that adults were buried both extracommunally and intracommunally in Sparta, Argos and Corinth after the Geometric period calls into question the standard narrative of the development of Greek burial practices in the post-Mycenaean period.

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Nervegna, Sebastiana. "SOSITHEUS AND HIS ‘NEW’ SATYR PLAY." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (May 2019): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000569.

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Active in Alexandria during the second half of the third century, Dioscorides is the author of some forty epigrams preserved in the Anthologia Palatina. Five of these epigrams are concerned with Greek playwrights: three dramatists of the archaic and classical periods, Thespis, Aeschylus and Sophocles, and two contemporary ones, Sositheus and Machon. Dioscorides conceived four epigrams as two pairs (Thespis and Aeschylus, Sophocles and Sositheus) clearly marked by verbal connections, and celebrates each playwright for his original contribution to the history of Greek drama. Thespis boasts to have discovered tragedy; Aeschylus to have elevated it. The twin epigrams devoted to Sophocles and Sositheus present Sophocles as refining the satyrs and Sositheus as making them, once again, primitive. Finally, Machon is singled out for his comedies as ‘worthy remnants of ancient art (τέχνης … ἀρχαίης)’. Dioscorides’ miniature history of Greek drama, which is interesting both for its debts to the ancient tradition surrounding classical playwrights and for the light it sheds on contemporary drama, clearly smacks of archaizing sympathies. They drive Dioscorides’ selection of authors and his treatment of contemporary dramatists: both Sositheus and Machon are praised for consciously looking back to the masters of the past. My focus is on Sositheus and his ‘new’ satyr-play. After discussing the relationship that Dioscorides establishes between Sophocles’ and Sositheus’ satyrs, and reviewing scholarly interpretations of Sositheus’ innovations, I will argue that Dioscorides speaks the language of New Music. His epigram celebrates Sositheus as rejecting New Music and its trends, and as composing satyr plays that were musically old fashioned and therefore reactionary.

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Kearns, Emily. "(W.) Burkert Greek religion: archaic and classical. Trans. J. Raffan. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 1985. Pp. ix + 493. £32.50." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630115.

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Mylona, Dimitra, and Adam Boethius. "Animals in the sanctuary. Mammal and fish bones from Areas D and C at the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Kalaureia. With an appendix by Adam Boethius." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome, no. 12 (November 2019): 173–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-12-04.

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During the excavations at the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Kalaureia an extensive archaeo-environmental programme was implemented, resulting in the collection and analysis of a wide range of animal remains. This paper presents the mammal and fish remains in detail and offers interpretations which take into account the archaeology of the site, other types of finds, as well as the discourse on animals in cult. The material is examined in terms of chronological phases and of particular features within them in an attempt, common in all types of analysis within the Kalaureia Excavation Program, to link the material remains to human actions, placing emphasis on the materiality of cult. The degree of analysis and interpretation detail varies among different occupational phases of the sanctuary, because of the greatly uneven preservation and quantity of animal remains. In certain cases of disturbed deposits and poor preservation, such as the bones from the Archaic and Classical strata, the analysis is left open-ended and the interpretation is pending, in view of subsequent studies that will include contemporary material from other locations within the sanctuary. In other instances, however, where closed or well-defined deposits are available, detailed analysis of the zooarchaeological data was possible and meaningful.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Archaic and classical Art'

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