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1
Podmore, Colin. "Two Streams Mingling: The American Episcopal Church in the Anglican Communion." Journal of Anglican Studies 9, no. 1 (September 14, 2010): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355310000045.
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AbstractThis article identifies and compares two ecclesiological ‘streams’ that coalesced when the Anglican Communion was definitively formed in 1867: the traditional western catholic ecclesiology of England and Ireland and the more democratic, egalitarian ecclesiology of the American Episcopal Church. These streams had already mingled in George Augustus Selwyn’s constitution for the New Zealand Church. Incorporation of laypeople into the Church of England’s synods represented further convergence. Nonetheless, different understandings of the role of bishops in church government are still reflected in attitudes to the respective roles in the Communion’s affairs of bishops and primates on the one hand and the more recent Anglican Consultative Council on the other. Differences between the two streams were noticeable at the 1867 Lambeth Conference. The efforts of Archbishops Davidson and Fisher, rooted in the work of Selwyn, to hold together what Selwyn called ‘the two branches of our beloved Church’ are praised.
2
Beer, Barrett L. "Episcopacy and Reform in Mid-Tudor England." Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050604.
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In Tudor Prelates and Politics, Lacey Baldwin Smith wrote sympathetically of the dilemma faced by the conservative bishops who saw control over the Church of England slip from their grasp after the accession of Edward VI in 1547, but he gave less attention to the reforming bishops who worked to advance the Protestant cause. At the beginning of the new reign the episcopal bench, according to Smith's calculations, included twelve conservatives, seven reformers, and seven whose religious orientation could not be determined (see Table 1). The ranks of the conservatives were thinned as a consequence of the deprivation of Stephen Gardiner of Winchester, Edmund Bonner of London, Nicholas Heath of Worcester, George Day of Chichester, and Cuthbert Tunstall of Durham. On the other hand, eight new bishops were appointed between 1547 and 1553. These new men together with the Henrician reformers, of whom Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, was most important, had responsibility for leading the church during the period which saw the most extensive changes of the Reformation era. This essay examines the careers of the newly-appointed reforming bishops and attempts to assess their achievements and failures as they worked to create a reformed church in England.The first of the eight new bishops appointed during the reign of Edward VI was Nicholas Ridley, who was named Bishop of Rochester in 1547 and translated to London in 1550. In 1548 Robert Ferrar became Bishop of St. David's in Wales. No new episcopal appointments occurred in 1549, but during the following year John Ponet succeeded Ridley at Rochester while John Hooper took the see of Gloucester.
3
Nye, William. "The Church of England: Some Personal Reflections on Structure and Mission." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 23, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x21000053.
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I embark on this subject tentatively. With trepidation, because I am neither a missiologist nor an ecclesiologist. Nor did I know, when I agreed to the invitation which Mark Hill put so persuasively over a year ago, what would be happening in the Church in the autumn of 2020. Yet it is in many ways a good time to be having a discussion about mission and structure. As I am sure you know, there is work under way on both these questions within the House of Bishops and beyond. Archbishop Stephen Cottrell is leading some work on a vision and strategy for the Church of England for the 2020s. Bishop Nick Baines is leading a group looking at the governance of the national church institutions, in support of that work.
4
Bullivant, Stephen, and Giovanni Radhitio Putra Sadewo. "Power, Preferment, and Patronage: An Exploratory Study of Catholic Bishops and Social Networks." Religions 13, no. 9 (September 13, 2022): 851. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13090851.
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Social Network Analysis (SNA) has shed light on cultures where the influence of patronage, preferment, and reciprocal obligations are traditionally important. We argue here that episcopal appointments, culture, and governance within the Catholic Church are ideal topics for SNA interrogation. This paper presents preliminary findings, using original network data for the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of England and Wales and the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops. These show how a network-informed approach may help with the urgent task of understanding the ecclesiastical cultures in which sexual abuse occurs, and/or is enabled, ignored, and covered up. Particular reference is made to Theodore McCarrick, the former DC Archbishop recently “dismissed from the clerical state”, and Michael Bransfield, Bishop Emeritus of Wheeling-Charleston. Commentators naturally use terms such as “protégé”, “clique”, “network”, and “kingmaker” when discussing both the McCarrick and Bransfield affairs, and church politics more generally: precisely such folk-descriptions of social and political life that SNA is designed to quantify and explain.
5
Kisby, Fiona. "A mirror of monarchy: Music and musicians in the household chapel of the Lady Margaret Beaufort, mother of Henry VII." Early Music History 16 (October 1997): 203–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900001728.
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Ever since the publication of Frank Harrison's book Music in Medieval Britain in 1958, the study of the cultivation of liturgical music in late-medieval England has been based on the institutional structure of the Church: on the cathedrals, colleges and parish churches, and on the household chapels of the monarchy and higher nobility both spiritual and lay. In that and most subsequent studies, however, male figures have been seen to dominate the establishments under investigation. If art history (perhaps musicology's closest sister discipline) can be shown to have characterised the patronage of Renaissance art as a system dominated by ‘Big Men’, so too has musicology placed the development of English liturgical music in a culture shaped largely by noble male patrons – kings, princes, dukes, earls, archbishops, bishops and the like.
6
Hilbert, Michael. "The Ninth Colloquium of Anglican and Roman Catholic Canon Lawyers." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 10, no. 3 (August 12, 2008): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x08001476.
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The Ninth Colloquium of Anglican and Roman Catholic Canon Lawyers took place from 3 to 6 April 2008, at Bishop's House, Sliema, Malta, and the meeting was graciously hosted by the Anglican contingent. The ten participants (five Anglican and five Roman Catholic) were: on the Anglican side, Norman Doe (Chair), Bishop Paul Colton, Mark Hill, Anthony Jeremy (all from the Centre for Law and Religion at Cardiff Law School) and Stephen Slack (Director of Legal Services at the Archbishops' Council, Church of England); and, on the Roman Catholic side, James Conn, Michael Hilbert, Aidan McGrath (all from the Faculty of Canon Law at the Pontifical Gregorian University), Robert Ombres (Procurator General of the Dominicans) and Fintan Gavin.
7
Yeo, Geoffrey. "A Case Without Parallel: The Bishops of London and the Anglican Church Overseas, 1660–1748." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 3 (July 1993): 450–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014184.
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‘For a bishop to live at one end of the world, and his Church at the other, must make the office very uncomfortable to the bishop, and in a great measure useless to the people.’ This was the verdict of Thomas Sherlock, bishop of London from 1748 to 1761, on the provision which had been made by the Church of England for the care of its congregations overseas. No Anglican bishopric existed outside the British Isles, but a limited form of responsibility for the Church overseas was exercised by the see of London. In the time of Henry Compton, bishop from 1675 to 1713, Anglican churches in the American colonies, in India and in European countrieshad all sought guidance from the bishop of London. By the 1740s the European connection had been severed; the bishop still accepted some colonial responsibilities but the arrangement was seen as anomalous by churchmen on both sides of the Atlantic. A three-thousand-mile voyage separated the colonists from their bishop, and those wishing to seek ordination could not do so unless they were prepared to cross the ocean. Although the English Church claimed that the episcopate was an essential part of church order, no Anglican bishop had ever visited America, confirmation had never been administered, and no church building in the colonies had been validly consecrated. While a Roman Catholic bishopric was established in French Canada at an early date, the Anglican Church overseas had no resident bishops until the end of the eighteenth century. In the words of Archbishop Thomas Seeker, this was ‘a case which never had its parallel before in the Christian world’.
8
Kollar, Rene. "Bishops and Benedictines: The Case of Father Richard O'Halloran." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 3 (July 1987): 362–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900024969.
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Ecclesiastical rogues, misfits and outcasts often possess some magnetic or magical quality. The lives and activities of these men and women may provide comic relief for scholars bored by research into spirituality, administrative reform or questions involving the relationship of Church and State. On the other hand, they may exemplify some novelty or pioneering effort; as a consequence, their insights might have been blackened by more cautious contemporaries who resorted to mockery or accusations of heresy. Some of these people may be prophets who had the courage to point the boney finger at scandal or abuse, whom officialdom was quick to brand as deviants. Finally, they may be people caught in the ecclesiastical maelstrom of change. Unable to adapt, they lash out against the structure. These streams converge in the life of the Revd Richard O'Halloran (i 856-1925). During his stormy career, he publicly attacked the alleged misuse of power by archbishops and bishops. Always proclaiming his loyalty to Rome, O'Halloran threatened schism several times. He also believed that the religious orders throughout England were involved in a grand conspiracy to destroy the rights of the secular clergy. Fr O'Halloran's experiences with the Benedictine monks in the London suburb of Ealing confirmed his suspicions.
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Atkins, Jonathan M. "Calvinist Bishops, Church Unity, and the Rise of Arminianism." Albion 18, no. 3 (1986): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049982.
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According to Nicholas Tyacke, the doctrine of predestination worked as a “common and ameliorating bond” between conformists and nonconformists in the late Elizabethan and Jacobean Church of England. Anglicans and Puritans both accepted Calvin's teachings on predestination as a “crucial common assumption.” Puritans were stigmatized either because of their refusal to conform to the church's rites and ceremonies or because of their rejection of the church's episcopal government, but their agreement with the episcopacy on predestinarian Calvinism imposed “important limits” on the extent of persecution. The Synod of Dort, a Dutch conference held in 1619 which included several English representatives, repudiated Arminianism and affirmed the Calvinist view of salvation, Tyacke calls “an event which has never received the emphasis it deserves from students of English religious history,” because the Synod “served to emphasize afresh the theology binding conformist and nonconformist together, and the limits which that common bond imposed on persecution.” The rise of Arminianism broke this common bond and contributed to the causes of the Civil War. To the Arminians, Puritans were those who opposed the new religious policies of King Charles I and archbishop William Laud. The Arminians' elimination of Calvinist influence in the church and at court, along with intensified persecution of Puritans, “generated a Puritan militancy” that erupted in 1640. By that date, Tyacke concludes, predestinarian Calvinism had been “transformed with relative ease into a call for ‘root and branch’ remedies”; at the same time, presbyterianism emerged as “the cure of Arminian disease.”
10
von Arx, Jeffrey P. "Archbishop Manning and the Kulturkampf." Recusant History 21, no. 2 (October 1992): 254–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000159x.
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It is not surprising that Henry Edward Manning had strong opinions about the Kulturkampf, Otto von Bismarcks effort in the early 1870’s to bring the Roman Catholic Church in Germany under the control of the State. As head of the Catholic Church in England, it appropriately fell to Manning to condemn what most British Catholics would have seen as the persecution of their Church in the new German Empire. Moreover, Manning knew personally the bishops involved in the conflict with Bismarck from their time together at the Vatican Council. Indeed, he was well acquainted with some of them who had played important rôles, either for or against, in the great controversies of the Council that led to the definition of Papal Infallibility. MiecisIaus Ledochowski, Archbishop of Gnesen and Posen, imprisoned and expelled from his see by the German government in 1874, had, together with Manning, been a prominent infallibilist. Paulus Melchers, Archbishop of Cologne, and leader of the German inopportunists, suffered the same penalty. The bishops of Breslau, Trier and Paderborn, all of whom had played significant rôles at the Council, the first two against, the latter for the definition, were either imprisoned, expelled, or both. Manning considered these men to have suffered for the cause of religious liberty, and could not understand the indifference of British politicians, especially of liberals like Gladstone, to their fate.
11
Turner, Ralph V. "Richard Lionheart and English Episcopal Elections." Albion 29, no. 1 (1997): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051592.
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While Henry II and John's bitter quarrels with the Church have inspired much comment from both contemporaries and modern scholars, Richard Lionheart's relations with the English Church have attracted little notice. The lack of theatrical clashes with the pope or the archbishop of Canterbury has led modern scholars to assume that Richard I enjoyed fortunate relations with his clergy. Richard's most recent biographer has viewed him as “a conventionally pious man,” and contemporary chroniclers depicted him as fitting the Church's definition of the perfect knight whose financial exactions and other faults could be overlooked because of his crusader status.Almost continuously absent from England, the Lionheart is assumed to have had little opportunity to assert his will in ecclesiastical matters. Yet, Richard I was as determined as his father and brother to defend English monarchs' traditional rights over the Church, because their mastery over such a powerful institution conferred many advantages. Their bishops were also barons who advised the king at great councils, who often held posts in the royal administration, and who owed feudal obligations, even quotas of knights. The royal right of regalia gave Richard custody of church lands during an episcopal vacancy and the right to authorize new elections and to approve bishops-elect.Sir Christopher Cheney, a leading authority on the twelfth-century Church, observed that Richard I was “forever busy with the English Church.” An examination of the Lionheart's ecclesiastical policy proves him correct, revealing a monarch who had little respect for the Church's freedom and worked to preserve his royal predecessors's authority over it. Richard took care to oversee closely English episcopal elections.
12
Mews, Stuart. "The Trials of Lady Chatterley, the Modernist Bishop and the Victorian Archbishop: Clashes of Class, Culture and Generations." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001509.
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‘Now firmly established as a modernist novelist’, D. H. Lawrence (1885–1930) remains a controversial writer, especially for the ambiguity of his attitudes to fascism and feminism. This essay considers the role played by the then forty-one-year-old bishop of Woolwich, John Robinson, in offering evidence for the defence in the Old Bailey trial in 1960 which acquitted Penguin Books of obscenity in publishing Lawrence’s novel Lady Chatterley’s Lover. In taking part in the trial Robinson acquired notoriety (or credit). His public admiration for Lawrence’s writing placed him at odds with the two postwar archbishops, Geoffrey Fisher (Canterbury) and Cyril Garbett (York). In the words of Mark Roodhouse in a pioneering article, ‘for ecclesiastical historians the Lady Chatterley trial not only reveals changing social attitudes but also growing division within the Church of England between “two Christianities” over the way to respond to these changes’. Robinson did not receive further advancement in the Church.
13
Abbott, William M. "James Ussher and “Ussherian” Episcopacy, 1640–1656: The Primate and His Reduction Manuscript." Albion 22, no. 2 (1990): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049599.
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The most important contribution made by Archbishop James Ussher to the ecclesiastical developments of the Interregnum and Restoration periods was his short tract The Reduction of Episcopacy Unto the Form of Synodical Government. Printed only after his death in 1656, its combination of ministerial synods with episcopal rule was seen as a basis for presbyterian-episcopal reconciliation over the next three decades. The tract was printed in five editions during the later 1650s, and came out in two more editions in 1679, when the Popish Plot and the calling of a new Parliament revived hopes that dissenters could be comprehended within the Church of England. It was printed once more in 1689, in Edinburgh, when “comprehension” was again being hotly debated in both England and Scotland. By that time Ussher's name had come to symbolize such “limited” or “primitive” episcopacy, and indeed it has continued to do so among twentieth-century historians.The fame of the Reduction rests upon its content and authorship. Although the tract was only one of many such compromises offered during the Interregnum, it was the most radical to come from the royalist and Anglican side during that period. Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland, Ussher was admired and respected by radical puritans and major Laudian spokesmen such as Henry Hammond and Bishop John Bramhall. The power of Ussher's name in this context was shown in 1685, when the nonconformist divine and politician Richard Baxter was on trial for allegedly making a printed attack against the king and the bishops. When Baxter's attorney, Sir Henry Pollexfen, sought to introduce as evidence one of Baxter's own printed compromises between episcopal and presbyterian government, Lord Chief Justice George Jeffreys replied, “I will see none of his books; it is for primitive Episcopacy, I will warrant you — a bishop in every parish.” In replying “Nay, my lord, it is the same with Archbishop Usher's,” Pollexfen indicated both the radical nature of the Reduction and the legitimacy that Ussher's name lent to other compromises of this kind.
14
Bellenger, Dom Aidan. "‘The Normal State of the Church’: William Bernard Ullathorne, First Bishop of Birmingham." Recusant History 25, no. 2 (October 2000): 325–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030120.
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‘Whilst sailing on board a French ship on the Pacific Ocean in the year 1839, I drew up the first sketch of a plan for establishing the Catholic hierarchy in Australia. The sketch was afterwards completed by the guide of my monastic life and studies, the Archbishop of Sydney, then Vicar-Apostolic of Australia; and by authority of Pope Gregory XVI, in the following year the Australian hierarchy came into existence. The fertile results which quickly followed from the establishment of the normal state of the Church in that distant land inspired me with the earnest desire of seeing the same blessing conferred on the Catholics of England. And on the day of my episcopal consecration, being the very day of the coronation of the present reigning pontiff, as the three Bishops were placing the mitre on my head, there arose up in my mind a sense that was indescribably keen of the need in which we stood for recovering our Hierarchy; and with that sense came a desire as keen to labour for its recovery.’
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Carleton, Kenneth W. T. "English Catholic Bishops in the Early Elizabethan Era." Recusant History 23, no. 1 (May 1996): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002120.
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Queen Mary Tudor died on the night of 17 November 1558. A few hours later, across the river at Lambeth, her cousin, Reginald Pole, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury, followed her, victim of the ague which he had contracted in the summer. England again had a change of monarch, the third in less than twelve years. What was not clear at the time was whether there would be another change in religion. With hindsight, it is clear that the programme of reform which sought to reunite the English Church with the see of Rome and to revivify it with the Tridentine reforms with which Pole had been so closely involved, had died also on that November night. Parliament was in session when Mary died, and immediately Elizabeth was proclaimed queen by Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York, in his capacity as Lord Chancellor; there was no dissent such as had accompanied the accession of the new Queen's half-sister. It soon became clear, however, that the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn was unlikely to retain the settlement of religion in the precise form in which it had been left by the daughter of Katharine of Aragon. On Christmas Day, the Queen ordered that the elevation of the Blessed Sacrament was not to take place during the Mass to be celebrated in her chapel by the Bishop of Carlisle, Owen Oglethorpe. His refusal to obey this command led the Queen to leave the chapel after the gospel had been read. Two days later, a royal proclamation restored the first liturgical changes of Henry VIII, ordering that the epistle and gospel of the Mass were thenceforward to be read in English, along with the litany which usually preceded the service. The coronation of Elizabeth should have been conducted by the senior surviving churchman, Heath of York; he had resigned the Chancellorship before the end of 1558, and declined to conduct the service. It was Oglethorpe, as bishop of a suffragan see of the Northern Province, who crowned the new Queen, with no other diocesan bishops present. The coronation Mass was sung by one of the Reformers, Dr. George Carewe, who omitted the elevation, and another Reformer preached the sermon.
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Baker, John. "The Unwritten Constitution of the United Kingdom." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 1 (December 13, 2012): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x12000774.
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There has been much talk of constitutional reform in recent years, but the changes that have actually been taking place have often differed markedly from those that the Government has professed to espouse and have shaken the foundations of the previous system without following any coherent overall plan. Written constitutions are not without shortcomings; the conventions that held the old British constitution in place are in any case difficult to codify or enforce. But a pressing problem with an unwritten constitution is that there is no special mechanism for constitutional change. Recent reforms have therefore become associated with short-term political expediency and spin. The cure is not simple.1As a tribute to Professor Sir John Baker QC, who has served as a member of the Editorial Board since the Ecclesiastical Law Journal's foundation and energetically continues to do so,2 I am pleased to reproduce the lightly edited text of his British Academy Maccabbaean Lecture.3 Delivered in 2009, though still topical today, it provides a cautionary critique of the direction of travel in the evolution of the United Kingdom's unwritten constitution which I hope will serve as a prelude to an occasional series of articles and comment in the pages of this Journal considering the role of the spiritual within the constitution and the established nature of the Church of England in the twenty-first century. Matters that have been ignored or marginalised in the recent constitutional revolution include the role of the Prime Minister in the appointment of bishops and archbishops and the ecclesiastical patronage exercised by the Lord Chancellor. [Editor]
17
Hamilton, Sarah. "RESPONDING TO VIOLENCE: LITURGY, AUTHORITY AND SACRED PLACES, c. 900–c. 1150." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 31 (November 8, 2021): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440121000025.
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ABSTRACTThe principle that church buildings constitute sacred spaces, set apart from the secular world and its laws, is one of the most enduring legacies of medieval Christianity in the present day. When and how church buildings came to be defined as sacred has consequently received a good deal of attention from modern scholars. What happened when that status was compromised, and ecclesiastical spaces were polluted by acts of violence, like the murder of Archbishop Thomas Becket in Canterbury Cathedral? This paper investigates the history of rites for the reconciliation of holy places violated by the shedding of blood, homicide or other public acts of ‘filthiness’ which followed instances such as Becket's murder. I first identify the late tenth and early eleventh centuries in England as crucial to the development of this rite, before asking why English bishops began to pay attention to rites of reconciliation in the years around 1000 ce. This paper thus offers a fresh perspective on current understandings of ecclesiastical responses to violence in these years, the history of which has long been dominated by monastic evidence from west Frankia and Flanders. At the same time, it reveals the potential of liturgical rites to offer new insights into medieval society.
18
Selwyn Mwamba, Musonda Trevor. "The Lambeth Conference 2008 and the Millennium Development Goals: A Botswana Perspective." Journal of Anglican Studies 7, no. 2 (September 15, 2009): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355309990143.
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AbstractThe Bishops of the Anglican Communion met on the campus of the University of Kent at Canterbury, England, for the Lambeth Conference in July 2008. The Conference took place at a time when the Anglican Communion was going through turbulence over the issue of human sexuality. Accordingly, there was much expectation that the Conference would inter alia discuss and come up with the way forward on the issue of homosexuality. Prudently, the Conference’s focus rested on the real Mission of the Church, epitomized by the Walk of Witness on July 24, 2009 from Whitehall and Westminster to Lambeth Palace. There, Archbishop Rowan Williams spoke of the Communion’s commitment to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It is within this context that this article seeks to discuss the issue of the MDGs in the context of the Lambeth Conference, from the perspective of Botswana. It is my intention to show that the Anglican Communion should be focused on the life and death issues of eradicating abject poverty, HIV and AIDS, malaria, bad governance, unjust trade policies and environment, rather than wasting valuable spiritual energy on the ‘luxury’ of human sexuality which is a non-issue for the poor.
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Cranmer, Frank, and David Pocklington. "Accommodating Bishops." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 3 (August 13, 2014): 335–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14000532.
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Earlier this year the Church Commissioners decided that the newly appointed Bishop of Bath and Wells should live in the Old Rectory, Croscombe, instead of at the historic palace in Wells. When the decision met considerable local opposition, not least in the House of Commons, the Archbishops' Council appointed a committee consisting of Mrs Mary Chapman (in the Chair), Philip Fletcher and Archdeacon Cherry Vann to consider objections. After a hearing, the committee directed that the transaction should not proceed.
20
Holland, S. M. "George Abbot: ‘The Wanted Archbishop’." Church History 56, no. 2 (June 1987): 172–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165501.
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Historians and biographers of George Abbot traditionally have viewed King James's appointment of the forty-eight year old bishop of London to the archbishopric of Canterbury on 4 March 1611 as both unexpected and unpopular. Although Fuller conceived him to be “of a more fatherly presence than those who might have been his fathers for age in the Church of England,” there was a significant body of opinion that held he was unfit for such an important post for two major reasons.
21
Mills, John Orme, and Timothy Radcliffe. "To the Archbishops and Bishops of England and Wales." New Blackfriars 66, no. 780 (June 1985): 259–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1985.tb02709.x.
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Alraum, Claudia. "Pallienprivilegien für Apulien zwischen 1063 und 1122." Specimina Nova Pars Prima Sectio Medaevalis 6 (May 12, 2022): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/spmnnv.2011.06.01.
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Privilegies of pallium to Apulia between 1063 and 1122
The present study intends to examine the bestowal of the pallium upon apulian bishops between 1063 and 1122 based on the documents drawn up by the papacy. Together with the pallium were not only concessed metropolitan rights, but in the second half of the Eleventh Century it became also a strong instrument of bond and control of the bishops for the so called reforming papacy. The study shows inter alia that in Apulia the pallium was only bestowed to archbishops and it was not only intended as an instrument of control, but particularly as an aid in the reorganization of the southern italian church and an authorizing handle in the hands of the apulian archbishops.
23
Kimlenka, Katsiaryna. "Bishops and Archbishops of the Papal States on the Seizure of Its Territories by the Piedmontese Army (1859—1861)." ISTORIYA 14, no. 1 (123) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023840-3.
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Abstract. The achievement of the political Unification of Italy is related to the emergence of a prolonged conflict between Church and State that was not limited to the confrontation between Pope Pius IX and the Italian government. It was also quite noticeable at the local level. In 1859—1861 Bishops and Archbishops of the Papal States faced the seizure of the papal possessions by the Piedmontese troops and its consequences. The attitude of the Archpastors to these events was caused by various considerations of both general and particular nature. The article is an attempt to systematize and explain the reaction of the Bishops and Archbishops of the Papal States to the change of authority and the policy of the Piedmontese administration regarding these territories in 1859—1861.
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Coleman, Stephen. "The Process of Appointment of Bishops in the Church of England: A Historical and Legal Critique." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 19, no. 2 (May 2017): 212–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x17000072.
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‘The manner of appointment [of bishops] reflects the delicate balance between the established nature of the Church of England and its autonomous self-governance.’ As with most matters of Church of England ecclesiology and polity, the process of the appointment of bishops in the Church of England is firmly rooted within the reforms of the sixteenth century, but has origins which stretch back to the mediaeval Church. This comment article focuses on the appointment of diocesan bishops in the Church of England.
25
Mercer, Giles. "Alphege (954–1012): A Saint for His Time and for Our Time." Downside Review 138, no. 2 (April 2020): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580620931396.
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The following has been adapted from talks given at St Alphege Church, Solihull; Our Lady and St Alphege Church, Bath; and St Joseph’s Church, Peasedown St John, and to the English Catholic History Association, Winchester Catholic History Society and Prinknash Abbey Book Club. Alphege is one of the outstanding saints from these lands, Bath’s greatest son, a gifted monastic leader, a radical bishop of Winchester and a self-sacrificing archbishop of Canterbury. He was to be revered throughout pre-Reformation England and beyond. I will make some general points about Alphege’s world, then set out what we know about the life and death of Alphege and finally suggest why he is important for us today.
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Bashnin, Nikita. "Church Reform of Peter I: Source Study Aspect (According to the Materials of the Vologda Archbishops House of St. Sophia)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2020): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.5.10.
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Introduction. The inventory of buildings and property are an accounting document. The largescale description of the lands and property of the spiritual patrimony of 1701–1705 carried out within the framework of the Church Reform of Peter I should be considered as a stage in the control of the state over the material welfare of the Church. Materials. Inventories of bishops houses and monasteries were found in the central and regional archives. A number of documents of the early 18th century were published. Analysis. Different census takers carried out descriptions of the patrimonies of the Vologda Bishops house in five regions of the country, which indicates applying the uyezd by uyezd principle of the description of the regions. The comparison of the texts shows that census books of the patrimonies of the Vologda Bishops house of 1701–1702 were primary in relation to the census of economy (statements) of the Vologda Bishops house in 1702–1703. An inventory of the Bishops Treasury was also made. Results. The comparison of three censuses (patrimony, economy, treasury) gave state documents on the basis of which it was possible to make a complete picture of the economy and property of the Vologda house of St. Sophia. In this regard, a complete secularization of Church possessions actually took place, however it was not fully formalized legally.
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Ortenberg, Veronica. "Archbishop Sigeric's journey to Rome in 990." Anglo-Saxon England 19 (December 1990): 197–246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001666.
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According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury went to Rome in 990, to fetch his pallium. Sigeric, formerly a monk of Glastonbury and then abbot of St Augustine's, Canterbury, had been consecrated bishop of Ramsbury in 985, and became archbishop of Canterbury at the end of 989 or at the beginning of 990, on the death of Archbishop Æthelgar. During the journey, or more likely, once he had returned to England, he committed to writing a diary covering his journey and his stay in Rome. This year, the 1000th anniversary of Sigeric's visit to the ‘city of St Peter’, as medieval travellers called Rome, seems a suitable time to undertake a new examination of the considerable devotional and artistic impact of the Roman pilgrimage on the cultural and spiritual life of the late Anglo-Saxon Church.
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Ambler, R. W. "‘This Romish business’ - Ritual Innovation and Parish Life in Later Nineteenth-Century Lincolnshire." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 384–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014157.
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In February 1889 Edward King, Bishop of Lincoln, appeared before the court of the Archbishop of Canterbury charged with illegal practices in worship. The immediate occasion for these proceedings was the manner in which he celebrated Holy Communion at the Lincoln parish church of St Peter at Gowts on Sunday 4 December 1887. He was cited on six specific charges: the use of lighted candles on the altar; mixing water with the communion wine; adopting an eastward-facing position with his back to the congregation during the consecration; permitting the Agnus Dei to be sung after the consecration; making the sign of the cross at the absolution and benediction, and taking part in ablution by pouring water and wine into the chalice and paten after communion. Two Sundays later King had repeated some of these acts during a service at Lincoln Cathedral. As well as its intrinsic importance in defining the legality of the acts with which he was charged, the Bishop’s trial raised issues of considerable importance relating to the nature and exercise of authority within the Church of England and its relationship with the state. The acts for which King was tried had a further significance since the ways in which these and other innovations in worship were perceived, as well as the spirit in which they were ventured, also reflected the fundamental shifts which were taking place in the role of the Church of England at parish level in the second half of the nineteenth century. Their study in a local context such as Lincolnshire, part of King’s diocese, provides the opportunity to examine the relationship between changes in worship and developments in parish life in the period.
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Slack, Stephen. "General Synod of the Church of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 20, no. 1 (January 2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x17000904.
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This report covers the groups of sessions held in February 2017 and July 2017. Both groups of sessions saw significant amounts of legislative business, with earlier items being completed and new items being introduced. A number of them gave effect to proposals emerging from the simplification strand of the Archbishops’ Council's ‘Renewal and Reform’ programme or were in other ways intended to simplify or streamline the Church's substantial body of statute law; in a related area, one was directed towards simplifying the procedures for changing that law.
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Marsh, Dana T. "SACRED POLYPHONY ‘NOT UNDERSTANDID’: MEDIEVAL EXEGESIS, RITUAL TRADITION AND HENRY VIII'S REFORMATION." Early Music History 29 (July 21, 2010): 33–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127910000069.
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This study focuses on the ritual ‘conservatism’ of Henry VIII's Reformation through a new look at biblical exegeses of the period dealing with sacred music. Accordingly, it reconsiders the one extant passage of rhetoric to come from the Henrician regime in support of traditional church polyphony, as found in A Book of Ceremonies to be Used in the Church of England, c.1540. Examining the document's genesis, editorial history and ultimate suppression by Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, it is shown that Bishop Richard Sampson, Dean of the Chapel Royal (1522–40), was responsible for the original drafting of the musical paragraph. Beginning with Sampson's printed commentaries on the Psalms and on the Epistles of St Paul, the literary precedents and historical continuities upon which Sampson's topos in Ceremonies was founded are traced in detail. Identified through recurring patterns of scriptural and patristic citation, and understood via transhistorical shifts in the meaning of certain key words (e.g. iubilare), this new perspective clarifies important origins of the English church's musical ‘traditionalism’ on the eve of the Reformation. Moreover, it reveals a precise species of exegetical method – anagogy – as the literary vehicle through which influential clergy were able to justify expansions and elaborations of musical practice in the Western Church from the high Middle Ages to the Reformation.
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BOULDING, MARY CECILY. "Women Bishops for the Church of England?" Ecclesiology 2, no. 2 (2006): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174553206x00089.
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Harmes, Marcus. "Caps, Shrouds, Lawn and Tackle: English Bishops and their Dress from the Sixteenth Century to the Restoration." Costume 48, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0590887613z.00000000036.
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The vestiarian controversies of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in England have attracted an extensive scholarly literature. This literature has tended to show the ways the Church of England could be condemned as inadequately reformed through attacks against its external trappings. Much less has been written about how the targets of attack — the clothing that bishops wore — could in fact be transformed into a means of defending the Church. This paper analyses George Hooper’s 1683 tract The Church of England Free from the Imputation of Popery, within the context of disputation concerning episcopal government. Hooper appreciated that attacks on vesture were part of more penetrating attacks against religious hierarchies. By turns mocking and serious, Hooper compared the Church of England to reformed confessions and the Church of Rome, arguing that far from being popish, the dress of bishops stood out distinctively as Protestant trappings and provided positive examples of how English bishops differed from their Roman counterparts.
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Russell, Conrad. "Whose Supremacy? King, Parliament and the Church 1530–1640." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 21 (July 1997): 700–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00002982.
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In October 1993, I had to decide whether it was proper for me, as an unbeliever, to go to Parliament to vote in favour of a Church of England measure. Was it proper that laymen, not members of the church, not involved in the decisions taken, should be allowed to sit in Parliament to decide what the law of the church should be? After some discussion, I was persuaded it was proper, and cast my vote accordingly. In that decision, I recognized the triumph of one version of the Royal Supremacy over another. It is the triumph of Christopher St. German over Bishop Stephen Gardiner, of Sir Francis Knollys over Queen Elizabeth I, of Chief Justice Coke over Lord Chancellor Ellesmere, and of John Pym over Archbishop Laud. That triumph took a century to arrive after Henry VIII's Act of Supremacy, and, like many other triumphs, it threw out a promising baby with its mess of popish bath-water.
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SHERLOCK, PETER. "Episcopal Tombs in Early Modern England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 4 (October 2004): 654–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904001502.
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The Reformation simultaneously transformed the identity and role of bishops in the Church of England, and the function of monuments to the dead. This article considers the extent to which tombs of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century bishops represented a set of episcopal ideals distinct from those conveyed by the monuments of earlier bishops on the one hand and contemporary laity and clergy on the other. It argues that in death bishops were increasingly undifferentiated from other groups such as the gentry in the dress, posture, location and inscriptions of their monuments. As a result of the inherent tension between tradition and reform which surrounded both bishops and tombs, episcopal monuments were unsuccessful as a means of enhancing the status or preserving the memory and teachings of their subjects in the wake of the Reformation.
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Slack, Stephen. "General Synod of the Church of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 2 (April 12, 2019): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x19000097.
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This report covers the groups of sessions held in February 2018 and July 2018. Both meetings again saw significant amounts of legislative business, with a number of items giving effect to proposals emerging from the simplification strand of the Archbishops’ Council's ‘Renewal and Reform’ programme or directed in other respects at simplifying or streamlining the Church's substantial body of statute law. Indeed, such has been the level of legislative activity over the last two years that in the course of 2018 no fewer than nine Measures have been enacted – the highest number in a single year since the Church acquired the ability to make Measures having the force and effect of an Act of Parliament under the Church of England Assembly (Powers) Act 1919.
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Beardsley, Christina. "‘On Consulting the Faithful’ in Matters of Human Identity, Sexuality and Gender." Modern Believing 62, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.2021.4.
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This article considers a perceived gap between Church of England House of Bishops’ statements on human identity, sexuality and gender, and the outlook of many congregations. It does this under five headings suggested by a brief study of St John Henry Newman’s On Consulting the Faithful in Matters of Doctrine. Topics are the bishops’ teaching responsibilities, how doctrinal consultation works in the Church of England, the tendency to prioritise church unity and the role of formation and of emotion. It concludes that the Church of England’s protracted conversations on sexuality should be resolved in a General Synod debate on equal marriage.
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AYRIS, PAUL. "A Church in Transition: The Intriguing Use of the Pallium in Tudor England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916002773.
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What was the source of authority in the Church in Tudor England? This article traces the use of an ancient symbol of the power of metropolitan archbishops, the woollen pallium, between 1533 and 1603. The later Henrician Church saw this garment as a sign of royal supremacy. Under Mary, however, Archbishop Pole made extravagant claims which led the Elizabethan Church to reject earlier Tudor notions of this symbol. Set against the backdrop of the source of episcopal jurisdiction, this article traces the use of the pallium in England in a Church moving from Roman obedience to a Protestant settlement.
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Podmore, C. J. "The Bishops and the Brethren: Anglican Attitudes to the Moravians in the Mid-Eighteenth Century." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 41, no. 4 (October 1990): 622–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900075758.
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Most Anglican crises, including recent ones, seem to boil down in the end to two linked questions — those of identity and authority. Is the Church of England pre-eminently a national or a catholic Church, a Protestant Church (and if so, of what kind?) or Anglican and sui generis? With which of these types of Church should it align itself? Where lies the famed via media, and which are the extremes to be avoided? And who has the authority to decide: as a national Church, parliament, the government, the monarch personally; as an episcopal Church, the bishops? Or should the clergy in convocations (or, latterly, the General Synod, including representatives of the pious laity) take decisions? Anglican crises have always raised these twin problems of identity and authority. In the mid-eighteenth century — from the end of the 1730s and particularly in the 1740s — the Church of England faced another crisis. The Anglican bishops had to come to terms with the movement known as the ‘evangelical revival’. Principles had to be applied to a new situation. The bishops had to decide how to categorise the new societies (or would they become new churches?) which were springing up all over England.
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Clucas, Rob, and Keith Sharpe. "Women Bishops: Equality, Rights and Disarray." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 2 (April 10, 2013): 158–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000185.
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In this article we discuss the recent history of the failed draft Bishops and Priests (Consecration and Ordination of Women) Measure, situating this within the broader context of the ordination of women and debates around the Equality Act exceptions for an organised religion. We aim to provide an account of the ways in which equality rights have been implemented in the relevant law; how the Church of England is responding to these rights; and how broader society understands the importance of gender equality and reacts to Synod's rejection of the draft Measure. We analyse these with reference to theories of heteronormativity and scholarship of human rights. In doing so, we aim to explain what is happening in the Church of England and broader society, and draw some conclusions about the current opportunities open to the Church and the state in matters of rights and equality.1
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Wąsowicz, Jarosław. "Relacja arcybiskupa Antoniego Baraniaka o sytuacji polskiego duszpasterstwa w Anglii z listopada 1972 r." Fides, Ratio et Patria. Studia Toruńskie, no. 12 (June 30, 2020): 174–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/frp.776.
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Archbishop Antoni Baraniak (1904–1977), metropolitan bishop of Poznań, was among the most important figures in Church hierarchy in Poland after World War II. He was outstanding in his work within the Episcopal Conference of Poland, a loyal and faithful associate of cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, courageous and uncompromising in relations with communist government. Recently many papers treating these threads of his biography were published. Still, there are fields of his pastoral activity that were not yet deeply analised, such as his relations with Polish emigrants in different parts of the world and the aid he was giving to his compatriots abroad. In years 1933–1948, when he was secretary and eventually chaplain of primate cardinal August Hlond, he kept vivid relationship with Polish emigrants in Great Britain, especially with priests. Only once he could visit a few places in British Islands in November 1972 coming for an invitation of Fr Władysław Staniszewski (1901–1989), the rector of Polish Catholic Mission in England and Wales. In source edition there are reflections of the archbishop, written after his coming back from this visit.
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Ruud, Marylou. "Episcopal Reluctance: Lanfranc's Resignation Reconsidered." Albion 19, no. 2 (1987): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050387.
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On 29 August 1070, the Norman monk, Lanfranc, was consecrated archbishop of Canterbury despite having recoiled at the prospect when informed of his appointment earlier that year. His alleged reluctance to undertake the business of the English Church is well known and accepted by Anglo-Norman historians. And the account that his compliance was forced only through the united persuasion of the king, the queen, his former abbot, Herluin of Bee, and the papal legate, Erminfrid of Sion, adds an element of unparalleled sincerity to his resolve. More than two years after his consecration, Lanfranc wrote a letter to Pope Alexander II reasserting his initial aversion to taking office: the foreign tongue and barbarous English inhabitants presented a greater challenge than he, personally unworthy and waning in vigor, wished to endure. Lanfranc then asked the pope to relieve him of his burdensome episcopal duties so he might return to the monastic life.Modern historians have equated this petition with his initial unwillingness to take office and have tacitly appended it to those humble actions usually associated with a monk bishop. Frank Barlow writes that Lanfranc had “suffered bitterly when he first went to England.” He infers from the resignation letter that all of the archbishop's passions “were diverted into conventional monastic virtues.” And Margaret Gibson advises that “No assessment of Lanfranc … can or should stray far from Lanfranc the monk.” Lanfranc had hesitated and been reluctant to accept Canterbury; therefore, the implication is that in 1072 he humbly wished to shed the office he had been compelled to enter.
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Boulding, OP, M. C. "Article Review: Women Bishops for the Church of England?" Ecclesiology 2, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1744136606060022.
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Taylor, Stephen. "Whigs, bishops and America: the politics of church reform in mid-eighteenth-century England." Historical Journal 36, no. 2 (June 1993): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019269.
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ABSTRACTThe eighteenth century is traditionally seen as an interlude between two vigorous movements of church reform. This article explores the problems and attitudes which underlay the absence of major structural reform of the Church in this period. To do so, it examines the failure of attempts, especially those of the 1740s and 1750s, to create an anglican episcopate in the American colonies. The leaders of the Church of England were agreed that the need for American bishops was pressing, on both pastoral and administrative grounds, and the 1740s and 1750s witnessed two proposals for their creation which were supported by virtually the whole bench of bishops. Both failed. The whig ministry resolutely opposed these initiatives, largely out of fear that any debate of church reform would revive the political divisions of Queen Anne's reign. The bishops, moreover, were prepared to submit to this ministerial veto, despite their belief in the necessity of reform, not through political subservience, but because they too feared renewed controversy about religion and the Church, believing that such controversy would revive both anti-clerical attacks from without and bitter divisions within.
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Avis, Paul. "Bishops in Communion? The Unity of the Episcopate, the Unity of the Diocese and the Unity of the Church." Ecclesiology 13, no. 3 (September 23, 2017): 299–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01303003.
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This article addresses the current state of ecclesiological dissonance in the Church of England and analyses the theological and pastoral issues that are at stake. It tackles the two ecclesiological anomalies that now face the church and compromise its received polity. (a) The College of Bishops includes bishops who are unable to recognise the priestly and episcopal orders of their female colleagues and are unable to be in full sacramental communion with them. This situation raises the question of the ecclesial integrity of the College of Bishops: is there now a single College? (b) Some bishops are unable in conscience to recognise the priestly ordination of some clergy – male as well as female – within their diocese because these clergy are female or have been ordained by a female bishop. Is it possible for the bishop, in that situation, to exercise a full episcopal ministry in relation to those female clergy? The article goes on to explore, by means of the concepts of reception, economy and charity, whether a modus vivendi is possible that would enable the Church of England to live with these two anomalies with theological integrity.
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Aston, Margaret. "The Bishops’ Bible Illustrations." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012493.
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The illustrations in the Bishops’ Bible have received more attention from art historians than from historians, though their story—which turns out to have been remarkably complicated—calls for the skills of both disciplines. The tale, which I can only outline here, throws interesting light on the state of the arts and art censorship in the early Elizabethan Church, at a time when there was much interrelationship between England and continental artists and craftsmen.
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Slack, Stephen. "General Synod of the Church of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 17, no. 1 (December 11, 2014): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x14000945.
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The most significant business – legislative or otherwise – conducted at these three groups of sessions was without doubt that relating to the consecration of women to the episcopate. The report on the Synod's proceedings published in the January 2014 edition of this Journal recounted the Synod's decision in July 2013 to call for draft legislation to be introduced giving effect to one of the options which had been identified by the working group established by the House of Bishops in 2012, immediately following the defeat of the previous legislation.
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Weinbrot, Howard D. "Samuel Johnson’s Charity Sermon During War: St Paul’s Cathedral 2 May 1745." Review of English Studies 70, no. 297 (April 11, 2019): 890–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz017.
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Abstract Samuel Johnson’s first ghost-written sermon was for Henry Hervey Aston at the annual Sons of the Clergy Festival on 2 May 1745. Hervey Aston was the fourth son of the Earl of Bristol, long knew Johnson, and entertained him in Lichfield and Johnson and Tetty in London. Hervey paid £12 interest on Johnson’s mother’s home in Lichfield and was, Johnson said, ‘a vicious man but very kind to me. If you call a dog Hervey, I shall love him’. He learned nothing at Christ Church, Oxford, during 18 raucous months, performed poorly as an army officer before selling his commission, and was ordained as a last hope in 1743 by the Bishop of Ely. Henry’s father the Earl of Bristol appointed him Rector of Shotley, in Suffolk, which he soon abandoned for London. Why was such a man asked to present an important sermon at England’s most impressive venue, before the Archbishop of Canterbury, eight other bishops, and many of the Great and the Good in order to raise funds for the widows and orphans of deceased Anglican clergy? This essay suggests reasons for that choice and how Johnson’s early practical sermon is part of his body of sermons. It also shows how Johnson establishes Hervey Aston’s credibility in the pulpit when he had no credibility in life, and how Johnson blends sublime theology with the quotidian. Along the way, he alludes to and politely censures the unpopular War of the Austrian Succession.
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Percy, Emma. "Women, Ordination and the Church of England: An Ambiguous Welcome." Feminist Theology 26, no. 1 (August 22, 2017): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735017714405.
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The ordination of women in the Church of England has had a long hard road. Other denominations, and other parts of the Anglican Communion took the step, but it was not until the 1990s that the first women priests were ordained in the Church of England itself. Even then, Emma Percy describes the situation as an ‘ambiguous welcome’. Careful provision has been made at every stage for those who not only will not accept women as priests, but require the service of bishops who have not participated in the ordination of women. The path to acceptance for women bishops has also been lengthy and subject to the same caveats and provisions. Percy argues that this reveals an underlying failure to think theologically about gender. She recognizes that there are still profound inequalities in the Church’s treatment of women in leadership.
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Slack, Stephen. "General Synod of the Church of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 1 (December 13, 2013): 77–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000859.
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The report on the Synod's proceedings published in the January 2013 issue of this Journal reported the defeat – by a narrow majority – at the November 2012 group of sessions of the motion for the final approval of the draft measure intended to allow the consecration of women to the episcopate. As is well known, the Synod's decision was received with shock and dismay by many – both inside and outside the Church of England. But a response came quickly. In December the House of Bishops committed itself to bringing the elements of a new legislative package to the Synod in July 2013 and to that end established a working group, drawn from all three Houses.
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McHardy, Alison K. "Kings’ Courts and Bishops’ Administrations in Fourteenth-Century England: A Study in Cooperation." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.9.
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Behind the rhetoric and theory of crown-church conflict there was much cooperation in the everyday world, where practice and pragmatism often overrode legal and theoretical rules. This article examines the ways in which fourteenth-century English bishops and their clerks responded to the demands made of them by the royal courts. Bishops were bombarded with commands from the crown, with a resulting impact on diocesan records. The crown sought historic information about finance and rights, and commanded bishops to collect clerics’ debts and to enforce their attendance before the lay courts in both civil and criminal cases. Enquiries about the current status of individuals, whether professed in religious orders or legitimate, made considerable work for bishops. How enthusiastically and efficiently these orders were carried out is also evaluated and discussed.