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1

LIUT, MARTIN. "‘Devenir compositeur’: Notes on the Insertion of Argentine Composers in the Contemporary French Music Scene (1970–2000)." Twentieth-Century Music 17, no. 3 (2020): 311–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572220000146.

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AbstractThis article studies a group of nineteen Argentinean composers who settled in Paris between 1970 and 2000. In addition to social and political factors of Argentine history – including the last military dictatorship (1976–83) and the 1989 period of ‘hyperinflation’ (1989) – these composers wanted to develop their careers in a professional field with the history, size, and diversity of Paris. Since the 1970s, France began a strong state policy supporting the arts; this action promoted a process of internationalization of Paris's artistic life. Contemporary music was viewed by participants and creators as an open and cosmopolitan space. Although the paradigm of autonomy suggests that nationality is less relevant than the individuality of each composer, the latter continues to function as an identity marker and, therefore, as a classification strategy both in France and in Argentina.
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Tokarz, Wojciech. "Walking on the Wild Side: Indigeneity, Passion, and Nation in Guillermo Saccomanno’s La lengua del malón." Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos 45, no. 3 (2024): 781–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/rceh.v45i3.6815.

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Although the historical novel produced in Argentina after the fall of the last dictatorship has been characterized by the principle of inclusion, the representation of Indigenous peoples in the re-imagining of national narratives has contributed, ironically, to their marginalization. This article focuses on the ways La lengua del malón (2003) by Guillermo Saccomanno engages critically with national narratives from a peripheral position in order to escape the genre’s colonial limitations and proposes narrative strategies that allow the author not only to recognize the country’s Indigenous heritage, but also to acknowledge the continuous presence of Indigeneity in contemporary Argentinean culture.
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Jacoby, Roberto. "Selected Writings." October 153 (July 2015): 14–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00225.

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This selection of texts by the Argentinean artist Roberto Jacoby includes seven that are here published in English for the first time, and two others rendered in new translations. The majority of the texts (all but three) were written in the 1960s. Some, such as “Scale Model of an Artwork” (1966), “Automatic Circuit (work no. 1 for Telephone Circuit)” (1967), and “Message at the Di Tella Institute” (1968), are short descriptions of artworks. Another, “An Art of Communications Media (Manifesto)” (1967), takes the form of a manifesto, co-written by Jacoby and two other artists. “Demonstration: A Mass Media Artwork” (1967) touches on various issues topical in the mid-1960s art world in Argentina and beyond, including the relationship between art and life, society, and politics, and “Against the Happening” (1967) considers an art that harnesses the mass media for its production. The section also includes translations of song lyrics written by Jacoby that link intimate themes of love with international politics. The songs were put to music and recorded by the Argentinian rock group Virus for its fifth record, “Surfaces of Pleasure” (1987). The section concludes with “Strategy of Joy” (2000), an article that theorizes a biopolitical form of resistance to the civil-military dictatorship that brutalized the Argentinian population in the 1970s and early 1980s, and “Report on the Venus Project” (2002), which focuses on an experimental community formed in the midst of the social, economic and political crisis that befell Argentina in the summer of 2001, and, according to some, is ongoing.
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Pietrak, Mariola. "Violencia sexual de la dictadura argentina en clave para/porno/gráfica: “Ni cumpleaños ni bautismos” de Mariana Enriquez." Moderna Språk 115, no. 3 (2021): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.58221/mosp.v115i3.6808.

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La violencia sexual constituyó parte del plan sistemático de tortura durante la última dictadura argentina. La literatura, incluso la de ficción, demuestra cómo el régimen represor volvía pornográficos los cuerpos de las mujeres presas en su doble lógica vejatoria: dictatorial y patriarcal. En diálogo con otros textos culturales (“Cambio de armas” de Luisa Valenzuela o Putas y guerrilleras de Miriam Lewin y Olga Wornat, por ejemplo), “Ni cumpleaños ni bautismos” de Mariana Enriquez formula la denuncia de aquellas prácticas recurriendo a la retórica parapornográfica —de pornografía obtusa, como dirían Roland Barthes y Fabián Giménez Gatto (2011)— que abre el campo de sentido a lo espectral. Esta deriva hacia lo pornogramático y lo fantástico crea nuevas formas de discursividad para narrar no solo aquella experiencia inefable, vuelta tabú, sino también el trauma enquistado en la sociedad. El presente trabajo muestra cómo la discursividad pornográfica en el relato de Enriquez vuelve operativo el potencial contrasistémico de la postpornografía, poniéndola en relación con la crítica de la violencia sexual durante la última dictadura argentina.
 Sexual violence was applied systematically as part of the torture plan during the last Argentinean dictatorship. Literature, even of fictional variety, shows how the repressive regime turned the bodies of imprisoned women into pornography in accordance with its double vexatious logic: dictatorial and patriarchal. In dialogue with other cultural texts (“Cambio de armas” by Luisa Valenzuela or Putas y guerrilleras by Miriam Lewin and Olga Wornat, for example), “Ni cumpleaños ni bautismos” by Mariana Enriquez formulates the denunciation of those practices; it resorts to parapornographic rhetoric of obtuse pornography in terms of Roland Barthes and Fabián Giménez Gatto (2011), opening the field of meaning to the spectral. This drift towards the porno-grammatic and the fantastic creates new discursive forms to narrate not only this ineffable, tabooed experience, but also the impact of trauma on the society. This article analyses the ways in which the pornographic discursiveness in Enriquez's story exploits the contrasexual and countersystemic potential of post-pornography, putting it in relation to the criticism of sexual violence perpetrated during the last Argentinean dictatorship.
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DI, MEGLIO Estefanía. "Imprimir la memoria y el duelo en la escritura. Sobre La casa de los conejos de Laura Alcoba." Cuadernos de Aleph 12 (July 31, 2020): 40–63. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15040368.

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<strong>Resumen</strong>: El presente art&iacute;culo est&aacute; dividido en tres partes. La primera, de car&aacute;cter hist&oacute;rico, revisa las temporalidades de la memoria en Argentina a prop&oacute;sito de la &uacute;ltima dictadura. La segunda, de tipo te&oacute;rico, recorre algunos textos que estudian las formas de la memoria y las interacciones entre memoria y duelo en los relatos en general y en los textos literarios en particular. Finalmente, la &uacute;ltima analiza las representaciones de la memoria en la novela <em>La casa de los conejos</em> (2008), de Laura Alcoba, y la idea de la escritura como trabajo de memoria y como trabajo de duelo. <strong>Abstract</strong>:<strong> </strong>The present article is divided in three parts. The first one is a historical part. It examines the temporalities concerning to memory in post-dictatorship Argentinean society. The second section is a theoretical part and looks over some texts about the forms of memory and several interactions between memory and grief in literary and not literary texts. The last part analyzes memory representations in the novel <em>La casa de los conejos</em> by Laura Alcoba. Besides, this part analyzes the idea of writing as memory work and grief work.
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Greco, Mauro. "The Argentinean House in Paris during the last dictatorship: neighbourhoods, silences and (in)civilities." Anuario (Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Universidad Nacional de La Pampa) 15, no. 15 (2019): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/an1504.

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Zylberman, Lior. "Against family loyalty: documentary films on descendants of perpetrators from the last Argentinean dictatorship." Continuum 34, no. 2 (2020): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2020.1737435.

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Belej, Cecilia. "Just before Freedom." Radical History Review 2023, no. 146 (2023): 167–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302933.

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Abstract This Curated Spaces features a visual essay of photographs made by Alicia Sanguinetti, an Argentinean political prisoner of Alejandro Lanusse’s military government, on the last day of her captivity in Villa Devoto prison in Buenos Aires. Sanguinetti and her fellow political prisoners of the 1966–73 dictatorship were released by the democratic president Héctor Cámpora on the day he took office. This event, which occurred on May 25, 1973, is known as the Devotazo. Sanguinetti took these photographs—a roll of thirty-six black-and-white images—with a camera that her brother smuggled into the prison. The text includes comments by Alicia Sanguinetti from her interview with the author.
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Durante, Erica. "The Silence and the Fury: Samanta Schweblin's "Dissolved Horror" in Light of Mariana Enriquez's Gothic Horror." Revista de Estudios Hispánicos 58, no. 1 (2024): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rvs.2024.a931919.

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Abstract: In this paper, the works of Argentinean writer Samanta Schweblin are explored, focusing on the concept of dissolved horror as a guiding framework. Dissolved horror describes a unique form of horror that goes beyond the typical extremes of gore and gothic imagery. Instead, it embraces an eerie, peculiar, and intimate lyrical dimension, prompting Schweblin to reshape semantics and challenge traditional narrative conventions in horror storytelling. To analyze Schweblin's aesthetic and poetic approach to dissolved horror, this article draws a parallel with the body of work by Mariana Enriquez. This comparative analysis sheds light on Schweblin's distinct narrative patterns, tropes, and strategies. I trace the literary trajectories of these two prominent writers, rooted in their individual experiences as adolescents exposed to the pervasive climate of fear and the haunting specter of shattered and vanished lives and bodies during the Argentinean military dictatorship. By delving into both authors' poetic affinities and unique creative paths, I aim to contribute to a more precise and thoughtful taxonomy that enables readers to fully comprehend the current and unparalleled Latin American feminine and feminist literary landscape.
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Jensen, Silvina, and Pablo Yankelevich. "Una aproximación cuantitativa para el estudio del exilio político argentino en México y Cataluña (1974-1983) / A Quantitative Approach to the Study of Argentinean Political Exiles in Mexico and Catalunya (1974-1983)." Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos 22, no. 2 (2007): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/edu.v22i2.1284.

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En la historia demográfica argentina de la última mitad del siglo xx los flujos emigratorios constituyen un fenómeno particularmente significativo. Sin embargo existen dificultades para estudiarlos pues los registros documentales que se han generado no permiten distinguir una emigración tradicional de otra que respondió a un contexto de marcada persecución política. Este artículo analiza dichas dificultades y revisa las distintas aproximaciones realizadas para medir la magnitud del exilio argentino durante la última dictadura militar (1976-1983). Se estudian los casos de México y de Cataluña, con base en los registros consulares y migratorios a los que en fechas recientes se pudo acceder. Éstas nuevas fuentes, con sus peculiaridades y limitaciones, permiten evidenciar los contrastes en los perfiles sociodemográficos de los argentinos que llegaron a México y Cataluña antes y después del golpe de Estado. Así, este trabajo permite acercarse con mayor precisión a las características de una emigración generada por la represión militar, y a las modalidades que asumieron los procesos de inserción de esos exiliados en las sociedades receptoras. AbstractIn the Argentinean demographic history of the second half of the 20th century, migratory flows constitute a particularly significant phenomenon. They have, however, proved difficult to study, since documentary records fail to distinguish between traditional migration and another type of migration that reflected a context of acute political persecution. This article analyzes these difficulties and reviews the various approaches used to measure the scope of Argentinean exile during the last military dictatorship (1976-1983). It studies the cases of Mexico and Catalunya on the basis of consular and migratory records that have recently been made available. These new sources, with their peculiarities and limitations, highlight the contrasts in the socio-demographic profiles of the Argentineans that arrived in Mexico and Catalunya before and after the coup d’état. This paper provides a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the emigration caused by military repression and the ways exiles were incorporated into receiving societies.
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Oliveira, Keyla Andrea Santiago, and Pollyanna Rosa Ribeiro. "O PROTAGONISMO INFANTIL POR MEIO DA RESISTÊNCIA EM KAMCHATKA (2003)." COLLOQUIUM HUMANARUM 16, no. 4 (2019): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5747/ch.2019.v16.n4.h449.

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Our assumption is that cinema and its aesthetic devices can reveal subtleties that the daily life so often does not allow us: the child's look on the world and its inherent dramas of childhood. And what can we access about childish afflictions in the face of social control governed by the centralization of power in the military and by the loss of rights? The proposal of this work is to developa discussion about the reading of the child in a vulnerable social context through the Argentinean film Kamchatka (2003). It shows thepower of childresistance. It is from the perspective of the 10-year-old protagonist, Matías (Harry), who accompanies the confluence of tension,playfulness and also the enigma of resistance that parents experience before the dictatorship. This article is linked to the research ...,it has as a research methodology the filmic analysis and takes as theoretical reference Adorno and Horkheimer (1985), Adorno (1992), Bernadet (1985),Bordwell (2013),Gardies, Rojas (2014), Truffaut (2005).The results point to the vigor of the filmic work by unveiling the impact of the imperative penetration of barbarism of the dictatorship in the various social intricacies, especially in childrenlives.
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Clayton, Michelle. "Introduction to the Translation of "Como está Hecho el Ulises " ("How Ulysses Is Made")." James Joyce Quarterly 61, no. 3-4 (2024): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjq.2024.a941494.

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ABSTRACT: This is a translation of the 2005 essay, "How Ulysses is Made," by the Argentinean novelist and critic Ricardo Piglia (1941-2017), author of some of the most celebrated Latin American novels of the dictatorship and post-dictatorship periods, and one of the continent's most influential essayists and narrative theorists. His essay on Ulysses is a key contribution to international readings of Joyce, offering a profound reflection on practices of interpretation and translation across languages and contexts. The essay explores how meaning accrues across the process of reading—and rereading—Joyce's novel, for characters and readers alike. Looking first at the ways in which characters in Ulysses make sense of their world with reference to their readings and vice versa, he then explores how Ulysses made its way into Spanish, to probe how translation works as a mode of reading, even when it makes mistakes. Zooming in on the little-known figure of the translator José Salas Subirat—an uncanny avatar of Bloom, as Lucas Petersen's 2016 biography would reveal—Piglia shows how translator and reader alike must quest their way through the novel like modern-day Odysseuses, trying to make sense of the signs they encounter even as they encounter moments that clearly block sense.
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Mariana, Sirimarco. "El "Museo del horror" tucumano Nahuel maciel y la historia que nunca sucedió." Cuadernos del Instituto Nacional de Antropología y Pensamiento Latinoamericano 32, no. 1 (2023): 82–107. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8164906.

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The &ldquo;Museums of Subversion&rdquo; were places that exhibited objects hijacked in the so called &ldquo;battle against subversion&rdquo; carried by military forces during the last Argentinean dictatorship. The &ldquo;Police Museum&rdquo; of Tucum&aacute;n lead the list of the four known museums of this type, although its inclusion in the group implies a gray area: it was not under military control (as the others were), and its formal name was connected to a historical police museum (unlike the others). Through a documentary survey, this paper aims to a punctual interrogation: which specific semantic field made it possible for a historical police museum to be leading the list of the &ldquo;Museums of Subversion&rdquo; created in the context of the mentioned military &ldquo;battle&rdquo;?
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Fernandez Roich, Cynthia. "A Sick Country in Need of a Doctor: How the Argentinean Press Supported the Last Military Dictatorship." Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research 22, no. 1 (2016): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13260219.2016.1200272.

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Hepworth, Andrea. "From Survivor to Fourth-Generation Memory: Literal and Discursive Sites of Memory in Post-dictatorship Germany and Spain." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (2017): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417694429.

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The transition of the memory of twentieth-century conflicts from survivor to cultural memory has become inevitable with the passing of the survivor generation. This article examines the role of different generations in the retrieval and commemoration of the traumatic past in Germany and Spain by focusing on two main areas: firstly, it analyzes the debates surrounding the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin and the ongoing review of form and function of existing memorial sites in the city, as well as ongoing vandalism and trivialization of these sites. Secondly, it examines recent debates and protests in Spain surrounding the 1977 Amnesty Law by prominent artists and the wider public. These range from protests against the indictment of Judge Baltasar Garzón in 2010 for opening an investigation into crimes against humanity committed by the Franco regime to demonstrations in November 2015 demanding an annulment of the 1977 Law, and to the recent Argentinean court case of Franco-era human rights crimes. Considering Pierre Nora’s notion that lieux de mémoire can be ‘material or non-material’, this article suggests that debates and demonstrations can act as a virtual space in which memory is viable. It analyzes the role of the ‘generations of postmemory’, in particular the third and fourth generations, in forestalling silence and forgetting and changing existing rigid discursive patterns.
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Di Meglio, Estefanía. "“Bad age to be a woman”. Approaches to an intersectional analysis of sexual violence in the concentration camps during latest Argentinean dictatorship (1976-1983)." La Aljaba 27, no. 1 (2023): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/la-aljaba-v271-2023-1.

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Mattarollo, Livio. "Genética humana y el valor de los valores no-epistémicos en la restitución de identidad en Argentina." Revista de Humanidades de Valparaíso, no. 16 (January 21, 2021): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.22370/rhv2020iss16pp255-275.

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Within the context of the discussion about value-free science ideal, Heather Douglas claims that in several cases non-epistemic values are needed for good reasoning in science. In this article I aim at recovering her viewpoint in order to examine the research driving to the Genetic Grandparent Inclusion-Probability Index, a crucial element to restitute the identity of children who were abducted during Argentinean dictatorship (1976-1983). Thus, my purposes are (i) to reconstruct Douglas´ main theoretical contributions, specifically her reasons to reject the ideal as well as the distinction between direct and indirect roles for values in science; and (ii) to analyze the scientific paper resulting from the “Grandparent-Inclusion Index” research. The main hypothesis is (iii) that several decisions of this research, particularly the establishment of what is to be considered sufficient evidence, should be explained by reference to social, ethical and political values. Both because of the non-epistemic consequences of the inquiry related to its inductive risk and because such inquiry is a case in which there is legitimate and necessary integration between epistemic and non-epistemic values and that it is also a case in which Douglas’ criteria of objectivity is reached. By virtue of these reasons, the significance of Douglas’ contribution to the analysis of the relationship between science and politics is emphasized.
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Martins, Celina. "Cortázar et Saramago : la représentation de la dictature et l’affirmation de l’engagement." Interlitteraria 22, no. 1 (2017): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2017.22.1.2.

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Abstract. Cortázar and Saramago: the Representation of Dictatorship and the Strength of Engagement. Julio Cortázar and José Saramago create the poetics of compromise focused on a critique of the Argentinian and Portuguese dictatorships as paradigms of oppression and censorship. With this study, based on a comparatist analysis approach, we intend to show how the short stories “The Second Time Around” and “The Chair” denounce the evils of dictatorship, shaping fictions that explore the experience of impoverishment of the self. Cortázar’s text explores the practice of disappearance during Videla’s dictatorship from a absurd Kafkaesque perspective whereas Saramago’s writing focuses on the decline of Salazar’s dictatorship as a carnival game. Cortázar and Saramago assume the relevance of compromise, the aim of which is political disalienation in order to shape consciences enabling reassessing the evil effects of disalienating dictatorial regimes.
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Schelchkov, Andrey A. "Unwilling allies: the USSR, the Communist Party of Argentina, and the military dictatorship in Argentina, 1976–1983." Novaia i noveishaia istoria, no. 4 (August 19, 2024): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424040114.

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The author of this article aims to explore the complex and contradictory relationship between the Communist Party of Argentina, the Soviet Union, and the military regime in Argentina between 1976 and 1983. It was a period of right-wing military dictatorship domination in the region, characterised by outright terrorist policies against left-wing forces, mass violations of human rights, which put the International Communist Movement in an ambiguous position due to the USSR’s close cooperation with the Argentine military junta. A unique situation of mutual interest between Soviet foreign policy and the military dictatorship developed in the USSR’s relations with the military regime in Argentina. The most important factor in this contradictory situation was the position of the Communist Party of Argentina, supported by the CPSU, on co-operation with a regime that other communist parties and leftist forces qualified as fascist, ultra-reactionary, and anti-communist. The USSR found moral and political justification for its cooperation with the Argentine regime in the policies of local communists who supported the regime, justifying its repression of leftist radical movements, especially the Montoneros. The Argentine Communist Party justified its policy by referring to the junta’s growing cooperation with the USSR. The article explores the reasons for this policy of the Communist Party, which caused tension in the international communist movement and the subsequent isolation of the Argentinian Communist Party. The specific political interests of the USSR were supported by the Argentine communists, who, in turn, saw in them a guarantee of their interests in the conditions of the harsh right-wing military regime in the country. For the first time in historiography, this paper, drawing on records from the archive of the CPSU Central Committee, documents the complex process of reconciling the USSR’s economic and political interests in Argentina during this difficult period of the Cold War.
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Kressel, Daniel G. "The “Argentine Franco”?: The Regime of Juan Carlos Onganía and Its Ideological Dialogue with Francoist Spain (1966–1970)." Americas 78, no. 1 (2021): 89–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.106.

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AbstractThe article examines the ideological character of Juan Carlos Onganía's dictatorship by exploring its ties and dialogue with Francisco Franco's Spain. Known as the “Argentine Revolution,” Onganía's regime (1966-70) was, the article shows, one of the first Cold War Latin American dictatorship to overtly use Francoist ideology as its point of reference. While building on the conventional wisdom that the legacies of the Spanish Civil War informed right-wing thought in Latin America, the study then shifts its focus to Spain's 1960s “economic miracle” and technocratic state model, observing them as a prominent discursive toolkit for authoritarian Argentine intellectuals. Drawing on newly discovered correspondence and archival sources, the article first excavates the intellectual networks operating between Franco's Spain and the Argentine right during the 1950s and 1960s. Once handpicked by Onganía to design his regime, these Argentine Franco-sympathizers were to decide the character of the Argentine Revolution. Second, the article sheds light on the intimate collaboration between the two dictatorships, and further explores the reasons for Onganía's downfall. In doing so, the study adds to a burgeoning historiographic field that underscores the significance of the Francoist dictatorship in the Latin American right-wing imaginary.
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Mauas, Lea, and Diego Rotman. "Born in Translation and Iteration: On the Poetics of João Delgado." Arts 12, no. 3 (2023): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12030095.

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João Delgado’s poetry first appeared as an anthology of translated poetry in He’arat Shulaym Issue 1, published in November 2001 in Jerusalem by the artist collective Sala-Manca. The entire issue was devoted to João Delgado. Delgado was a Portuguese-Argentinean poet, born in Lisbon circa 1920 (or not), who left Portugal as a political refugee for Buenos Aires. He disappeared in 1976 during the military dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983). Since 1976, there has been no trace of his fate, although new fragments of his work are constantly being discovered, translated, and published by the Sala-Manca group. There is no evidence of any originals of his work. Literary critics in Israel praised Delgado’s poetry and art and even identified previously unknown relationships to poets and artists from the European avantgarde. In Sala-Manca’s artistic work, dating back two decades, João Delgado and his heteronyms would have a central role and focus, blurring the boundaries of the group, blurring the fictional with the “real”, and proposing a subjectivity that embraces multiplicity and dispersion. Translating his poetry into Hebrew, a foreign language (to Delgado), and bringing it into print for the first time in neither its original language nor the cultural context in which it was created may be seen as a kind of de-contextualization of the poet’s poetry, since Delgado always kept himself and his oeuvre connected to the immediate surroundings where it was produced. On the other hand, perhaps it is actually this possibility—to “become only in translation”—that is one of the outstanding characteristics of Delgado’s poetry, emblematic of its linguistic and conceptual elasticity. This paper examines João Delgado’s poetic work in relation to Sala-Manca’s artistic work and the way in which both Sala-Manca and Delgado create a “system of life” by being heteronyms of one another, allowing for a multiplicity of identities, and stressing the relation to Others.
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Carassai, Sebastián. "‘The Dagger of Dispossession Will Be Ripped Out’: The Malvinas/Falkland Islands in Argentine Song (1941–82)." Journal of Latin American Studies 53, no. 4 (2021): 717–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x21000766.

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AbstractIn April 1982, Great Britain and Argentina went to war over the Falkland Islands/Malvinas. On 14 June, the defeated Argentine military began the evacuation of the Islands. Most Argentines came to view this short war as an absurd adventure entered into by a military dictatorship in decline trying to cling on to power. Yet by analysing Argentine songs about the Malvinas from 1941 to 1982, this article shows that the national imaginary had long included ideas of sovereignty usurped and captive islands awaiting redemption. Argentine songs about the Malvinas, I maintain, can be analysed as expressions of an ‘emotional community’ around the Islands. By examining the emphases, constants and changes in the songs emerging from that community, we get a clearer picture of how ideas about the territory and its recovery changed over time.
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Schenquer, Laura. "The Uses of Culture in the Last Argentine Dictatorship (1976–1983): From Studies of Repression to Analyses of the Construction of Consensus." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 3 (2019): 186–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19879412.

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Democratic governments are not the only ones that formulate political strategies to generate consensus. The last Argentine dictatorship (1976–1983) also developed cultural, educational, and communication policies to maintain and increase its support and to curb the opposition. However, these policies have not been studied in the postdictatorship, largely because of the prevalence of the image of the apagón cultural (cultural blackout)—the notion that the dictatorship’s project was simply repression and censorship. Examination of recently discovered official documents reveals the productive and creative character of the dictatorship’s cultural projects, which were used to increase social control and impose a certain “order.” Los gobiernos democráticos no son los únicos que formulan estrategias políticas para generar consenso. La última dictadura argentina (1976–1983) también desarrolló políticas culturales, educativas y de comunicación para mantener e incrementar su apoyo y frenar a la oposición. Sin embargo, estas políticas no se han estudiado en la postdictadura, en gran parte debido a la prevalencia de la imagen del apagón cultural—la noción de que el proyecto de la dictadura era simplemente represión y censura. El examen de documentos oficiales recientemente descubiertos revela el carácter productivo y creativo de los proyectos culturales de la dictadura, que se utilizaron para aumentar el control social e imponer un cierto “orden”.
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Lisińska, Magdalena. "Economic Diplomacy and Argentina’s Foreign Debt During the Last Military Dictatorship 1976–1983." Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales 15 (October 13, 2023): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/al.2023.15.133-151.

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This article focuses on the evolution of Argentine debt in the light of economic policy conducted during the last military dictatorship (1976–1983). The text uses a framework of structural functionalism to analyze the decision problem faced by the Argentine generals – the need to choose measures to ensure the financial stability of the regime. The means chosen to achieve this goal was to apply for international credits. The article analyzes the factors that contributed to the dictatorship’s foreign borrowing policy, discusses the activities of Argentine economic diplomacy under the leadership of Minister Martínez de Hoz, presents the challenges in obtaining foreign credits during the presidency of Jimmy Carter in the U.S., and discusses the consequences of excessive foreign borrowings.
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Sarrabayrouse Oliveira, María José. "The role of the Judicial Morgue in Argentinas state terrorism: bureaucratic circuits of repression (1976–83)." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 2 (2017): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.3.2.4.

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The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order, with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure, remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the victims.
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Nudler, Alicia. "Stops and Starts." Samuel Beckett Today / Aujourd'hui 35, no. 1 (2023): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757405-03501005.

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Abstract This article examines Samuel Beckett’s play Krapp’s Last Tape in the context of Argentinian post-dictatorship theatre. I offer a brief history of Beckett’s influence on theatre in Argentina together with a summary of the performance history of his plays, and I reflect on the ways in which they have been interpreted in Argentina’s recent history. This contextualization enables me to focus on the figure of Krapp and discuss the stops and starts that Krapp performs while playing and recording his tapes. By examining Krapp’s archive, the article engages in a discussion about individual and collective memory: I draw attention to the play’s resonances in relation to the political processes unfolding in Argentina today, where archives are of vital importance in recovering from the social trauma of the last dictatorship.
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Del Valle Dávila, Ignacio. "La actualización revolucionaria de los mitos fundacionales de la nación en la obra del grupo Cine Liberación y el cine histórico cubano (1968 – 1976)." Revista Eletrônica da ANPHLAC, no. 14 (May 22, 2013): 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.46752/anphlac.14.2013.1236.

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Resumo No final dos anos sessenta, ocorreu uma eclosão do cinema folclórico-histórico na Argentina e em Cuba. No primeiro caso, isso se deu principalmente devido ao interesse da ditadura de Onganía em utilizar os mitos fundadores da nação como uma metáfora legitimadora do regime. Contrários a essa tendência, o Grupo Cine Liberación elaborou representações desses relatos que buscavam adaptá-los à contingência, especialmente nos filmes La hora de los hornos (1968) e Los hijos del Fierro (1976). Em Cuba, o centenário da Guerra Grande (1868-1878) e a maior rigidez ideológica em matéria cultural durante o Quinquênio Gris (1971-1976) levaram a que se fomentasse a produção de um cinema histórico que representava a Revolução de 1959 como o produto de um século de luta. Os cineastas cubanos e Cine Liberación coincidiram em sua busca por renovar a forma de representação cinematográfica da História, enquanto o cinema comercial argentino apostou em adaptações distantes desse revisionismo. Résumé À la fin des années soixante s’est produit en Argentine et Cuba une éclosion du cinéma folklorique-historique. Dans le premier cas, ceci est dû principalement à l’intérêt de la dictature d’Onganía à se servir des mythes fondateurs de la nation avec l’objectif d’élaborer des métaphores légitimatrices du régime. Face à cela, Grupo Cine Liberación a élaboré des représentations de ces récits tout en cherchant à les adapter à la contingence, notamment dans les films L’heure des brasiers (1968) et Les fils de Fierro (1976). À Cuba le centenaire de la Guerre des dix ans (1968-1878) ainsi qu’une plus grande rigidité idéologique dans le domaine culturel pendant le Quinquennat Gris (1971-1976), ont conduit à l’encouragement de la production d’un cinéma historique où la révolution de 1959 est représentée comme la conclusion d’un siècle de lutte. Les cinéastes cubains et Cine Liberación ont partagé leur intérêt de renouveler les représentations cinématographiques de l’Histoire, tandis que le cinéma commercial argentin a misé sur des adaptations éloignées du révisionnisme.Abstract At the end of the sixties, there was a growth of historical-folkloric cinema in Argentina and Cuba. In the first case, it happened mainly because of the interest of the Onganía’s dictatorship in making use of the nation’s founding myths to develop metaphors to legitimize this regime. On the other hand, Grupo Cine Liberación elaborated representations of these narratives trying to adapt them to the contingency, especially in the movies The hour of the furnaces (1968) and Los hijos del Fierro (1976). In Cuba, the centenary of the War of ten years (1868-1878), as well as an increase of ideological rigidity in the cultural domain during the Grey Quinquennium (1971-1976), encouraged the production of a historical cinema where the revolution of 1959 has been represented as the conclusion of a century of struggle. Cuban filmmakers and Cine Liberación shared their interest in renewing the filmic representations of History, whereas the Argentinean commercial cinema supported adaptations far from this revisionism.Palavras-chave Cinema histórico, legitimação, mitos nacionais Mots-clés Cinéma historique, légitimation, mythes nationauxKeywords Historical cinema, legitimization, national myths
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Cooney, Paul. "Argentina’s quarter century experiment with neoliberalism: from dictatorship to depression." Revista de Economia Contemporânea 11, no. 1 (2007): 7–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1415-98482007000100001.

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Argentina set a new historical mark in 2002, having experienced the largest debt default by any country ever. In order to understand how Argentina could go from one of the most developed countries of the Third World, to experiencing the crisis of 2001 and then enter a depression in 2002 with over half the population living in poverty, requires an evaluation of the last quarter century of economic policies in Argentina. The shift toward neoliberalism began during the dictatorship of 1976, deepened during the Menem administration, and was supported throughout by the IMF. This paper aims to identify why the crisis occurred when it did, but also to understand how the underlying shifts in the political economy of Argentina over more than two decades led to two waves of deindustrialization, an explosion of foreign debt and such a marked decline in the standard of living for the majority of Argentinians.
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Sánchez, Irene. "Testimonio teatral de la violencia contra las mujeres en la dictadura argentina: NN 12 de Gracia Morales." Philologica Canariensia, no. 28 (2022) (May 31, 2022): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20420/phil.can.2022.470.

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This research paper focuses on Hispanic contemporary theatre and the representation of violence against women during the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983). With this aim, it analysed NN 12 (2008), written by Gracia Morales, which examines the topic of violence perpetrated by the State, especially sexual and obstetric. To demonstrate how theatrical fiction has the capacity of creating new subjectivities based on the historical reality and argue its vindicative capacity, a critique and comparative analysis of the text NN 12 and the spoken and written testimony of women who were tortured and, in most cases, were assassinated during the Argentinian dictatorship was undertaken.
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Dauer, Gabriel Roberto. "A visita da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos na Argentina durante a ditadura civil-militar (1976-1983) | The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights’ on-site visit in Argentina during the civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983)." Mural Internacional 12 (July 17, 2021): e58852. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2021.58852.

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As violações de direitos humanos na ditadura civil-militar argentina (1976-1983) foram tema de foros multilaterais, sendo um deles a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH) da Organização dos Estados Americanos. Nesse contexto, este trabalho analisa como a ditadura respondeu às críticas aos direitos humanos, particularmente quando da visita in loco da CIDH na Argentina em 1979 até a publicação de seu informe em 1980. Utilizamos da Análise de Política Externa para compreender as tomadas de decisão da ditadura para receber a CIDH, os atores envolvidos e as consequências nacionais e internacionais desse evento. A visita transformou o campo de oportunidades de denúncia e visibilidade de opositores ao expor as atrocidades da ditadura. Contudo, as decisões do regime não foram lineares: os militares não eram os únicos interessados em defender seus interesses; grupos de direitos humanos, exilados e organizações internacionais disputaram esse campo, somadas desavenças internas na Junta Militar que dificultaram uma congruência diplomática.Palavras-chave: Argentina; Ditadura; Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos.ABSTRACT:Human rights violations during the argentine civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983) were a theme on multilateral forums, such as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) of the Organization of American States (OAS). The article analyzes how the dictatorship reacted to criticisms regarding human rights violations in Argentina, especially during the IACHR's on-site visit in Argentina in 1979 until the publication of its report in 1980. Theoretically, Foreign Policy Analysis concepts were articulated to understand the decision-making of the dictatorship to receive the IACHR, the actors involved, and the national and international consequences of the event. IACHR's visit transformed the field of human rights actors’ opportunities of complaints and the visibility of opponents by exposing the atrocities of the dictatorship, whose decisions were not linear: the military was not the only interested actor in defending its interests; human rights groups, exiles, and international organizations also disputed this narrative, while internal disputes in the Military Junta made Argentina's diplomatic congruence difficult.Keywords: Argentina; Dictatorship; Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Recebido em: 31 mar. 2021 | Aceito em: 23 jun. 2021.
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Lisińska, Magdalena. "Nationalism and Dictatorship." Ad Americam 20 (December 31, 2019): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.20.2019.20.03.

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The goal of this paper is to re-examine the circumstances of the Falkland Islands crisis, caused by the Argentine annexation of the archipelago in 1982. It challenges the popular belief that the Falklands invasion was only aimed at distracting the society from the poor conditions of living caused by the deteriorating economy and lack of democracy. The paper takes into consideration a third factor: nationalism of the Argentine armed forces. The article takes both the domestic and international contexts of the Falklands crisis into consideration and presents how nationalist attitudes of the Argentine military influenced the Falklands conflict in 1982.
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Tapia, Reynaldo. "Civil resistance against military dictatorships: People power in Bolivia." Revista del CESLA: International Latin American Studies Review, no. 28 (December 31, 2021): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.36551/2081-1160.2021.28.95-110.

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Civil resistance has had a crucial role in promoting social, political, and economic change throughout the world. During the period of dictatorships in South America, civil resistance through the use of nonviolent methods was implemented by Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo (Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo) to address human rights violations, which eventually led to campaigns to demand democracy in Argentina. The military dictatorship of Pinochet in Chile also fell to the nonviolent campaigns and people power movements. Bolivia presents another case on the effectiveness of civil resistance against not only military dictatorships but also to demand the comeback of democracy. This article examines how civil resistance was implemented in Bolivia during the period of military dictatorships from 1964 to 1982. Once in power, the military dictatorships began to target workers and their union leaders, student organizations and leftist politicians driving them underground and into exile. State violence was used to repress opposition groups from all sectors and even the press. Security forces to include paramilitary groups were behind a series of kidnappings, tortures and killing of activists. To curb the state violence, union workers, miners, indigenous/campesino group, political leaders, and university students began a series of coordinated nonviolent methods, such as hunger strikes, road blockades, mass protests and marches. This article describes the benefits and outcomes of civil resistance showing how these nonviolent techniques and strategies were used to fight against military dictatorships and led the country back onto the path of re-democratization.
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Williams, Bruce. "Bemberg’s Third Sex: Argentine Mothers at the Dawn of Democracy." Hors dossier 15, no. 1 (2005): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011662ar.

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Abstract The early features of Argentine director María Luisa Bemberg, Momentos and Señora de nadie, underscore the deployment of an ideology of motherhood in service of bourgeois social structure and military dictatorship. In these films, Bemberg posits the institution as balancing between containment and rebellion, her protagonists confronting the traditional ideological role of mother and asserting a stance against the repression of the waning dictatorship. Although entrenched in a conventional film discourse, these films set into motion the dynamics of diegetic radicalization which would define Bemberg’s subsequent work and would anticipate the redefinition of the social domain of the feminine for post-democracy Argentina.
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Lisińska, Magdalena. "Amerykańska polityka praw człowieka wobec Argentyny w czasie „brudnej wojny” 1976-1983." Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (2019): 299–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.18.

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The U.S. Human Rights Policy Towards Argentina During the “Dirty War” 1976-1983&#x0D; The paper aims to provide an analysis of the question of violations of human rights during the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983) and the impact of this problem on bilateral relations with the United States. The article will focus mostly on the presidency of James “Jimmy” Earl Carter. The political line adopted by him, known as “the Carter doctrine” or “human rights policy” was the basis of restrictive attitude towards the Argentine dictators. In order to provide a complete analysis, the topic of the paper was treated broadly, covering not only bilateral, American-Argentine issues, but also multilateral forms of exerting pressure on Argentina, mainly at the United Nations and Organization of American States. The article also provides an analysis of the human rights policy itself, as well as of the state terror introduced by the Argentine military, known as the “Dirty War””.
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Cytlak, Katarzyna. "Dialogue between the Concept of the Object in the Theater of Tadeusz Kantor and the Theatrical Praxis of the Periférico de Objetos." Arts 13, no. 1 (2024): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts13010011.

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Tadeusz Kantor was a Polish artist and theater director who directly influenced the conceptual understanding of theater, especially in Argentina following two visits to Buenos Aires with his troupe Cricot 2 in the 1980s. He exerted a particularly strong influence on the Periférico de Objetos [The Periphery of Objects], a troupe founded in Buenos Aires in 1989 by Daniel Veronese, Ana Alvarado and Emilio García Wehbi, labelled by critics as “the Argentine theatre of the image”. Despite radically different socio-cultural contexts, elements arising from Kantor’s theater practices (especially his idea of the “poor object” and his concept of “reality of the lowest rank”) acquired distinctly different meanings in Latin America from those coined by Kantor. A nuanced examination of the Periférico de Objetos indicates that Kantor’s concepts, which in their original context resisted politicization, played an important role in the creation of a socially and politically engaged theatre. His concepts, adapted to local realities by the Periférico de Objetos, were reflected in debates surrounding the recent Argentinian past, most notably, the post-dictatorship period.
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Juárez-Dappe, Patricia. "Family Canon: The Politics of Family during the Last Civic-Military Dictatorship in Argentina, 1976–83." Journal of Latin American Studies 54, no. 1 (2021): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x21000778.

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AbstractOn 24 March 1976 a military junta deposed President María Estela Martínez de Perón and assumed power in Argentina. From the first days of the takeover, the authorities worked vigorously to restore what they defined as legitimate Argentine values. This article shows how the family became a focal point of the government's efforts because of its double function as an agent of and a target for renovation. A microcosm of the Argentine nation, the family was considered the basic building block of society, a guarantor of the civic well-being of the nation and, as such, an important ally of the authoritarian state in the fight to restore Argentina's ‘traditional’ values. The analysis focuses on the civic-military regime's efforts to fashion a family canon, which would become the only legitimate version of the Argentine family, and the broad repertoire of strategies used to impose it on the Argentine population.
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Insausti, Santiago Joaquín, and Pablo Ben. "Homonationalism, LGBT desaparecidos, and the politics of queer memory in Argentina." Memory Studies 16, no. 1 (2023): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980221140547.

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Although homonationalism is a fundamental category in queer studies, it has never been used to understand the history of the Argentine lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender movement and the emergence of a hegemonic queer memory based on the self-representation of Argentina as a “European-like” and “white” nation that often claims to be different from “the rest” of Latin America. This article examines the history of the Argentine construction of whiteness to understand hegemonic queer memory today and analyze why the 1976–1983 dictatorship has been hyper-memorialized, while state violence against queer people in democratic times is downplayed. We also refer to homonationalism to understand the success of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender rights revolution and present a discussion of the relationship between lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender politics and the construction of queer memory. As homonationalism shaped the formation of a hegemonic queer memory in the twenty-first century, alternative memories of police harassment of travestis and homosexual men after and before the dictatorship have been hidden in plain sight through reframing, displacement, temporal transpositions, and other forms of scripting.
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Bernardi, Claudia. "The Disappeared Are Appearing: Murals that Recover Communal Memory." International Journal of Transitional Justice 14, no. 1 (2019): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijz028.

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ABSTRACT∞ Relatives of the disappeared during the last civic–military dictatorship in Argentina who were able to recover the human remains of their family members through the work of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (Equipo Argentino de Antropología Forense, or EAAF), painted a mural in March 2014. ‘The Disappeared Are Appearing’ is a collaborative and community-based mural project designed, rendered and completed by the relatives of victims of state terror in Argentina. The participating family members of the disappeared had recovered the human remains of their beloved relatives through the tenacious and constant work of the EAAF, a nongovernmental, not-for-profit, scientific organization. It was established in 1984 to investigate the cases of at least 9,000 disappeared people in Argentina under the military government that ruled from 1976 to 1983.
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Andermann, Jens. "Showcasing Dictatorship." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 4, no. 2 (2012): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2012.040205.

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This article compares two recently inaugurated museums dedicated to the period of dictatorial terror and repression in the Southern Cone: the Museum of Memory and Human Rights at Santiago, Chile (opened in 2009), and the Museum of Memory at Rosario, Argentina (2010). Both museums invoke in their very names the "memorial museum" as a new mode of exhibitionary remembrance of traumatic events from the past. They seek to sidestep the detachment and "objectivity" that has traditionally characterized historical museum displays in favor of soliciting active, performative empathy from visitors. Neither of the two institutions, however, complies entirely with the memorial museum's formal characteristics; rather, they reintroduce modern museographical languages of history and art, thus also challenging the emergent "global canon" of memorial museum aesthetics.
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Ciolli, Matilde. "The Free Market between Constitutionalism and Dictatorship: on the Adaptation and Radicalization of Friedrich von Hayek’s Thought in Argentina." Latin Americanist 68, no. 2 (2024): 190–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tla.2024.a929905.

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Abstract: The essay aims to reconstruct the early dissemination of neoliberal ideas in Argentina, particularly focusing on the thought of Friedrich A. von Hayek between 1955 and 1983. It argues that outside the regions where this theory was originally conceived, namely Europe and United States, its conservative and authoritarian core was accentuated and radicalized by both Western and Argentine neoliberal intellectuals. Specifically, on the one hand, Hayek’s thought was interpreted in continuity with the Argentine liberal-conservative tradition and used to validate and restore its most elitist and anti-democratic aspects. On the other hand, it was adopted to oppose Peronism, developmentalism, and socialism as well as to justify, dictatorial regimes tasked with temporarily restoring the conditions for a free-market society. The first part of the essay, therefore, examines the institutions, think tanks, and journals that allowed the initial circulation of neoliberal ideas in Argentina, illustrating how they were adapted to the local context. While the second part analyzes Hayek’s visits to Argentina and the content of his lectures, the last part examines how Hayek’s thought was interpreted by Álvaro Alsogaray, Carlos Sanchez Sañudo, and Alberto Benegas Lynch, shedding light on how they reinforced and pushed its conservative and authoritarian nucleus to its extreme consequences.
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Sosa, Cecilia, and Philippa Page. "On disobedient daughters of perpetrator fathers: ‘Transfilial’ activisms across the Argentine human rights movement." Memory Studies 16, no. 1 (2023): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980221141993.

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This piece explores why and how the praxis of disobedience, as articulated by the daughters of the perpetrators of state terrorism during Argentina’s last dictatorship (1976–1983), might be read as an instance of queering memory. The analysis focuses on the trajectories of Liliana Furio (a founder member of the Historias Desobedientes collective) and Mariana Dopazo (ex-daughter of one of the dictatorship’s most infamous perpetrators) to illustrate the differing ways in which the mandate of blood has been challenged through public acts of defiliation. Based on our documentary project material, we consider the ways in which the emergence of these disobedient daughters enacts a collective ‘coming out’ and unprecedented disruption of the normative imaginaries of bloodline ties that have traditionally shaped the local aftermath of violence. We argue that their performance of defiliation puts forward a queer arrangement that unsettles the established landscape of human rights activism in Argentina and beyond.
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Vittoria, Ferrandino, and Sgro Valentina. "Monetary Policy in Argentina from the Inflation of the 1970s to the Default of the New Millennium." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 6, no. 3 (2020): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/160shy23c.

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Since the end of World War II, Argentina has been through an uninterrupted series of financial/fiscal and monetary crises that have gradually eroded the credibility of the economic institutions of the country. In the period from 1970 to 1990 alone, the Argentine economy experienced seven currency crises and three banking crises. The main objective of this contribution is to investigate the reasons for economic policy choices that, since the military dictatorship of Colonel Perón, have led the country to default, causing unemployment, the run on banks, popular uprising.
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Diaz, Noelia. "Gendered Violence and Neoliberal Desaparecidos in Luis Cano’s Socavón." Modern Drama 64, no. 4 (2021): 458–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.64-4-1104.

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This article situates Socavón (1999), a monologue by leading Argentine playwright Luis Cano, in terms of former Argentine President Carlos Menem’s (1989–99) economic policies in post-dictatorship Argentina, demonstrating how neoliberalism can be understood through the gendered shame and violence it produces. Shunted aside in Buenos Aires and haunted by its legions of desaparecidos, protagonist Ulisito desperately seeks throughout Socavón to regain his masculinity – as well as his personhood and his visibility – through aggression. I argue that Ulisito’s violence is a form of civil resistance, a reaction against a dehumanizing economic regime, as well as a critique of unresolved human rights issues haunting democratic Argentina. Cano draws on numerous dramatic and literary antecedents, including a play that is foundational to dramatic modernity, Georg Büchner’s Woyzeck, as blueprints for a contemporary crisis. Socavón suggests that unless a more equitable society is created, women in particular will continue to be the victims of a collapsed masculinity trying to reassert itself.
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Watson, Ian, and Susana Epstein. "Theatre after the Dictatorships: Developments in Chile and Argentina." New Theatre Quarterly 11, no. 41 (1995): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00008861.

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Ian Watson and Susana Epstein went to Chile and Argentina in the summer of 1992 in order to interview several leading theatre artists about the differences the political changes in their countries had made to their own work and the work of their colleagues. Although, as the authors stress, they made no attempt to conduct a systematic study of the theatrical implications of the shift from authoritarianism to democracy, their findings suggest some parallels with the situation in Eastern Europe. Ian Watson, who heads the Theatre Division in the Department of Visual and Performing Arts at Rutgers University, Newark, is a theatre scholar whose main interests include contemporary Latin American theatre. Susana Epstein, an expatriate Argentine, is a Contributing Editor of The Drama Review.
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Vila, Pablo. "Rock nacional and dictatorship in Argentina." Popular Music 6, no. 2 (1987): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000005948.

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Between 1976 and 1983 Argentina witnessed the full development of a phenomenon which has come to be known as rock nacional (‘national rock’). At first sight it might appear no more than a matter of musical consumption, fashioning its participants simply as ‘artists’ on one side and ‘public’ on the other. But it has proved an original form within which the young create and inhabit a space of their own, relatively protected from the assaults of the military dictatorship (which had made them its principal victims), and has come to constitute, with the passing of the years, a counter-culture and a social movement.
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Osuna Alarcón, Maria R. "Preservation and Accessibility of the Audiovisual Document of the Trial of the Argentine Military Junta." Latin American Research Review 57, no. 1 (2022): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lar.2022.8.

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AbstractThis research note outlines the current state of preservation and accessibility of an audiovisual document that contains complete video footage of the Trial of the Argentine Military Junta, whose verdict in 1985 found the accused guilty of crimes against humanity perpetrated during the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976–1983).The project of digitization is the result of a joint effort by the University of Salamanca, the Argentine human rights organization Memoria Abierta, and the judges involved in the case, with the support of the Argentine Cámara Nacional de Apelaciones en lo Criminal y Correccional Federal. Its two main objectives are to preserve and provide open access to the audiovisual document. To date only digitized preservation has been attained, a nonetheless remarkable achievement. Despite legislation dates enforcing the protection of the parties involved in the trial, and the absence of legal constraints, open access to the document has not been obtained.
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Azevedo, Desirée, and Liliana Sanjurjo. "Between dictatorships and revolutions: narratives of Argentine and Brazilian exiles." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 10, no. 2 (2013): 305–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412013000200010.

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This article analyzes transnational migrations triggered by the dictatorships in Argentina (1976-1983) and Brazil (1964-1985), with attention to the representations associated to exile in these countries and in the Latin American context of the second half of the 20th century. The empirical data used are the memories narrated by Argentines who took exile in Brazil and by Brazilians exiled in Mozambique. By exploring the plurality of meanings that these authors attribute to their migratory experiences, we seek to understand how different political conjunctures in the countries of origin and destination implied varied forms of living and understanding exile. In a comparative perspective, the case studies also explore how the experience of exile was forged not only in relation to specific national and migratory contexts but also in relation to transnational social fields.
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48

Walz, Heike. "The Madres Appear on the Public Plaza de Mayo in Argentina: Towards Human Rights as a Key for a Public eology that Carries on the Liberation Heritage." International Journal of Public Theology 3, no. 2 (2009): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973209x415981.

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AbstractThe Madres y Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo are internationally recognized for human rights work in their ongoing campaign for justice for those who disappeared during the most recent dictatorship in Argentina. ey have become the contemporary Argentine symbol for the implementation of human rights in the society. The article examines how they implicitly carry on the liberation theological heritage and have reclaimed the public sphere through: shedding light on the clandestine actions of state terrorism, turning private motherhood political and reconstructing public discourse. Despite such efforts to put memory, truth and justice on the public agenda, a history of impunity made reconciliation difficult in Argentina. The engagement of the Mothers and Grandmothers off ers clues for the continuation of liberation theology as a type of public theology, with human rights as its focus.
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49

Buoli, Massimiliano, and Aldo Sabino Giannuli. "The political use of psychiatry: A comparison between totalitarian regimes." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 63, no. 2 (2017): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020764016688714.

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Background: After the end of Second World War, the recent experience of the Nazi horrors stimulated a debate about the political use of psychiatry. Over the years, the focus shifted on major dictatorships of the time and especially on Soviet Union. Aims: This article aims to provide a critical review of the ways in which psychiatry was used by totalitarian regimes of the 20th century. Methods: We summarized relevant literature about political use of psychiatry in totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, with particular focus on Fascism, Nazism, Argentina dictatorship, Soviet Union and China. Results: One of the features that are common to most of the dictatorships is that the use of psychiatry has become more prominent when the regimes have had the need to make more acceptable the imprisonment of enemies in the eyes of the world. This for example happened in the Nazi regime when sterilization and killing of psychiatric patients was explained as a kind of euthanasia, or in the Soviet Union after the formal closure of the corrective labor camps and the slow resumption of relations with the capitalistic world, or in China to justify persecution of religious minorities and preserve economic relations with Western countries. Conclusion: Psychiatry has been variously used by totalitarian regimes as a means of political persecution and especially when it was necessary to make acceptable to public opinion the imprisonment of political opponents.
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50

Martínez-Raguso, Michael. "Fantasies of Erasure: A New Reading of Luisa Valenzuela’s "Cambio de armas"." Letras Femeninas 41, no. 2 (2015): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44735031.

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Abstract "Cambio de armas," Luisa Valenzuela much anthologized story, has been read as an allegory of the Argentine’s last military dictatorship and its grip on the nation’s psyche as well as bodies. In this essay, Martínez-Raguso proposes that the story is narrated from the perspective of a desaparecida whose memory has been erased, or is under erasure, by the military officer she had attempted to assassinate. Now in full control of the situation, the officer who was once her target wants to prove that he can fully reform (and re-form) the young and attractive former subversive before the dictatorship collapses. But his mission as a hardline reformer will only be complete when he succeeds in turning his once armed attacker into a disarmed would-be wife and a lover who desires him sexually. Viewed from this perspective, says Martínez-Raguso, the colonel’s private efforts metonymically and microscopically reflect the military dictatorships efforts to "reorganize" the nation by torturing, disappearing or re-indoctrinating its enemies. The author further argues that the story’s fragmented structure and the narrator’s playful yet ominous sense of a language that does not quite correspond to ordinary reality signal the woman’s subconscious resistance to the colonel’s sadistic plan. Referencing both Lacan’s theories of the role of language in subject formation and Derrida’s notions of différance (deferral/ difference) and sous rature (under erasure), this article offers new interpretative possibilities for a story that resonates in today’s political climate almost as much as it did in the early 1980s when it was first written.
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