Journal articles: 'Arend Lijphart'

1

Gourevitch, Peter, and Gary Jacobson. "Arend Lijphart, A Profile." PS: Political Science & Politics 28, no. 04 (December 1995): 751–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500059102.

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Kovačević, Slaven. "Konsocijacijska demokracija Arenda Lijpharta vs. liberalna demokracija / Consociational democracy of Arend Lijphart vs. Libeal Democracy." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 62, no. 1 (July 6, 2021): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2021.1.113.

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TConsociational democracy, as the subject of various researches, political science, sociological or any other, very often initiates different interpretations or contains elements of a certain ambiguity, which range from incorrect understanding of the term to its use for scientific or political purposes. In this paper, the theoretical views of Arend Lijphart, the author who left the biggest mark in the consideration of consociational democracy, will be analyzed, and considered from the point of view of liberal democracy, by pointing out certain differences and their significance within the practical implementation of both political forms. At the same time, an effort will be made to make a comparative analysis of consociational democracy with the historical and political heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out various irregularities and ambiguities that appear in public discourse, in such a way that the details of Lijphart's works are used to justify current political views or intentions for a new political order in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As input, experiences from the political systems of Belgium and Switzerland will be used, and put in relation to the political system in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Lustick, Ian S. "Lijphart, Lakatos, and Consociationalism." World Politics 50, no. 1 (October 1997): 88–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100014738.

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Arend Lijphart's 1969 article on consociational democracy was a compelling critique of prevailing theories of democratic stability and the launching pad for one of the most widely regarded research programs in contemporary comparative politics. However, Lijphart and others who adopted consociational approaches encountered severe logical, theoretical, and empirical criticisms of their work. The success of the program and its apparent imperviousness to many of these attacks has been remarkable. Lijphart s primary response was to abandon standard norms of social science in favor of an “impressionistic” approach that protected the attractiveness and wide applicability of the theory at the cost of precision and scholarly rigor. The overall trajectory of the consociationalist research program is explained with reference to a shift from early- to late-Lakatosian commitments—from insisting on corroboration for one's theories through repeated encounters with evidence to a late-Lakatosian stance that expects the political and rhetorical skills of scholars operating on behalf of their research program to be more significant than evidence or theoretical coherence.

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Taagepera, Rein. "Arend Lijphart's Dimensions of Democracy: Logical Connections and Institutional Design." Political Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00409.

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Lijphart's (1999) analysis maps countries along two dimensions of democratic institutions: ‘executives-parties’ or ‘joint-power’, and ‘federal-unitary’ or ‘divided-power’. My ‘meta-study’ maps the methodology of Lijphart's mapping: the nature of indices (inputs or outputs), their logical interconnections, their susceptibility to institutional design (‘constitutional engineering’), and their suitability for expressing the intended underlying concepts. Strikingly, the joint-power indicators are highly correlated and mostly logically connected output measures, which are not susceptible to institutional design, while the opposite is true for the divided-power dimension. For this dimension most indices are expert estimates of inputs, marginally correlated, yet subject to institutional design, limited by size dependence. Surprisingly, the parliamentary-presidential aspect of institutional design does not affect the picture. The connection between cabinet life and the number of parties is even stronger than found by Lijphart. Interest groups and central bank independence fit his dimensions empirically but less so logically. In sum, institutional design may be more difficult than sometimes assumed, but offers hope.

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Bulsara, Hament, and Bill Kissane. "Arend Lijphart and the Transformation of Irish Democracy." West European Politics 32, no. 1 (December 4, 2008): 172–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380802509933.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "Making a difference: an interview with Arend Lijphart." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 9, no. 1-2 (May 28, 2015): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-015-0241-1.

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Jesse, Eckhard. "Electoral Laws and their Political Consequences.Bernard Grofman , Arend Lijphart." Journal of Politics 50, no. 4 (November 1988): 1107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131398.

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Knappskog, Tom. "Consociationalism : Theoretical Development Illustrated by the Case of Belgium." Res Publica 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2001): 529–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v43i4.18496.

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The theory on consociational democracies has evolved significantly in the last decades. One aim of the article is to discuss this development. Arend Lijphart's groundbreaking book from 1977 has inspired critics and lead to important theoretical amelioration. A main problem has been the lack of theoretical connections between the favourable conditions for consociational democracy and accommodative elite behaviour. This reduces the explanatory power of the traditional consociational model. To resolve this, one option is to incorporate elements of consociational theory into more actor-oriented approaches. Such a solution is the closest we came to a functioning synthesis of Lijphart and his critics, and several attempts to combine macro- and micro-level analyses are discussed in the article. The empirical case of Belgium is applied throughout the article to illustrate the theoretical elaboration.

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Lord, Ceren. "The Persistence of Turkey's Majoritarian System of Government." Government and Opposition 47, no. 2 (2012): 228–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01360.x.

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AbstractThis study uses the case study of a ‘transitioning’ country, Turkey, in exploring institutional endurance and change. In this context it uses the framework of Arend Lijphart's majority and consensus democracy in order to uncover patterns of institutional evolution and persistence which have implications for the nature of its democratic transition. This is achieved through a step-by-step exploration of the key dimensions of democracy discussed by Lijphart. This empirical study seeks to demonstrate that despite the introduction of anti-majoritarian institutions in 1961, Turkey has never consolidated consensus democracy. Instead, since 1982 the trend has been a move towards a system more in line with the majoritarian regime established under the 1924 constitution. As such, the study offers a useful case study of the dynamics of political transformation in the face of institutional persistence, suggesting a need for tracing the history if we are to identify institutional patterns in contrast to the more generalized democratization frameworks.

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Hoffmann-Lange, Ursula. "Arend Lijphart: Patterns of democracy. Government forms and performance in thirty-six countries." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 42, no. 2 (June 2001): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-001-0058-1.

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Γεωργιάδου, Βασιλική. "Arend Lijphart, Patterns of democracy. Government forms and performance in thirty-six countries." Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας 10 (September 24, 2015): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/sas.708.

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Mafakheri, Ramin, and Zaid Bin Ahmad. "The Contribution of other Eminent Scholars to Lijphart’s Power-Sharing Theory." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 5, no. 2 (April 26, 2015): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v5i2.7306.

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Power-sharing theory, which is both prescriptive and empirical, is one of the seminal democratic theories in political science in general and comparative politics in particular. The prescriptive approach of the theory recommends consociationalism to any country with deeply divided society. In other words, it serves to solve the problem of achieving and maintaining democratic stability in plural societies. As well it recommends consensus democracy to any country that is going to establish a democratic political system or that is going to change its model of democracy. Arend Lijphart is best known for his career-long dedication to formulate and develop power-sharing theory. In order to gain an in-depth understanding of the theory it should be considered that while his name is prominently associated with the development of it, there are several eminent scholars who simultaneously worked on power-sharing democracy and the development of the theory. While these scholars merely focused either on sociopolitical or political aspect of the theory, Lijphart concentrates on both aspects so that the theory is the product of this prima facie paradoxical overlapping. From this point of view, the intellectual contribution of these scholars is particularly considered in this article.

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Keman, Hans, and Paul Pennings. "Managing Political and Societal Conflict in Democracies: Do Consensus and Corporatism Matter?" British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 2 (April 1995): 271–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007183.

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In their Note ‘Corporatism and Consensus Democracy in Eighteen Countries’ (this Journal, 21 (1991), 235–46) Arend Lijphart and Markus Crepaz sought to analyse the conceptual and theoretical linkages between corporatism and consensus democracy. Their aim was not only to investigate whether the concepts were linked to each other, but also to examine to what extent they overlapped. The authors claim that corporatism is part and parcel of consensual types of democracy (p. 235). If corporatism could be included as a dimension of consensual democracy the contrasts between Westminster and consensual types of democracy would be empirically enhanced and would be more comprehensive. Although this is an interesting line of thought, we think that there are a number of conceptual and methodological flaws in the elaboration of this idea that should be discussed in more detail, because they may very well cast some doubt on the degree to which corporatism is indeed ‘part and parcel’ of consensual politics. In this Comment we shall elaborate this argument and also suggest some ways in which the thrust of Lijphart and Crepaz's theoretical arguments can be upheld and their empirical analysis improved.

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Qvortrup, Matt. "The Logic of Constitutional Engineering: Institutional Design and Counterterrorism from Aristotle to Arend Lijphart." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 41, no. 2 (February 2, 2017): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2016.1249779.

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Macek-Macková, Emanuela. "Challenges in conflict management in multi-ethnic states – the dissolution of Czechoslovakia and Serbia and Montenegro." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 4 (July 2011): 615–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.579952.

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This article examines the break-ups of post-communist Czechoslovakia and the Union of Serbia and Montenegro under consociationalism. According to Arend Lijphart, social divisions may be neutralized at the elite level with power-sharing mechanisms. Lijphart's theory has been abundantly criticized, particularly because, while its intention is to induce cooperation, consociationalism does not give leaders actual incentives to cooperate. Czechoslovakia and the Union qualified as consociations; however most favorable factors were absent. The states failed to overcome their divisions and broke apart. Both states were going through a democratization period, experienced differently in each republic. The article argues that the application of consociationalism at this time magnified the divisions. Stirring up the ethnic sensitivity of the population was the most reliable strategy for politicians to secure popular support. In this context, and with the EU enlargement prospect, the consociational structure, instead of bringing elites together, weakened the federal power and provided elites the opportunity to defend republican interests at the expense of the federations. Hence, while a consociation requires certain conditions and favorable factors, the context in which consociationalism is implemented, and particularly democratization periods, may have a decisive influence on the leaders’ ability to cooperate, on their decisions, and thereby on the state.

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16

Lorenz, Markus. "Die Demokratien der deutschen BundesLänder, Politische Institutionen im Vergleich: Mit einem Vorwort von Arend Lijphart." German Politics 21, no. 4 (December 2012): 523–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2012.739860.

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17

Ganghof, Steffen, and Sebastian Eppner. "Patterns of accountability and representation: Why the executive-parties dimension cannot explain democratic performance." Politics 39, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395717710566.

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Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables – the executive-parties dimension (EPD) – to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies’ performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies’ performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.

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18

Southern, Neil. "The pitfalls of power sharing in a new democracy: the case of the National Party in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 2 (June 2020): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x2000018x.

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AbstractA key political feature of South Africa's transformation was the African National Congress, the National Party and Inkatha Freedom Party working together in a grand coalition. This arrangement was praised by leading power-sharing theorist Arend Lijphart. The unity government began in 1994 but two years later the National Party withdrew. This article explores power sharing during the initial phase of the settlement and discusses three aspects of it. First, the South African example points to the electoral drawbacks of power sharing for minor parties. Second, the National Party's participation in the coalition stifled the early development of substantial political opposition which slowed the pace of democratic consolidation. Third, participation in a power-sharing arrangement undermined the National Party's electoral fortunes contributing to its dissolution in 2005. This was an unexpected outcome for a party which had co-authored the country's settlement a little over a decade earlier.

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Elklit, Jørgen. "Arend Lijphart & Bernard Grofman, eds: Choosing an Electroral System. Issues and Alternatives. New York: Praeger, 1984. 273 pp." Scandinavian Political Studies 8, no. 4 (December 1985): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1985.tb00330.x.

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Holderberg, Per, and Jan Ballowitz. "Politisierung durch Zwang?" Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 30, no. 3 (June 23, 2020): 401–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41358-020-00217-4.

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Zusammenfassung In Reaktion auf sinkende Beteiligungsraten bei Wahlen besteht in der internationalen politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung ein anhaltender Diskurs zu den Wirkungsweisen der Einführung einer Wahlpflicht. Neben der durch eine Wahlpflicht induzierten Steigerung der Wahlbeteiligung und dem Rückgang der sozial-selektiven Beteiligungszusammenhänge werden förderliche Eigenschaften für die politische Bildung und Involvierung der Bürger angenommen („spill-over-Effekt“). Es wird eine Auswertung der Literatur zur Wahlpflicht vorgenommen, welche in Anlehnung an die Hypothesen von Arend Lijphart, zentrale Forschungsbefunde zu den Wirkungseffekten zweiter Ordnung der Wahlpflicht zusammenfasst. Der Diskurs zur Wahlpflicht erscheint sehr stark von theoretischen Abhandlungen geprägt und weist Forschungslücken in der Untersuchung der Wirkungseffekte einer Wahlpflicht auf. In der Abhandlung wird erstmals auf Basis eines großen Datensatzes (N = 2047) mit einem experimentellen Forschungsdesign einer dreiwelligen Online-Befragung untersucht, welche Auswirkungen die Einführung einer gesetzlichen Wahlpflicht in Deutschland auf das Informationsverhalten, das politische Engagement und das politische Interesse hat. Mit Ausnahme des Bereichs der Mediennutzung, zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass die Annahmen des spill-over-Effekt nicht bestätigt werden können. Die Einführung einer Wahlpflicht würde folglich zu keiner signifikanten Erhöhung des politischen Interesses, des politischen Wissens, der politischen Informiertheit oder des politischen Engagements führen.

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Epstein, Leon D. "Choosing an Electoral System: Issues and Alternatives. Edited by Arend Lijphart and Bernard Grofman. (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1984. Pp. xii + 273. $32.95.)." American Political Science Review 80, no. 1 (March 1986): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957143.

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Bartolini, Stefano. "Arend Lijphart, Electoral Systems and Party Systems. A Study of Twenty-seven Democracies, 1945–1900, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. XVIII–203." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 25, no. 2 (August 1995): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200023613.

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23

Shvetsova, Olga. "Electoral Systems and Party Systems: A Study of Twenty-Seven Democracies, 1945–1990. By Arend Lijphart. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. 209p. $29.95." American Political Science Review 89, no. 2 (June 1995): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082483.

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Diaz, Francisco. "Lijphart, Arend. 2012. Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries. 2. Aufl. New Haven: Yale University Press. 348 S., € 16,28." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 8, no. 2 (August 26, 2014): 195–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-014-0195-8.

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O'Rourke, Timothy G. "Political Economy - Electoral Laws and Their Political Consequences. Edited by Bernard Grofman and Arend Lijphart (New York: Agathon, 1986. xiv, 335p. $38.00, cloth; $16.50, paper)." American Political Science Review 81, no. 4 (December 1987): 1427–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962665.

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Herron, David R. "Democracies: Patterns of Majoritarian and Consensus Government in Twenty-One Countries. By Arend Lijphart. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1984. Pp. xv + 229. $22.50, cloth; $6.95, paper.)." American Political Science Review 79, no. 3 (September 1985): 876–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956899.

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Moran, Michael. "Do Election Rules Matter? - Arend Lijphart: Electoral Systems and Party Systems: A Study of Twenty-seven Democracies 1945-1990, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1994, xvii + 209 pp. £25.00." Government and Opposition 29, no. 2 (April 1, 1994): 277–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01256.x.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. "Book ReviewsInstitutional Design in New Democracies: Eastern Europe and Latin America.Edited by Arend Lijphart and Carlos H. Waisman. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996. Pp. xvi + 265. $69.00 (cloth); $18.95 (paper)." American Journal of Sociology 105, no. 2 (September 1999): 574–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/210341.

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Dalton, Russell J. "Democracy and Institutions: The Life Work of Arend Lijphart. Edited by Markus M. L. Crepaz, Thomas A. Koelble, and David Wilsford. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000. 262p. $49.50." American Political Science Review 95, no. 3 (September 2001): 748. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400500355.

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30

Di Virgilio, Aldo. "Arend Lijphart, Democracies. Patterns of Majoritarian and Consensus Governement in Twenty-One Countries, London Yale University Press, 1984 (tr. it. Le democrazie contemporanee, Bologna, il Mulino, 1988, pp. 252, L. 25.000)." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 19, no. 1 (April 1989): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200017573.

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31

Ojeda Castro, Marco César, and Jorge Antonio Gastélum Escalante. "Primeras experiencias de democracia directa en Sinaloa y Jalisco, México. Una comparación para explicar sus resultados." Revista Mexicana de Opinión Pública, no. 33 (July 3, 2022): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.24484911e.2022.33.75559.

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El presente estudio comparativo, basado en el método de Arend Lijphart<a title="" name="_ftnref1" href="file:///C:/Users/imeld/Desktop/JOURNALS/Art%C3%ADculo%20para%20RMOP.%20Primeras%20experiencias%20de%20democracia%20directa%20en%20Sinaloa%20y%20Jalisco.docx#_ftn1"></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; color: black; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[1], analiza el desarrollo de la democracia directa en los estados de Sinaloa y Jalisco, en México, para observar sus primeros resultados en función de tres variables independientes que inciden en el fenómeno, como son el marco jurídico, el rol jugado por las autoridades y la activación ciudadana de estos mecanismos de participación. El objetivo del mismo es contrastar las experiencias de ambas entidades para reflexionar sobre el nivel de democracia directa que hay en Sinaloa a través del método comparado, que si bien se enfoca en una población pequeña de sólo dos entidades, las implicaciones de su estudio pueden ser útiles para posteriores comparaciones nacionales. Con este análisis se pone a discusión la hipótesis de que los mecanismos de democracia directa no son lo suficientemente exitosos cuando se activan desde la sociedad porque enfrentan los intereses políticos de autoridades que en apariencia alientan la participación, pero que en realidad suelen obstaculizarla para no ceder los espacios necesarios a la ciudadanía en la toma de decisiones.<div> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div id="ftn1"><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; background-image: initial; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;"><a title="" name="_ftn1" href="file:///C:/Users/imeld/Desktop/JOURNALS/Art%C3%ADculo%20para%20RMOP.%20Primeras%20experiencias%20de%20democracia%20directa%20en%20Sinaloa%20y%20Jalisco.docx#_ftnref1"></a><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-fareast-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="ES">[1]Arend Lijphart, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, <cite>The American Political Science Review,</cite> vol. 65, num. 3, Cambridge University Press y The American Science Political Association, Cambridge, Reino Unido, 1971, pp. 682-693. Disponible en: <<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513">https://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513</a>>, DOI: 10.2307/1955513, [fecha de consulta: 12 de diciembre de 2019].</div></div>El presente estudio comparativo, basado en el método de Arend Lijphart<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" name="_ftnref1" href="file:///C:/Users/imeld/Desktop/JOURNALS/Art%C3%ADculo%20para%20RMOP.%20Primeras%20experiencias%20de%20democracia%20directa%20en%20Sinaloa%20y%20Jalisco.docx#_ftn1"></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; color: black; mso-themecolor: text1; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">[1], analiza el desarrollo de la democracia directa en los estados de Sinaloa y Jalisco, en México, para observar sus primeros resultados en función de tres variables independientes que inciden en el fenómeno, como son el marco jurídico, el rol jugado por las autoridades y la activación ciudadana de estos mecanismos de participación. El objetivo del mismo es contrastar las experiencias de ambas entidades para reflexionar sobre el nivel de democracia directa que hay en Sinaloa a través del método comparado, que si bien se enfoca en una población pequeña de sólo dos entidades, las implicaciones de su estudio pueden ser útiles para posteriores comparaciones nacionales. Con este análisis se pone a discusión la hipótesis de que los mecanismos de democracia directa no son lo suficientemente exitosos cuando se activan desde la sociedad porque enfrentan los intereses políticos de autoridades que en apariencia alientan la participación, pero que en realidad suelen obstaculizarla para no ceder los espacios necesarios a la ciudadanía en la toma de decisiones.<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /><div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"><a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" name="_ftn1" href="file:///C:/Users/imeld/Desktop/JOURNALS/Art%C3%ADculo%20para%20RMOP.%20Primeras%20experiencias%20de%20democracia%20directa%20en%20Sinaloa%20y%20Jalisco.docx#_ftnref1"></a><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ansi-language: ES; mso-fareast-language: ES; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="ES">[1]Arend Lijphart, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, <cite>The American Political Science Review,</cite> vol. 65, num. 3, Cambridge University Press y The American Science Political Association, Cambridge, Reino Unido, 1971, pp. 682-693. Disponible en: <<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513">https://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513</a>>, DOI: 10.2307/1955513, [fecha de consulta: 12 de diciembre de 2019].</div></div>

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32

ten Napel, Hans-Martien. "THE CONCEPT OF MULTICULTURAL DEMOCRACY: A PRELIMINARY CHRISTIAN-PHILOSOPHICAL APPRAISAL." Philosophia Reformata 71, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000385.

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The starting point of this article is the fact that, as the Dutch-American political scientist Arend Lijphart has observed, ‘[m]ost experts on divided societies and constitutional engineering broadly agree that deep societal divisions pose a grave problem for democracy, and that it is therefore generally more difficult to establish and maintain democratic government in divided than in homogeneous countries.’2 If this is true it does not bode well for democracy, since to a certain extent all countries are multicultural societies today. Fortunately, therefore, the Human Development Report 2004, published for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) — after having carefully examined it — rejects this claim. According to the Report, cultural differences can indeed lead to social and political conflict, but only if the state does not recognize and accommodate the diverse ethnicities, religions, languages, and values in a particular country. Active multicultural policies are required to achieve this and to thereby make democracy viable in divided societies.3 This article consists of four sections. I will begin by setting out the concept of multicultural democracy, as advocated by the UNDP, in general. Next, I will specifically deal with the topic of church and state, which is both at the heart of this concept and traditionally of particular interest to Christian Philosophy. Section three looks at the Reformed contribution to the topic of church and state in religiously plural societies in the past. Finally, section four raises the question how the notion of pluriform democracy, as developed by Reformed thinkers and put into practice in the Netherlands during the better part of the twentieth century, relates to the concept of multicultural democracy. As the subtitle already indicates, the article is very much meant to serve as a working paper, not as the final word on this complex issue. For example, an earlier version of it was presented during the Assembly of the Reformed Ecumenical Council, held in Utrecht, Netherlands, from 12-26 July 2005.4 Although this Assembly had at its disposal a 92-page report on ‘Church, State and the Kingdom of God’, it was unable to reach any final conclusions, and decided to continue its discussion of the topic during the next Assembly in 2009.

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Baça, Ferit. "Philosophical Essence of Democracy." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 7, no. 3 (December 12, 2020): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/677ppj37k.

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Democracy is the product of the politico - economical systems of human society and is always evaluated from the point of view of the populace representation and their role. Continuously, to the democracy, are devoted countless number of theories which intent to explain the causes of the birth of democratic regimes and the power of civil society within such social systems. But in the philosophical plane, require answers a number of questions related to its origin and need, such as: Why did mankind leave the natural state of freedom when it was governed only by the instincts and the law of the jungle? What factors were imposed on the natural state of freedom and called to the stage of history the need for democracy? According to philosophers who refer to the determining role of elites, society is perceived as a single pyramid, at the head of which stands the elite of society itself. Philosophers, who refer to the role of pluralism, represent society as a number of billiard balls which collide with one another and with the governance itself, by producing the respective policies. Both views can be discussed. A society can be seen in the shape of a pyramid led by its elites. Robert Dahl called this kind of democracy a "polyarchy", which means leaded by the leaders of various groups who have managed to have an understanding with one another, while another scholar Arend Lijphart has called it "constitutional democracy". He argues that elites of every important group reach an agreement to run society under constitutional rules. This study provides a detailed analysis of the notion of "Democracy" seen from the point of view of elitism and pluralism. The breadth and depth of the subject consists of an intricate initiative in itself, for the fact that no study, old or new, or even all of the studies together on this subject, with all the depth and attentive care, can be complete, let alone conclusive, when they try to shed light on the etymological roots of humanity's democracy, on the abysses and the depths that it needs to overcome at present, as well as in its future. The study also puts forward a number of concerns related to the implementation of democracy as a theory and as a practice.

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Pasquino, Gianfranco. "TRENT'ANNI DI SCIENZA POLITICA: TEMI E LIBRI." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 31, no. 1 (April 2001): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200029531.

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Introduzione Qualsiasi bilancio è sempre problematico, soprattutto quando è il bilancio di una disciplina nella quale la ricerca continua e per la quale gli oggetti cambiano anche grazie alla ricerca, alle risultanze, agli interventi che ne derivano. Tuttavia, esistono occasioni nelle quali la necessità di un bilancio si impone. Trent'anni di vita, per una rivista accademica, non sono pochi. Meritano di essere analizzati e collocati nel più ampio territorio della scienza politica. Il primo fascicolo della «Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica» fu pubblicato nell'aprile del 1971. Dal punto di vista della nascita e della professionalizzazione della scienza politica in Italia, la nascita della Risp costituì il logico sviluppo dell'attività di un piccolo gruppo di studiosi che pochi mesi prima sotto la guida di Giovanni Sartori aveva collaborato alla Antologia di Scienza Politica con sezioni curate nell'ordine da Giuliano Urbani (Metodi, approcci e teorie); Stefano Passigli (Potere ed élites politiche); Giacomo Sani (Cultura politica e comportamento politico); Domenico Fisichella (Partiti politici e gruppi di pressione); Vittorio Mortara (La pubblica amministrazione) e Gianfranco Pasquino (Lo sviluppo politico). Quanto alla Rivista, quel primo fascicolo era deliberatamente e opportunamente dedicato alla politica comparata per segnalare l'importanza di quella prospettiva e del metodo che vi era sotteso. Sulla comparazione conteneva articoli di Sartori, La politica comparata: premesse e problemi, di Arend Lijphart, Il metodo della comparazione e di George J. Graham Jr., Consenso e opposizione: una tipologia, conteneva anche un articolo di Fisichella, Conseguenze politiche della legge elettorale regionale in Italia e uno di Pasquino, Le crisi di sviluppo nell'esperienza giapponese. In entrambi i casi, quegli articoli erano la prosecuzione di un interesse scientifico che si era già tradotto nella pubblicazione di due volumi, rispettivamente Fisichella (1970, e poi 1982) e Pasquino (1970). Tuttavia, mentre nel caso dei sistemi elettorali stava per aprirsi una intensa, ma tuttora incompiuta, stagione di dibattito e di riforme, che la Rivista ha monitorato standone a opportuna distanza (ad esempio, AA.VV. 1984 e 1987), nel caso dello sviluppo politico, il tema stava giungendo ad esaurimento. A riprova, sulla Rivista, se ne scrisse in seguito relativamente, forse troppo, poco. Peraltro, l'analisi dello sviluppo politico si era incrociata spesso, opportunamente e fruttuosamente con la politica comparata. Proprio per questo «incrocio», mi sembra che qualsiasi ricognizione su quanto è avvenuto, in termini di temi e di libri, in questi trent'anni debba ripartire congiuntamente dagli studi di politica comparata e di sviluppo politico.

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Marcum, John A. "The South African Quagmire: In Search of a Peaceful Path to Democratic Pluralism. Edited by S. Prakash Sethi (Cambridge: MA: Ballinger, 1987. xvi, 512p. $29.25). - Power-Sharing in South Africa. By Arend Lijphart. (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1985. x, 179p. $10.00)." American Political Science Review 82, no. 3 (September 1988): 1024–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962544.

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Lanzalaco, Luca. "Robert E. Goodin (a cura di), The Theory of Institutional Design, New York, Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 288. - Arend Lijphart e Carlos H. Waisman (a cura di), Institutional Design in New Democracies. Eastern Europe and Latin America, Boulder, Colorado, Westview, 1996, pp. 265." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 27, no. 1 (April 1997): 195–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200025600.

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Ghany, Hamid. "Correcting Arend Lijphart’s Hybrid VI: the case of Guyana." Journal of Legislative Studies 26, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 314–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2020.1746519.

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Younis, Nussaibah. "Set up to fail: consociational political structures in post-war Iraq, 2003–2010." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.543780.

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Since Arend Lijphart's development of the theory of consociationalism in 1969, dominant schools of thought have accepted that ‘power sharing’ and ‘group autonomy’ are the basic preconditions of democratic governance in divided societies. The constitution and electoral framework adopted by post-invasion Iraq instituted many of Lijphart's recommendations, including proportional representation, federalism and a parliamentary system with a weak presidency. But this democratic framework has failed Iraq. Eight months on from its 2010 parliamentary election and still struggling to establish an effective government, Iraq is facing constitutional crisis. This article uses the case study of Iraq to uncover fundamental flaws in orthodox arguments about democracy in divided societies and it goes on to recommend changes that would better enable stable and effective governance.

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Sullivan, Daniel P. "The missing pillars: a look at the failure of peace in Burundi through the lens of Arend Lijphart's theory of consociational democracy." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 1 (February 16, 2005): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0400062x.

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The failure of a power-sharing attempt at peace in Burundi in 1993 led to the killing of hundreds of thousands of Burundians and played a significant role in feeding tensions leading up to the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, in which another 800,000 people lost their lives. A look at the specifics of this power-sharing arrangement in the framework of Arend Lijphart's theory of consociational democracy leads to some interesting conclusions and insights into why the effort at peace failed and how future efforts could be improved. The paper looks at the arrangement in terms of Lijphart's four main pillars for successful consociationalism in deeply divided states: a grand coalition, segmental autonomy, minority overrepresentation or parity, and a minority veto. The extent to which Lijphart's recommendations were implemented is assessed along with the impact of their presence or absence. The analysis leads to some important lessons and further questions which are of particular importance as Burundi heads into its latest attempt at a stable and peaceful society.

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Müller-Rommel, Ferdinand. "Demokratiemuster und Leistungsbilanz von Regierungen: Kritische Anmerkungen zu Arend Lijphart’s „Patterns of Democracy“." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 2, no. 1 (April 2008): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-008-0001-6.

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Carey, John M., and Yusaku Horiuchi. "Compulsory Voting and Income Inequality: Evidence for Lijphart's Proposition from Venezuela." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 2 (2017): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12021.

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AbstractWhat difference does it make if the state makes people vote? The question is central to normative debates about the rights and duties of citizens in a democracy, and to contemporary policy debates in a number of Latin American countries over what actions states should take to encourage electoral participation. Focusing on a rare case of abolishing compulsory voting in Venezuela, this article shows that not forcing people to vote yielded a more unequal distribution of income. The evidence supports Arend Lijphart's claim, advanced in his 1996 presidential address to the American Political Science Association, that compulsory voting can offset class bias in turnout and, in turn, contribute to the equality of influence.

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Kerimov, Arseny A. "Consociational Democracy in Lebanon: Modern Challenges and Development Prospects." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 364–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-3-364-378.

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This article explores some key problems of the organization and operation of the Lebanese confessional political system. The study is carried out within the framework of the comparative approach and, in essence, is a comparison of the Lebanese realities with the ideal type of consociational democracy in order to identify country specific features and find ways to overcome the growing instability. Arend Lijpharts consociational theory is used as the main analytical tool. Based on the analysis of the formation and development of the Lebanese consociational system, the study identifies its historical roots, as well as its strengths and weaknesses. The article examines the internal and external causes of the Lebanese political crises and assesses the possible ways of evolution of the countrys political regime, including the prospects for the transformation of consociational democracy into a civil one. When applied to Lebanon, the terms consociationalism and political confessionalism are used as synonyms.

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Iličić, Gordana. "UTJECAJ VEĆINSKOGA SEGMENTA NA PROPAST KONSOCIJACIJSKOGA ARANŽMANA, SLUČAJ CIPRA." South Eastern European Journal of Communication 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47960/2712-0457.2021.2.3.49.

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U radu se upućuje na doprinos literaturi o komparativnoj demokraciji Arenda Lijpharta s podjelom na većinske i konsenzusne demokracije. Posebna pozornost posvećena je njegovoj teoriji konsocijalizma čiji aranžmani omogućuju ublažavanje sukoba u duboko podijeljenim društvima. Kao primjer nedjelotvornosti primjene toga obrasca demokracije i potvrda Horowitzeve postavke da je konsocijacijski aranžman nemotivacijski za vođe većinskih zajednica, prikazan je slučaj Cipra. U radu se analiziraju nepremostiva polazišta za postizanjem ravnoteže u podjeli moći između dominantnih preferencija ciparskih Grka za jedinstvenom državom i ciparskih Turaka za prepoznavanjem zasebnih političkih entiteta. Dolazi se do zaključka da je krahu konsocijacijskih postavki presudila nepovoljna ravnoteža snaga među segmentima, uz nesposobnost međunarodnih čimbenika da postignu djelotvorne poticaje za suradnju među dvjema podijeljenim zajednicama

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Anderson, Christopher J., and Christine A. Guillory. "Political Institutions and Satisfaction with Democracy: A Cross-National Analysis of Consensus and Majoritarian Systems." American Political Science Review 91, no. 1 (March 1997): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952259.

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Do political institutions affect citizen satisfaction with democracy? If so, how? Using cross-sectional survey data for eleven European democracies together with data on the type of democracy in which individuals live, we demonstrate that the nature of representative democratic institutions (measured by Arend Lijphart's consensus-majority index of democracies) mediates the relationship between a person's status as part of the political minority or majority and his or her satisfaction with the way the system works. Specifically, we find that (1) the losers of democratic competition show lower levels of satisfaction than do those in the majority and (2) losers in systems that are more consensual display higher levels of satisfaction with the way democracy works than do losers in systems with majoritarian characteristics. Conversely, winners tend to be more satisfied with democracy the more a country's political institutions approximate pure majoritarian government.

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Folvarčný, Adam, and Lubomír Kopeček. "Which conservatism? The identity of the Polish Law and Justice party." Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0008.

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AbstractThis article deals with Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS), considered a conservative party in the scholarly literature. Drawing largely on party manifestos, the article demonstrates the character, the specificities and the evolution of the party’s identity and ideology. A theoretical basis for the undertaking is provided by Klaus von Beyme’s concept of party families, Arend Lijphart’s seven ideological dimensions and classic texts on conservatism. The analysis finds that the most important components in PiS’s current identity are Catholicism itself and the great emphasis the party places on the role of the Catholic Church. Also important for the party’s identity are visions of a nation conceived on ethnic principle, a strong and active state able to form society with a national spirit, anti-communism and a negation of developments in Poland since 1989. A substantial role is played by the quasi-religiously conceived legacy of the party’s co-founder, Lech Kaczyński, who tragically perished in an aircraft crash. With its Catholic-nationalist profile, PiS is close to the Christian current within the conservative New Right, and to Polish National Democracy in the interwar period.

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Zriba, Hassen. "Social Cohesion and Cultural Diversity in Contemporary Britain: Impossible Mission!" American International Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijhass.v1i2.92.

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In contemporary multicultural Britain, the concept of social cohesion has been a pressing priority for not only politicians and sociologists but also for the various British ethnic minorities. Race riots like those of 2001 in Northern Britain and the events of 7/7 in London (2005) put into question the allegiances of different British ethnic populations. They equally shed light on the real or perceived lack of social and cultural communication between the established British host population and the British ethnic and immigrant communities. Hence, social cohesion came to the fore as the new jargon of governance in contemporary Britain.This article analyzes on the concept of social cohesion and its applicability within an officially declared multicultural community like that of Great Britain. The concept will be reviewed, defined and approached from different liberal political perspectives (Robert Dahl’s pluralist approach and Arend Lijphart’s consociationalism to the more recent Will Kymlicka’s group-differentiated citizenship) while paying special attention to the British context. Bhikhu Parekh’s conception of the different theoretical approaches to the issue of social cohesion that are pertinent to liberal capitalist societies in general and the British context, in particular, is investigated. The aim of this study is to highlight the complexity of the normative accounts of the political scientists regarding the challenges that face multicultural Britain in coming to terms with its endeavour of creating “unity within diversity”. The 2002 White Paper and security speech of David Cameron (2011) political discourses are analyzed and evaluated to decipher how they understood national identity in relation to cultural diversity and social cohesion. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3376484

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KIRPSZA, Adam KIRPSZA. "Duch d’Hondta w Strasburgu. Zasada proporcjonalnej dystrybucji stanowisk w Parlamencie Europejskim." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.3.9.

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Proportionality is an intrinsic feature of parliamentary democracy. It is a principle stating that, depending on its size, each political party has a commensurate ability to influence legislature. This is confirmed by comparative studies which show that proportionality is a significant principle in the distribution of parliamentary posts in a majority of West European states. Consequently, even deputies from the smallest parties can chair commissions or lead sessions of the chambers, and by this token participate in the political decision-making process. This softens the domination of the majority party and – in line with Arend Lijphart’s concept – generates consensual democracy, based on the search for broad compromises instead of simply outvoting the opponent. Given this picture, a question emerges whether the situation is similar in the representative institution of the European Union, i.e. the European Parliament. The paper answers this question positively. The standard of proportionality has strong roots in the European Parliament forming a fundamental principle expressed in terms of d’Hondt’s formula applied to distribute posts among different political groups. This mainly concerns the division of the members of the Presidium and commission chairmen, who exercise the most important decisive functions. The implementation of the idea of appropriate representation may not be ideal, but divergences are rare, insignificant and usually they result from political bargaining that favors smaller fractions. The proportionality principle is also binding when distributing parliamentary posts inside political groups. There is a strong and positive correlation between the size of national delegations and the number of key posts they obtain in the Parliament – members of the Presidium, commission chairmen and coordinators. Only in the case of the latter is proportionality subjected to certain distortions, following from their key political importance. This, however, does not interfere with the general picture of symmetric participation of national groups in appointing parliamentary posts. In conclusion, the standard of proportionality allows all political groups to adequately participate in the work of the European Parliament, which deserves to be emphasized, the more so, as it is not formalized.

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Suárez-Iniguez, Enrique. "Los increíbles errores de Lijphart." Estudios Políticos 9, no. 20 (February 23, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.24484903e.2010.20.24276.

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El artículo presenta algunas precisiones, en el ámbito de la filosofía política, relacionadas con la aportación intelectual de uno de sus más recientes exponentes, Arend Lijphart. En opinión de Suárez-Iñiguez, Lijphart ha propuesto algunas ideas en el campo de la ciencia política, que por sí mismas dificultan la comprensión de temas tales como: la democracia moderna, los sistemas políticos o la participación política. A través de una selección de preceptos, el autor desglosa las que a su parecer, pueden ser las principales debilidades de las aportaciones de Lijphart.

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García Jurado, Roberto. "Dos modelos de democracia." Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales 44, no. 182-3 (April 7, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.2001.182-3.48365.

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Reseña del libro de Arend Lijphart, Modelos de democracia. Formas de gobierno y resultado en treinta y seis países, Barcelona, Ariel, 2000.

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"Democracy and institutions: the life work of Arend Lijphart." Choice Reviews Online 38, no. 08 (April 1, 2001): 38–4695. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.38-4695.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Arend Lijphart'

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