Journal articles on the topic 'Argos (Grèce)'

Abstract. This study presents the evaluation of the performances of satellite altimeter missions by comparing the altimeter sea surface heights with in situ dynamic heights derived from vertical temperature and salinity profiles measured by Argo floats. The two objectives of this approach are the detection of altimeter drift and the estimation of the impact of new altimeter standards that requires an independent reference. This external assessment method contributes to altimeter calibration–validation analyses that cover a wide range of activities. Among them, several examples are given to illustrate the usefulness of this approach, separating the analyses of the long-term evolution of the mean sea level and its variability, at global and regional scales and results obtained via relative and absolute comparisons. The latter requires the use of the ocean mass contribution to the sea level derived from Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE) measurements. Our analyses cover the estimation of the global mean sea level trend, the validation of multi-missions altimeter products as well as the assessment of orbit solutions.Even if this approach contributes to the altimeter quality assessment, the differences between two versions of altimeter standards are getting smaller and smaller and it is thus more difficult to detect their impact. It is therefore essential to characterize the errors of the method, which is illustrated with the results of sensitivity analyses to different parameters. This includes the format of the altimeter data, the method of collocation, the temporal reference period and the processing of the ocean mass solutions from GRACE. We also assess the impact of the temporal and spatial sampling of Argo floats, the choice of the reference depth of the in situ profiles and the importance of the deep steric contribution. These analyses provide an estimation of the robustness of the method and the characterization of associated errors. The results also allow us to draw some recommendations to the Argo community regarding the maintenance of the in situ network.

Abstract. In this work we examine the impact of assimilation of multi-mission-altimeter data and the GRACE/GOCE gravity fields into the finite element ocean model (FEOM), with the focus on the Southern Ocean circulation. In order to do so, we use the geodetic approach for obtaining the dynamical ocean topography (DOT), that combines the multi-mission-altimeter data and the GRACE/GOCE gravity fields, and requires that both fields be spectrally consistent. The spectral consistency is achieved by filtering of the sea surface height and the geoid using profile approach. Combining the GRACE and GOCE data, a considerably shorter filter length resolving more DOT details can be used. In order to specify the spectrally consistent geodetic DOT we applied the Jekeli-Wahr filter corresponding to 241 km, 121 km, 97 km and 81 km halfwidths for the GRACE/GOCE based gravity field model GOCO01S and to the sea surface. More realistic features of the ocean assimilation were obtained in the Weddel gyre area due to increased resolution of the data fields, particularly for temperature field at the 800 m depth compared to Argo data.

Abstract Ocean bottom pressure (OBP) from the Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE) and the Ocean Model for Circulation and Tides (OMCT) are compared globally with OBP computed from altimetry corrected for steric variations from Argo floats from January 2005 to December 2007. Two methods of smoothing the GRACE data are examined. The first uses a standard Gaussian smoother with a radius of 300 km. The second method projects those smoothed maps onto empirical orthogonal functions derived from OMCT in a least squares estimation in order to produce maps that better agree with the physical processes embodied by the model. These new maps agree significantly better with estimates from the steric-corrected altimetry, reducing the variance on average by 30% over 70% of the ocean. This is compared to smaller reductions over only 14% of the ocean using the 300-km Gaussian maps and 56% of the ocean using OMCT maps. The OMCT maps do not reduce variance as much in the Southern Ocean where OBP variations are largest, whereas the GRACE maps do. Based on this analysis, it is estimated that the local, or point-to-point, uncertainty of new EOF filtered maps of GRACE OBP is 1.3 (one standard deviation).

Sea level change is an important indicator of climate change. Our study focuses on the sea level budget assessment of the Arctic Ocean using: (1) the newly reprocessed satellite altimeter data with major changes in the processing techniques; (2) ocean mass change data derived from GRACE satellite gravimetry; (3) and steric height estimated from gridded hydrographic data for the GRACE/Argo time period (2003–2016). The Beaufort Gyre (BG) and the Nordic Seas (NS) regions exhibit the largest positive trend in sea level during the study period. Halosteric sea level change is found to dominate the area averaged sea level trend of BG, while the trend in NS is found to be influenced by halosteric and ocean mass change effects. Temporal variability of sea level in these two regions reveals a significant shift in the trend pattern centered around 2009–2011. Analysis suggests that this shift can be explained by a change in large-scale atmospheric circulation patterns over the Arctic. The sea level budget assessment of the Arctic found a residual trend of more than 1.0 mm/yr. This nonclosure of the sea level budget is further attributed to the limitations of the three above mentioned datasets in the Arctic region.

Traduction et mémoire historique s’épousent de manière spéciale dans le cas de la réception des auteurs espagnols d’expression française au XXe siècle. À l’orée du XXIe siècle et grâce à la traduction, ces auteurs deviennent accessibles dans leur langue maternelle et ils nous offrent le témoignage d’une littérature qui porte en elle, soixante-dix ans après, les stigmates d’un passé confronté à la guerre civile, à l’exil et un engagement contre le régime politique qui s’ensuit. Le cas d’Agustín Gómez Arcos s’intègre parfaitement dans cette perspective, car son thème fétiche c’est l’Espagne franquiste et sa mémoire historique est tissée de mémoire linguistique.

Abstract. With the focus on the Southern Ocean circulation, results of assimilation of multi-mission-altimeter data and the GRACE/GOCE gravity data into the finite element ocean model (FEOM) are investigated. We use the geodetic method to obtain the dynamical ocean topography (DOT). This method combines the multi-mission-altimeter sea surface height and the GRACE/GOCE gravity field. Using the profile approach, the spectral consistency of both fields is achieved by filtering the sea surface height and the geoid. By combining the GRACE and GOCE data, a considerably shorter filter length can be used, which results in more DOT details. We show that this increase in resolution of measured DOT carries onto the results of data assimilation for the surface data. By assimilating only absolute dynamical topography data using the ensemble Kalman filter, we were able to improve modeled fields. Results are closer to observations which were not used for assimilation and lie outside the area covered by altimetry in the Southern Ocean (e.g. temperature of surface drifters or deep temperatures in the Weddell Sea area at 800 m depth derived from Argo composite.)

Abstract. Based on the sea level budget closure approach, this study investigates the residuals between observed global mean sea level (GMSL) and the sum of components (steric sea level and ocean mass) for the period January 2005 to December 2013. The objective is to identify the impact of errors in one or several components of the sea level budget on the residual time series. This is a key issue if we want to constrain missing contributions such as the contribution to sea level rise from the deep ocean (> 2000m). For that purpose, we use several data sets as processed by different groups: six altimetry products for the GMSL, four Argo products plus the ORAS4 ocean reanalysis for the steric sea level and three GRACE-based ocean mass products. We find that over the study time span, the observed trend differences in the residuals of the sea level budget can be as large as ~0.55mm yr−1. These trend differences essentially result from the processing of the altimetry data (e.g., choice the geophysical corrections and method of averaging the along-track altimetry data). At short time scale (from sub-seasonal to multi-annual), residual anomalies are significantly correlated with ocean mass and steric sea level anomalies (depending on the time span), indicating that the residual anomalies are related to errors in both GRACE-based ocean mass and Argo-based steric data. Efforts are needed to reduce these various sources of errors before using the sea level budget approach to estimate missing contributions such as the deep ocean heat content.

Abstract. Based on the sea level budget closure approach, this study investigates the residuals between observed global mean sea level (GMSL) and the sum of components (steric sea level and ocean mass) for the period January 2005 to December 2013. The objective is to identify the impact of errors in one or several components of the sea level budget on the residual time series. This is a key issue if we want to constrain missing contributions such as the contribution to sea level rise from the deep ocean (depths not covered by observations). For that purpose, we use several data sets as processed by different groups: six altimetry products for the GMSL, four Argo products plus the ORAS4 ocean reanalysis for the steric sea level and three GRACE-based ocean mass products. We find that over the study time span, the observed differences in trend of the residuals of the sea level budget equation can be as large as ~ 0.55 mm yr−1 (i.e., ~ 17 % of the observed GMSL rate of rise). These trend differences essentially result from differences in trends of the GMSL time series. Using the ORAS4 reanalysis (providing complete geographical coverage of the steric sea level component), we also show that lack of Argo data in the Indonesian region leads to an overestimate of the absolute value of the residual trend by about 0.25 mm yr−1. Accounting for this regional contribution leads to closure of the sea level budget, at least for some GMSL products. At short timescales (from sub-seasonal to interannual), residual anomalies are significantly correlated with ocean mass and steric sea level anomalies (depending on the time span), suggesting that the residual anomalies are related to errors in both GRACE-based ocean mass and Argo-based steric data. Efforts are needed to reduce these various sources of errors before using the sea level budget approach to estimate missing contributions such as the deep ocean heat content.

Abstract. Variations in the world's ocean heat storage and its associated volume changes are a key factor to gauge global warming and to assess the earth's energy and sea level budget. Estimating global ocean heat content (GOHC) and global steric sea level (GSSL) with temperature/salinity data from the Argo network reveals a positive change of 0.5 ± 0.1 W m−2 (applied to the surface area of the ocean) and 0.5 ± 0.1 mm year−1 during the years 2005 to 2012, averaged between 60° S and 60° N and the 10–1500 m depth layer. In this study, we present an intercomparison of three global ocean observing systems: the Argo network, satellite gravimetry from GRACE and satellite altimetry. Their consistency is investigated from an Argo perspective at global and regional scales during the period 2005–2010. Although we can close the recent global ocean sea level budget within uncertainties, sampling inconsistencies need to be corrected for an accurate global budget due to systematic biases in GOHC and GSSL in the Tropical Ocean. Our findings show that the area around the Tropical Asian Archipelago (TAA) is important to closing the global sea level budget on interannual to decadal timescales, pointing out that the steric estimate from Argo is biased low, as the current mapping methods are insufficient to recover the steric signal in the TAA region. Both the large regional variability and the uncertainties in the current observing system prevent us from extracting indirect information regarding deep-ocean changes. This emphasizes the importance of continuing sustained effort in measuring the deep ocean from ship platforms and by beginning a much needed automated deep-Argo network.

Abstract. The mean dynamic topography (MDT) is a key reference surface for altimetry. It is needed for the calculation of the ocean absolute dynamic topography, and under the geostrophic approximation, the estimation of surface currents. CNES-CLS mean dynamic topography (MDT) solutions are calculated by merging information from altimeter data, GRACE, and GOCE gravity field and oceanographic in situ measurements (drifting buoy velocities, hydrological profiles). The objective of this paper is to present the newly updated CNES-CLS18 MDT. The main improvement compared to the previous CNES-CLS13 solution is the use of updated input datasets: the GOCO05S geoid model is used based on the complete GOCE mission (November 2009–October 2013) and 10.5 years of GRACE data, together with all drifting buoy velocities (SVP-type and Argo floats) and hydrological profiles (CORA database) available from 1993 to 2017 (instead of 1993–2012). The new solution also benefits from improved data processing (in particular a new wind-driven current model has been developed to extract the geostrophic component from the buoy velocities) and methodology (in particular the computation of the medium-scale GOCE-based MDT first guess has been revised). An evaluation of the new solution compared to the previous version and to other existing MDT solutions show significant improvements in both strong currents and coastal areas.

Abstract. Variations in the world's ocean heat storage and its associated volume changes are a key factor to gauge global warming and to assess the Earth's energy budget. It is also directly link to sea level change, which has a direct impact on coastal populations. Understanding and monitoring heat and sea level change is therefore one of the major legacies of current global ocean observing systems. In this study, we present an inter-comparison of the three of these global ocean observing systems: the ocean temperature/salinity network Argo, the gravimeter GRACE and the satellite altimeters. Their consistency is investigated at global and regional scale during the period 2005–2010 of overlapping time window of re-qualified data. These three datasets allow closing the recent global ocean sea level budget within uncertainties. However, sampling inconsistencies need to be corrected for an accurate budget at global scale. The Argo network allows estimating global ocean heat content and global sea level and reveals a positive change of 0.5 ± 0.1W m−2 and 0.5 ± 0.1 mm yr−1 over the last 8 yr (2005–2012). Regional inter-comparison of the global observing systems highlights the importance of specific ocean basins for the global estimates. Specifically, the Indonesian Archipelago appears as a key region for the global ocean variability. Both the large regional variability and the uncertainties in the current observing systems, prevent us to shed light, from the global sea level perspective, on the climatically important deep ocean changes. This emphasises, once more, the importance of continuing sustained effort in measuring the deep ocean from ship platforms and by setting up a much needed automated deep-Argo network.

Notre article vise à traiter le champ lexical de l’alcool, extrêmement riche dans tout argot, donc dans l’argot roumain aussi. Sans prétendre à être exhaustif, chose pratiquement impossible dans les conditions d’une véritable pléthore de terminologies véhiculées dans ce domaine, nous nous arrêterions à une série de métaphores désignant l’alcool, les plus connues mais surtout les plus surprenantes. Ces métaphores et constructions métaphoriques prouvent que l’inventivité des utilisateurs d’argot est inépuisable. Ainsi, grâce à l’idée profondément enracinée dans la pensée populaire des Roumains, que l’alcool est un médicament, ce que nous avons appelé la « métaphore médicale » est très bien représentée dans l’argot roumain (par exemple, doctorie (de docteur ‘docteur’, ‘médecin’ + suf. -ie) signifie ‘boisson spiritueuse’). Religieux, surtout au niveau déclaratif, les Roumains utilisent également le vocabulaire religieux pour employer des mots auxquels ils attribuent… une signification alcoolique : agheasmă (< sl. agiazma ou ngr. αγιασμα – agiásma) ‘eau bénite’ signifie également ‘boisson spiritueuse’ et fait partie de la « métaphore religieuse ».

Total sea level changes from space radar altimetry are mainly decomposed into two contributions of mass addition and volume expansion of oceans, measured by GRACE space gravimeter and Argo float array, respectively. However, the averages of altimetry, mass, and steric sea level changes have been usually examined over the respective data domains, which are different to one another. Errors arise from this area inconsistency is rarely discussed in the previous studies. Here in this study, an alternative definition of ocean domain is applied for examining sea level budgets, and the results are compared with estimates from different ocean areas. It shows that the impact of area inconsistency is estimated by about 0.3 mm/yr of global trend difference, and averages based on a consistent ocean area yield a closer agreement between altimetry and mass + steric in trend. This contribution would explain some discordances of past sea level budget studies.

AbstractGravitational attraction and loading (GAL) effects associated with ongoing long-term changes in land ice are expected to cause spatially varying trends in absolute sea level ζ, as measured by satellite altimeters. The largest spatial gradients in ζ trends, predicted from solving the sea level equation using GRACE retrievals of mass distribution over land for the period 2005–15, occur near Greenland and West Antarctica, consistent with a strong local land ice loss. Misinterpreting the estimated static GAL trends in ζ as dynamic pressure gradients can lead to substantial errors in large-scale geostrophic transports across the Southern Ocean and the subpolar North Atlantic over the analyzed decade. South of Greenland, where altimeter sea level and hydrography (Argo) data coverage is good, the residual ζ minus steric height trends are similar in magnitude and sign to the gravitationally based predictions. In addition, estimated GAL-related trends are as large—if not larger than—other factors, such as deep steric height, dynamic bottom pressure, and glacial isostatic rebound. Thus, accounting for static GAL effects on ζ records, which are commonly neglected in oceanographic studies, seems important for a quantitative interpretation of the observed ζ trends.

The understanding of the physical drivers of sea level trend is crucial on global and regional scales. In particular, little is known about the sea level trend in the South Atlantic Ocean in comparison with other parts of the world. In this work, we computed the South Atlantic mean sea level (SAMSL) trend from 25 years of satellite altimetry data, and we analyzed the contributions of steric height (thermosteric and halosteric components) and ocean mass changes for the period 2005–2016 when all the source data used (Argo, GRACE and satellite altimetry) overlap. The SAMSL trend is 2.65 ± 0.24 mm/yr and is mostly explained by ocean mass trend, which is 2.22 ± 0.21 mm/yr. However, between 50° S–33° S, the steric height component constitutes the main contribution in comparison with the ocean mass component. Within that latitudinal band, three regions with trend values higher than the SAMSL trend are observed when considering 25 years of satellite SLA. In the three regions, a southward displacement of the Subtropical, Subantarctic, and Polar Fronts is observed. The southward shift of the fronts is associated with the strengthening and polar shift of westerly winds and contributes to a clear thermosteric trend that translates to the SLA trend observed in those regions.

This article attempts to establish and examine the context of the two remaining mythological paintings in the Macellum, the central market of Pompeii. Panels of Io and Argos and of Penelope and Odysseus grace the interior walls, and while the identification of the Penelope figure has been the subject of debate, she clearly derives from Greek prototypes of Penelope, both material and theatrical. Indeed, scholars suggest that the Io panel and perhaps the Penelope painting as well are copies of Greek panel paintings created by a fourth-century B.C. artist, but it is argued here that their pairing seems to be a Roman creation and that they were part of a larger narrative program. The paintings are compositional opposites and share the narrative technique of depicting moments of quiet tension; this choice of narrative moment is one that began in the Greek world; particularly during the Hellenistic period, and was developed and enhanced by the Romans. Moreover, this interest in creating tension for the spectator, and in the relationship between viewer and image, is also demonstrated by the inclusion of a spectator figure in the Penelope painting. Although the other paintings do not survive, their subjects are known from a nineteenth-century drawing and from nineteenth-century descriptions, and these too share the same narrative technique. If the lost paintings are (also) copies of Greek originals, then the Macellum may have served as a picture gallery for Pompeii's inhabitants. A careful reading of the Macellum paintings (both extant and lost) of Greek myths, their juxtaposition and relationship to each other, and their reception in Roman literature and society reveals that the paintings were arranged as a program, a moralizing ensemble, designed to instruct the viewer on the proper behavior of Roman matrons.

Abstract. In this study, for the first time, an attempt is made to close the sea level budget on a sub-basin scale in terms of trend and amplitude of the annual cycle. We also compare the residual time series after removing the trend, the semiannual and the annual signals. To obtain errors for altimetry and Argo, full variance–covariance matrices are computed using correlation functions and their errors are fully propagated. For altimetry, we apply a geographically dependent intermission bias [Ablain et al.(2015)], which leads to differences in trends up to 0.8 mm yr−1. Since Argo float measurements are non-homogeneously spaced, steric sea levels are first objectively interpolated onto a grid before averaging. For the Gravity Recovery And Climate Experiment (GRACE), gravity fields full variance–covariance matrices are used to propagate errors and statistically filter the gravity fields. We use four different filtered gravity field solutions and determine which post-processing strategy is best for budget closure. As a reference, the standard 96 degree Dense Decorrelation Kernel-5 (DDK5)-filtered Center for Space Research (CSR) solution is used to compute the mass component (MC). A comparison is made with two anisotropic Wiener-filtered CSR solutions up to degree and order 60 and 96 and a Wiener-filtered 90 degree ITSG solution. Budgets are computed for 10 polygons in the North Atlantic Ocean, defined in a way that the error on the trend of the MC plus steric sea level remains within 1 mm yr−1. Using the anisotropic Wiener filter on CSR gravity fields expanded up to spherical harmonic degree 96, it is possible to close the sea level budget in 9 of 10 sub-basins in terms of trend. Wiener-filtered Institute of Theoretical geodesy and Satellite Geodesy (ITSG) and the standard DDK5-filtered CSR solutions also close the trend budget if a glacial isostatic adjustment (GIA) correction error of 10–20 % is applied; however, the performance of the DDK5-filtered solution strongly depends on the orientation of the polygon due to residual striping. In 7 of 10 sub-basins, the budget of the annual cycle is closed, using the DDK5-filtered CSR or the Wiener-filtered ITSG solutions. The Wiener-filtered 60 and 96 degree CSR solutions, in combination with Argo, lack amplitude and suffer from what appears to be hydrological leakage in the Amazon and Sahel regions. After reducing the trend, the semiannual and the annual signals, 24–53 % of the residual variance in altimetry-derived sea level time series is explained by the combination of Argo steric sea levels and the Wiener-filtered ITSG MC. Based on this, we believe that the best overall solution for the MC of the sub-basin-scale budgets is the Wiener-filtered ITSG gravity fields. The interannual variability is primarily a steric signal in the North Atlantic Ocean, so for this the choice of filter and gravity field solution is not really significant.

The two dominant drivers of the global mean sea level (GMSL) variability at interannual timescales are steric changes due to changes in ocean heat content and barystatic changes due to the exchange of water mass between land and ocean. With Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE) satellites and Argo profiling floats, it has been possible to measure the relative steric and barystatic contributions to GMSL since 2004. While efforts to “close the GMSL budget” with satellite altimetry and other observing systems have been largely successful with regards to trends, the short time period covered by these records prohibits a full understanding of the drivers of interannual to decadal variability in GMSL. One particular area of focus is the link between variations in the El Niño−Southern Oscillation (ENSO) and GMSL. Recent literature disagrees on the relative importance of steric and barystatic contributions to interannual to decadal variability in GMSL. Here, we use a multivariate data analysis technique to estimate variability in barystatic and steric contributions to GMSL back to 1982. These independent estimates explain most of the observed interannual variability in satellite altimeter-measured GMSL. Both processes, which are highly correlated with ENSO variations, contribute about equally to observed interannual GMSL variability. A theoretical scaling analysis corroborates the observational results. The improved understanding of the origins of interannual variability in GMSL has important implications for our understanding of long-term trends in sea level, the hydrological cycle, and the planet’s radiation imbalance.

Poème sur la distance, l’Odyssée interroge les notions du proche et du lointain, de la dispersion et du regroupement tout comme celles du contact topographique et du contact topologique, en un temps où les aristocraties grecques sont prises dans un jeu complexe d’échelles identitaires. Doivent-elles d’abord s’enraciner, à l’échelle locale, dans un rapport de proximité immédiate avec les autres membres de la polis? Se bâtissent-elles au contraire, à l’échelle de la Grèce continentale ou bien encore à celle du monde connu, dans le cadre d’un «web» constitué de cités connectées? Chercher la proximité immédiate avec Ulysse, un héros né sur la lointaine Ithaque, c’est sans doute, pour Ménélas, tenter de concilier, dans un idéal aristocratique impossible, les deux spatialités concurrentes du haut archaïsme.

AbstractThe global sea-level budget is studied using the Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment (GRACE) solutions, Satellite Altimetry and Argo observations based on the updated budget equation. When the global ocean mass change is estimated with the updated Tongji-Grace2018 solution, the misclosure of the global sea-level budget can be reduced by 0.11–0.22 mm/year compared to four other recent solutions (i.e. CSR RL06, GFZ RL06, JPL RL06 and ITSG-Grace2018) over the period January 2005 to December 2016. When the same missing months as the GRACE solution are deleted from altimetry and Argo data, the misclosure will be reduced by 0.06 mm/year. Once retained the GRACE C20 term, the linear trends of Tongji-Grace2018 and ITSG-Grace2018 solutions are 2.60 ± 0.16 and 2.54 ± 0.16 mm/year, closer to 2.60 ± 0.14 mm/year from Altimetry–Argo than the three RL06 official solutions. Therefore, the Tongji-Grace2018 solution can reduce the misclosure between altimetry, Argo and GRACE data, regardless of whether the C20 term is replaced or not, since the low-degree spherical harmonic coefficients of the Tongji-Grace2018 solution can capture more ocean signals, which are confirmed by the statistical results of the time series of global mean ocean mass change derived from five GRACE solutions with the spherical harmonic coefficients truncated to different degrees and orders.

Le champ sémantique de la maison imprègne nos perceptions individuelles et collectives du monde comme peu d’autres. Il suffit de songer à la distinction très marquée entre house et home en anglais, si difficile à retranscrire dans nos langues latines, ou encore aux usages politiques de l’expression « chez nous » en français. Ce champ renvoie à des lieux souvent riches d’affects, de mémoires et de désirs, qui nous définissent en propre et orientent nos perceptions du temps et de l’espace. Ils font d’ailleurs la matière des poètes, peintres et autres artistes. À cet égard, lorsque nous perdons notre maison, nous ne nous retrouvons pas seulement privés d’un bien utile et échangeable, d’un « logement », nous voyons aussi s’effacer une partie de nous-mêmes et le centre à partir duquel s’organise notre existence quotidienne. En dépit de sa densité, les anthropologues ont d’abord rabattu le thème de la maison sur ceux de la famille et de la culture matérielle. Pour Lewis H. Morgan, la forme de l’espace domestique ne fait qu’épouser un certain type d’organisation familiale; elle en est, pour ainsi dire, le révélateur (1877). À la « hutte » des « sauvages » correspond donc la famille consanguine, qui autorise le mariage entre cousins, alors qu’à la « maison commune » des « barbares » correspond la famille patriarcale, autoritaire et polygame. Les « maisons unifamiliales » de l’Occident contemporain renvoient à la famille nucléaire, fondement de la « civilisation ». Quant aux anthropologues davantage intéressés par l’architecture et les artefacts domestiques, leurs analyses consistent souvent à expliquer leur genèse en accord avec une vision évolutionniste du progrès technique ou par des facteurs géographiques. On aurait pu s’attendre à ce que l’invention de l’ethnographie par Bronislaw Malinowski ouvre de nouvelles perspectives. Avec elle, c’est en effet un certain rapport à la maison qui se met à définir le métier d’anthropologue, celui-là même qu’exemplifie la célèbre représentation de ce dernier sous sa tente, immortalisée dans la première planche photographique des Argonautes du Pacifique occidental. Pour autant, la maison reste un objet secondaire par rapport à l’organisation de la vie familiale, le vrai principe de la société. Elle est avant tout le lieu où le couple choisit de résider après le mariage et ce choix se plie à certaines « règles », dont on peut assez facilement faire l’inventaire, grâce aux liens de filiation entre les membres du couple et les autres résidents (Murdock 1949). On parlera, par exemple, de résidence « matrilocale » quand le couple emménage chez les parents de l’épouse, « patrilocale » dans le cas inverse. Quant aux sociétés occidentales, où le couple forme habituellement un nouveau ménage, on parlera de résidence « néolocale ». La critique de ces règles permet, dans les années 1950 et 1960, d’étendre la réflexion sur la maison. Face aux difficultés concrètes que pose leur identification, Ward Goodenough suggère d’abandonner les taxinomies qui « n’existent que dans la tête des anthropologues » et de « déterminer quels sont, de fait, les choix résidentiels que les membres de la société étudiée peuvent faire au sein de leur milieu socioculturel particulier » (1956 : 29). Autrement dit, plutôt que de partir d’un inventaire théorique, il faut commencer par l’étude des catégories natives impliquées dans les choix résidentiels. La seconde critique est de Meyer Fortes, qui formule le concept de « groupe domestique », « unité qui contrôle et assure l’entretien de la maison (householding and housekeeping unit), organisée de façon à offrir à ses membres les ressources matérielles et culturelles nécessaires à leur conservation et à leur éducation » (1962 : 8). Le groupe domestique, à l’instar des organismes vivants, connaît un « cycle de développement ». En Europe du sud, par exemple, les enfants quittent le domicile parental lorsqu’ils se marient, mais y reviennent en cas de rupture conjugale ou de chômage prolongé ; âgés, les parents souvent cherchent à habiter près de leurs enfants. En conséquence, « les modèles de résidence sont la cristallisation, à un moment donné, d’un processus de développement » (Fortes 1962 : 5), et non l’application statique de règles abstraites. La maison n’est donc pas seulement le lieu où réside la famille, elle est nécessaire à l’accomplissement de tâches indispensables à la reproduction physique et morale des individus, telles que manger, dormir ou assurer l’éducation des nouvelles générations (Bender 1967). Cette conception du groupe domestique rejoint celle qu’avait formulée Frédéric Le Play un siècle auparavant : pour l’ingénieur français, il fallait placer la maison au centre de l’organisation familiale, par la défense de l’autorité paternelle et la transmission de la propriété à un héritier unique, de façon à garantir la stabilité de l’ordre social (1864). Elle exerce de fait une influence considérable sur les historiens de la famille, en particulier ceux du Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, dirigé par Peter Laslett (1972), et sur les anthropologues (Netting, Wilk & Arnould 1984), notamment les marxistes (Sahlins 1976). En Amérique latine, de nombreuses enquêtes menées dans les années 1960 et 1970 mettent en évidence l’importance des réseaux d’entraide, attirant ainsi l’attention sur le rôle essentiel du voisinage (Lewis 1959, Lomnitz 1975). La recherche féministe explore quant à elle le caractère genré de la répartition des tâches au sein du groupe domestique, que recoupe souvent la distinction entre le public et le privé : à la « maîtresse de maison » en charge des tâches ménagères s’oppose le « chef de famille » qui apporte le pain quotidien (Yanagisako 1979). Un tel découpage contribue à invisibiliser le travail féminin (di Leonardo 1987). On remarquera néanmoins que la théorie du groupe domestique pense la maison à partir de fonctions établies par avance : ce sont elles qui orientent l’intérêt des anthropologues, plus que la maison en elle-même. C’est à Claude Lévi-Strauss que l’on doit la tentative la plus systématique de penser la maison comme un principe producteur de la société (1984 ; 2004). Celui-ci prend pour point de départ l’organisation sociale de l’aristocratie kwakiutl (Amérique du Nord), telle qu’elle avait été étudiée par Franz Boas : parce qu’elle présentait des traits à la fois matrilinéaires et patrilinéaires, parce qu’elle ne respectait pas toujours le principe d’exogamie, celle-ci défiait les théories classiques de la parenté. Lévi-Strauss propose de résoudre le problème en substituant le groupe d’unifiliation, tenu pour être au fondement des sociétés dites traditionnelles, par celui de « maison », au sens où l’on parlait de « maison noble » au Moyen Âge. La maison désigne ainsi une « personne morale détentrice d’un domaine, qui se perpétue par transmission de son nom, de sa fortune et de ses titres en ligne réelle ou fictive » (Lévi-Strauss 1984 : 190). Plus que les règles de parenté, ce sont les « rapports de pouvoir » entre ces « personnes morales » qui déterminent les formes du mariage et de la filiation : celles-ci peuvent donc varier en accord avec les équilibres politiques. Lévi-Strauss va ensuite généraliser son analyse à un vaste ensemble de sociétés apparemment cognatiques, qu’il baptise « sociétés à maison ». Celles-ci se situeraient dans une phase intermédiaire de l’évolution historique, « dans un état de la structure où les intérêts politiques et économiques tend[ent] à envahir le champ social » (Lévi-Strauss 1984 : 190). Très discuté par les spécialistes des sociétés concernées, ce modèle a eu la grande vertu de libérer l’imagination des anthropologues. Critiquant son évolutionnisme sous-jacent, Janet Carsten et Stephen Hugh-Jones (1995) proposent toutefois d’approfondir la démarche de Lévi-Strauss, en considérant la maison comme un véritable « fait social total ». L’architecture, par exemple, ne relève pas que d’une anthropologie des techniques : celle de la maison kabyle, analysée par Pierre Bourdieu, met en évidence un « microcosme organisé selon les mêmes oppositions et mêmes homologies qui ordonnent tout l’univers » (1972 : 71), un parallélisme que l’on retrouve dans de nombreux autres contextes socioculturels (Hamberger 2010). Fondamentalement, la maison relève d’une anthropologie du corps. Dans son enquête sur la parenté en Malaisie, Carsten souligne le rôle joué par la cuisine ou le foyer, en permettant la circulation des substances qui assurent la production et la reproduction des corps (alimentation, lait maternel, sang) et leur mise en relation, ce que Carsten appelle la « relationalité » (relatedness) (1995). Fait dynamique plutôt que statique, la maison nous met directement au contact des processus qui forment et reforment nos relations et notre personne : son étude permet donc de dépasser la critique culturaliste des travaux sur la parenté; elle nous montre la parenté en train de se faire. Il convient aussi de ne pas réduire la maison à ses murs : celle-ci le plus souvent existe au sein d’un réseau. Les enquêtes menées par Émile Lebris et ses collègues sur l’organisation de l’espace dans les villes d’Afrique francophone proposent ainsi le concept de « système résidentiel » pour désigner « un ensemble articulé de lieux de résidences (unités d’habitation) des membres d’une famille étendue ou élargie » (Le Bris 1985 : 25). Ils distinguent notamment entre les systèmes « centripètes », « de concentration en un même lieu d’un segment de lignage, d’une famille élargie ou composée » et les systèmes « centrifuges », de « segmentation d’un groupe familial dont les fragments s’installent en plusieurs unités résidentielles plus ou moins proches les unes des autres, mais qui tissent entre elles des liens étroits » (Le Bris 1985 : 25). Examinant les projets et réseaux que mobilise la construction d’une maison dans les quartiers noirs de la Bahia au Brésil, les circulations quotidiennes de personnes et d’objets entre unités domestiques ainsi que les rituels et fêtes de famille, Louis Marcelin en déduit lui aussi que la maison « n’est pas une entité isolée, repliée sur elle-même. La maison n’existe que dans le contexte d’un réseau d’unités domestiques. Elle est pensée et vécue en interrelation avec d’autres maisons qui participent à sa construction – au sens symbolique et concret. Elle fait partie d’une configuration » (Marcelin 1999 : 37). À la différence de Lebris, toutefois, Marcelin part des expériences individuelles et des catégories socioculturelles propres à la société étudiée : une « maison », c’est avant tout ce que les personnes identifient comme tel, et qui ne correspond pas nécessairement à l’image idéale que l’on se fait de cette dernière en Occident. « La configuration de maisons rend compte d’un espace aux frontières paradoxalement floues (pour l'observateur) et nettes (pour les agents) dans lequel se déroule un processus perpétuel de création et de recréation de liens (réseaux) de coopération et d'échange entre des entités autonomes (les maisons) » (Marcelin 1996 : 133). La découverte de ces configurations a ouvert un champ de recherche actuellement des plus dynamiques, « la nouvelle anthropologie de la maison » (Cortado à paraître). Cette « nouvelle anthropologie » montre notamment que les configurations de maisons ne sont pas l’apanage des pauvres, puisqu’elles organisent aussi le quotidien des élites, que ce soit dans les quartiers bourgeois de Porto au Portugal (Pina-Cabral 2014) ou ceux de Santiago au Chili (Araos 2016) – elles ne sont donc pas réductibles à de simples « stratégies de survie ». Quoiqu’elles se construisent souvent à l’échelle d’une parcelle ou d’un quartier (Cortado 2019), ces configurations peuvent très bien se déployer à un niveau transnational, comme c’est le cas au sein de la diaspora haïtienne (Handerson à paraître) ou parmi les noirs marrons qui habitent à la frontière entre la Guyane et le Suriname (Léobal 2019). Ces configurations prennent toutefois des formes très différentes, en accord avec les règles de filiation, bien sûr (Pina-Cabral 2014), mais aussi les pratiques religieuses (Dalmaso 2018), le droit à la propriété (Márquez 2014) ou l’organisation politique locale – la fidélité au chef, par exemple, est au fondement de ce que David Webster appelle les « vicinalités » (vicinality), ces regroupements de maisons qu’il a pu observer chez les Chopes au sud du Mozambique (Webster 2009). Des configurations surgissent même en l’absence de liens familiaux, sur la base de l’entraide locale, par exemple (Motta 2013). Enfin, il convient de souligner que de telles configurations ne sont pas, loin de là, harmonieuses, mais qu’elles sont généralement traversées de conflits plus ou moins ouverts. Dans la Bahia, les configurations de maisons, dit Marcelin, mettent en jeu une « structure de tension entre hiérarchie et autonomie, entre collectivisme et individualisme » (Marcelin 1999 : 38). En tant que « fait social total », dynamique et relationnel, l’anthropologie de la maison ne saurait pourtant se restreindre à celle de l’organisation familiale. L’étude des matérialités domestiques (architecture, mobilier, décoration) nous permet par exemple d’accéder aux dimensions esthétiques, narratives et politiques de grands processus historiques, que ce soit la formation de la classe moyenne en Occident (Miller 2001) ou la consolidation des bidonvilles dans le Sud global (Cavalcanti 2012). Elle nous invite à penser différents degrés de la maison, de la tente dans les camps de réfugiés ou de travailleurs immigrés à la maison en dur (Abourahme 2014, Guedes 2017), en passant par la maison mobile (Leivestad 2018) : pas tout à fait des maisons, ces formes d’habitat n’en continuent pas moins de se définir par rapport à une certaine « idée de la maison » (Douglas 1991). La maison relève aussi d’une anthropologie de la politique. En effet, la maison est une construction idéologique, l’objet de discours politiquement orientés qui visent, par exemple, à assoir l’autorité du père sur la famille (Sabbean 1990) ou à « moraliser » les classes laborieuses (Rabinow 1995). Elle est également la cible et le socle des nombreuses technologiques politiques qui organisent notre quotidien : la « gouvernementalisation » des sociétés contemporaines se confond en partie avec la pénétration du foyer par les appareils de pouvoir (Foucault 2004); la « pacification » des populations indigènes passe bien souvent par leur sédentarisation (Comaroff & Comaroff 1992). Enfin, la maison relève d’une anthropologie de l’économie. La production domestique constitue bien sûr un objet de première importance, qui bénéficie aujourd’hui d’un regain d’intérêt. Florence Weber et Sybille Gollac parlent ainsi de « maisonnée » pour désigner les collectifs de travail domestique fondés sur l’attachement à une maison – par exemple, un groupe de frères et sœurs qui s’occupent ensemble d’un parent âgé ou qui œuvrent à la préservation de la maison familiale (Weber 2002, Gollac 2003). Dans la tradition du substantialisme, d’autres anthropologues partent aujourd’hui de la maison pour analyser notre rapport concret à l’économie, la circulation des flux monétaires, par exemple, et ainsi critiquer les représentations dominantes, notamment celles qui conçoivent l’économie comme un champ autonome et séparé (Gudeman et Riviera 1990; Motta 2013) – il ne faut pas oublier que le grec oikonomia désignait à l’origine le bon gouvernement de la maison, une conception qui aujourd’hui encore organise les pratiques quotidiennes (De l’Estoile 2014). Cycles de vie, organisation du travail domestique, formes de domination, identités de genre, solidarités locales, rituels et cosmovisions, techniques et production du corps, circulation des objets et des personnes, droits de propriété, appropriations de l’espace, perceptions du temps, idéologies, technologies politiques, flux monétaires… Le thème de la maison s’avère d’une formidable richesse empirique et théorique, et par-là même une porte d’entrée privilégiée à de nombreuses questions qui préoccupent l’anthropologie contemporaine.

IntroductionIn March 2015, I visited the Lambing Flat Folk Museum (established 1967) in the “cherry capital of Australia”, the town of Young, New South Wales, in preparation for a student excursion. Like other Australian folk museums, this museum focuses on the ordinary and the everyday of rural life, and is heavily reliant on local history, local historians, volunteers, and donated objects for the collection. It may not sound as though the Lambing Flat Folk Museum (LFFM) holds much potential for a fashion curator, as fashion exhibitions have become high points of innovation in exhibition design. It is quite a jolt to return to old style folk museums, when travelling shows such as Alexander McQueen: Savage Beauty (Metropolitan Museum of Art 2011 – V&A Museum 2015) or The Fashion World of Jean Paul Gaultier (V&A Museum 2011­ – NGV 2014) are popping up around the globe. The contrast stimulated this author to think on the role and the power of curators. This paper will show that the potential for fashion as a vehicle for demonstrating ideas other than through rubrics of design or history has been growing. We all wear dress. We express identity, politics, status, age, gender, social values, and mental state through the way we dress each and every day. These key issues are also explored in many museum exhibitions.Small museums often have an abundance of clothing. For them, it is a case of not only managing and caring for growing collections but also curating objects in a way that communicates regional and often national identity, as well as narrating stories in meaningful ways to audiences. This paper argues that the way in which dress is curated can greatly enhance temporary and permanent exhibitions. Fashion curation is on the rise (Riegels Melchior). This paper looks at why this is so, the potential for this specialisation in curation, the research required, and the sensitivity needed in communicating ideas in exhibitions. It also suggests how fashion curation skills may facilitate an increasing demand.Caring for the AudienceThe paper draws on a case study of how Chinese people at the LFFM are portrayed. The Chinese came to the Young district during the 1860s gold rush. While many people often think the Chinese were sojourners (Rolls), that is, they found gold and returned to China, many actually settled in regional Australia (McGowan; Couchman; Frost). At Young there were riots against the Chinese miners, and this narrative is illustrated at the museum.In examining the LFFM, this paper points to the importance of caring for the audience as well as objects, knowing and acknowledging the current and potential audiences. Caring for how the objects are received and perceived is vital to the work of curators. At this museum, the stereotypic portrayal of Chinese people, through a “coolie” hat, a fan, and two dolls dressed in costume, reminds us of the increased professionalisation of the museum sector in the last 20 years. It also reminds us of the need for good communication through both the objects and texts. Audiences have become more sophisticated, and their expectations have increased. Displays and accompanying texts that do not reflect in depth research, knowledge, and sensitivities can result in viewers losing interest quickly. Not long into my visit I began thinking of the potential reaction by the Chinese graduate students. In a tripartite model called the “museum experience”, Falk and Dierking argue that the social context, personal context, and physical context affect the visitor’s experience (5). The social context of who we visit with influences enjoyment. Placing myself in the students’ shoes sharpened reactions to some of the displays. Curators need to be mindful of a wide range of audiences. The excursion was to be not so much a history learning activity, but a way for students to develop a personal interest in museology and to learn the role museums can play in society in general, as well as in small communities. In this case the personal context was also a professional context. What message would they get?Communication in MuseumsStudies by Falk et al. indicate that museum visitors only view an exhibition for 30 minutes before “museum fatigue” sets in (249–257). The physicality of being in a museum can affect the museum experience. Hence, many institutions responded to these studies by placing the key information and objects in the introductory areas of an exhibition, before the visitor gets bored. As Stephen Bitgood argues, this can become self-fulfilling, as the reaction by the exhibition designers can then be to place all the most interesting material early in the path of the audience, leaving the remainder as mundane displays (196). Bitgood argues there is no museum fatigue. He suggests that there are other things at play which curators need to heed, such as giving visitors choice and opportunities for interaction, and avoiding overloading the audience with information and designing poorly laid-out exhibitions that have no breaks or resting points. All these factors contribute to viewers becoming both mentally and physically tired. Rather than placing the onus on the visitor, he contends there are controllable factors the museum can attend to. One of his recommendations is to be provocative in communication. Stimulating exhibitions are more likely to engage the visitor, minimising boredom and tiredness (197). Xerxes Mazda recommends treating an exhibition like a good story, with a beginning, a dark moment, a climax, and an ending. The LFFM certainly has those elements, but they are not translated into curation that gives a compelling narration that holds the visitors’ attention. Object labels give only rudimentary information, such as: “Wooden Horse collar/very rare/donated by Mr Allan Gordon.” Without accompanying context and engaging language, many visitors could find it difficult to relate to, and actively reflect on, the social narrative that the museum’s objects could reflect.Text plays an important role in museums, particularly this museum. Communication skills of the label writers are vital to enhancing the museum visit. Louise Ravelli, in writing on museum texts, states that “communication needs to be more explicit and more reflexive—to bring implicit assumptions to the surface” (3). This is particularly so for the LFFM. Posing questions and using an active voice can provoke the viewer. The power of text can be seen in one particular museum object. In the first gallery is a banner that contains blatant racist text. Bringing racism to the surface through reflexive labelling can be powerful. So for this museum communication needs to be sensitive and informative, as well as pragmatic. It is not just a case of being reminded that Australia has a long history of racism towards non-Anglo Saxon migrants. A sensitive approach in label-writing could ask visitors to reflect on Australia’s long and continued history of racism and relate it to the contemporary migration debate, thereby connecting the present day to dark historical events. A question such as, “How does Australia deal with racism towards migrants today?” brings issues to the surface. Or, more provocatively, “How would I deal with such racism?” takes the issue to a personal level, rather than using language to distance the issue of racism to a national issue. Museums are more than repositories of objects. Even a small underfunded museum can have great impact on the viewer through the language they use to make meaning of their display. The Lambing Flat Roll-up Banner at the LFFMThe “destination” object of the museum in Young is the Lambing Flat Roll-up Banner. Those with a keen interest in Australian history and politics come to view this large sheet of canvas that elicits part of the narrative of the Lambing Flat Riots, which are claimed to be germane to the White Australia Policy (one of the very first pieces of legislation after the Federation of Australia was The Immigration Restriction Act 1901).On 30 June 1861 a violent anti-Chinese riot occurred on the goldfields of Lambing Flat (now known as Young). It was the culmination of eight months of growing conflict between European and Chinese miners. Between 1,500 and 2,000 Europeans lived and worked in these goldfields, with little government authority overseeing the mining regulations. Earlier, in November 1860, a group of disgruntled European miners marched behind a German brass band, chasing off 500 Chinese from the field and destroying their tents. Tensions rose and fell until the following June, when the large banner was painted and paraded to gather up supporters: “…two of their leaders carrying in advance a magnificent flag, on which was written in gold letters – NO CHINESE! ROLL UP! ROLL UP! ...” (qtd. in Coates 40). Terrified, over 1,270 Chinese took refuge 20 kilometres away on James Roberts’s property, “Currawong”. The National Museum of Australia commissioned an animation of the event, The Harvest of Endurance. It may seem obvious, but the animators indicated the difference between the Chinese and the Europeans through dress, regardless that the Chinese wore western dress on the goldfields once the clothing they brought with them wore out (McGregor and McGregor 32). Nonetheless, Chinese expressions of masculinity differed. Their pigtails, their shoes, and their hats were used as shorthand in cartoons of the day to express the anxiety felt by many European settlers. A more active demonstration was reported in The Argus: “ … one man … returned with eight pigtails attached to a flag, glorifying in the work that had been done” (6). We can only imagine this trophy and the de-masculinisation it caused.The 1,200 x 1,200 mm banner now lays flat in a purpose-built display unit. Viewers can see that it was not a hastily constructed work. The careful drafting of original pencil marks can be seen around the circus styled font: red and blue, with the now yellow shadowing. The banner was tied with red and green ribbon of which small remnants remain attached.The McCarthy family had held the banner for 100 years, from the riots until it was loaned to the Royal Australian Historical Society in November 1961. It was given to the LFFM when it opened six years later. The banner is given key positioning in the museum, indicating its importance to the community and its place in the region’s memory. Just whose memory is narrated becomes apparent in the displays. The voice of the Chinese is missing.Memory and Museums Museums are interested in memory. When visitors come to museums, the work they do is to claim, discover, and sometimes rekindle memory (Smith; Crane; Williams)—-and even to reshape memory (Davidson). Fashion constantly plays with memory: styles, themes, textiles, and colours are repeated and recycled. “Cutting and pasting” presents a new context from one season to the next. What better avenue to arouse memory in museums than fashion curation? This paper argues that fashion exhibitions fit within the museum as a “theatre of memory”, where social memory, commemoration, heritage, myth, fantasy, and desire are played out (Samuels). In the past, institutions and fashion curators often had to construct academic frameworks of “history” or “design” in order to legitimise fashion exhibitions as a serious pursuit. Exhibitions such as Fashion and Politics (New York 2009), Fashion India: Spectacular Capitalism (Oslo 2014) and Fashion as Social Energy (Milan 2015) show that fashion can explore deeper social concerns and political issues.The Rise of Fashion CuratorsThe fashion curator is a relative newcomer. What would become the modern fashion curator made inroads into museums through ethnographic and anthropological collections early in the 20th century. Fashion as “history” soon followed into history and social museums. Until the 1990s, the fashion curator in a museum was seen as, and closely associated with, the fashion historian or craft curator. It could be said that James Laver (1899–1975) or Stella Mary Newton (1901–2001) were the earliest modern fashion curators in museums. They were also fashion historians. However, the role of fashion curator as we now know it came into its own right in the 1970s. Nadia Buick asserts that the first fashion exhibition, Fashion: An Anthology by Cecil Beaton, was held at the Victoria and Albert Museum, curated by the famous fashion photographer Cecil Beaton. He was not a museum employee, a trained curator, or even a historian (15). The museum did not even collect contemporary fashion—it was a new idea put forward by Beaton. He amassed hundreds of pieces of fashion items from his friends of elite society to complement his work.Radical changes in museums since the 1970s have been driven by social change, new expectations and new technologies. Political and economic pressures have forced museum professionals to shift their attention from their collections towards their visitors. There has been not only a growing number of diverse museums but also a wider range of exhibitions, fashion exhibitions included. However, as museums and the exhibitions they mount have become more socially inclusive, this has been somewhat slow to filter through to the fashion exhibitions. I assert that the shift in fashion exhibitions came as an outcome of new writing on fashion as a social and political entity through Jennifer Craik’s The Face of Fashion. This book has had an influence, beyond academic fashion theorists, on the way in which fashion exhibitions are curated. Since 1997, Judith Clark has curated landmark exhibitions, such as Malign Muses: When Fashion Turns Back (Antwerp 2004), which examine the idea of what fashion is rather than documenting fashion’s historical evolution. Dress is recognised as a vehicle for complex issues. It is even used to communicate a city’s cultural capital and its metropolitan modernity as “fashion capitals” (Breward and Gilbert). Hence the reluctant but growing willingness for dress to be used in museums to critically interrogate, beyond the celebratory designer retrospectives. Fashion CurationFashion curators need to be “brilliant scavengers” (Peoples). Curators such as Clark pick over what others consider as remains—the neglected, the dissonant—bringing to the fore what is forgotten, where items retrieved from all kinds of spheres are used to fashion exhibitions that reflect the complex mix of the tangible and intangible that is present in fashion. Allowing the brilliant scavengers to pick over the flotsam and jetsam of everyday life can make for exciting exhibitions. Clothing of the everyday can be used to narrate complex stories. We only need think of the black layette worn by Baby Azaria Chamberlain—or the shoe left on the tarmac at Darwin Airport, having fallen off the foot of Mrs Petrov, wife of the Russian diplomat, as she was forced onto a plane. The ordinary remnants of the Chinese miners do not appear to have been kept. Often, objects can be transformed by subsequent significant events.Museums can be sites of transformation for its audiences. Since the late 1980s, through the concept of the New Museum (Vergo), fashion as an exhibition theme has been used to draw in wider museum audiences and to increase visitor numbers. The clothing of Vivienne Westwood, (34 Years in Fashion 2005, NGA) Kylie Minogue (Kylie: An Exhibition 2004­–2005, Powerhouse Museum), or Princess Grace (Princess Grace: Style Icon 2012, Bendigo Art Gallery) drew in the crowds, quantifying the relevance of museums to funding bodies. As Marie Riegels Melchior notes, fashion is fashionable in museums. What is interesting is that the New Museum’s refrain of social inclusion (Sandell) has yet to be wholly embraced by art museums. There is tension between the fashion and museum worlds: a “collision of the fashion and art worlds” (Batersby). Exhibitions of elite designer clothing worn by celebrities have been seen as very commercial operations, tainting the intellectual and academic reputations of cultural institutions. What does fashion curation have to do with the banner mentioned previously? It would be miraculous for authentic clothing worn by Chinese miners to surface now. In revising the history of Lambing Flat, fashion curators need to employ methodologies of absence. As Clynk and Peoples have shown, by examining archives, newspaper advertisements, merchants’ account books, and other material that incidentally describes the business of clothing, absence can become present. While the later technology of photography often shows “Sunday best” fashions, it also illustrates the ordinary and everyday dress of Chinese men carrying out business transactions (MacGowan; Couchman). The images of these men bring to mind the question: were these the children of men, or indeed the men themselves, who had their pigtails violently cut off years earlier? The banner was also used to show that there are quite detailed accounts of events from local and national newspapers of the day. These are accessible online. Accounts of the Chinese experience may have been written up in Chinese newspapers of the day. Access to these would be limited, if they still exist. Historian Karen Schamberger reminds us of the truism: “history is written by the victors” in her observations of a re-enactment of the riots at the Lambing Flat Festival in 2014. The Chinese actors did not have speaking parts. She notes: The brutal actions of the European miners were not explained which made it easier for audience members to distance themselves from [the Chinese] and be comforted by the actions of a ‘white hero’ James Roberts who… sheltered the Chinese miners at the end of the re-enactment. (9)Elsewhere, just out of town at the Chinese Tribute Garden (created in 1996), there is evidence of presence. Plaques indicating donors to the garden carry names such as Judy Chan, Mrs King Chou, and Mr and Mrs King Lam. The musically illustrious five siblings of the Wong family, who live near Young, were photographed in the Discover Central NSW tourist newspaper in 2015 as a drawcard for the Lambing Flat Festival. There is “endurance”, as the title of NMA animation scroll highlights. Conclusion Absence can be turned around to indicate presence. The “presence of absence” (Meyer and Woodthorpe) can be a powerful tool. Seeing is the pre-eminent sense used in museums, and objects are given priority; there are ways of representing evidence and narratives, and describing relationships, other than fashion presence. This is why I argue that dress has an important role to play in museums. Dress is so specific to time and location. It marks specific occasions, particularly at times of social transitions: christening gowns, bar mitzvah shawls, graduation gowns, wedding dresses, funerary shrouds. Dress can also demonstrate the physicality of a specific body: in the extreme, jeans show the physicality of presence when the body is removed. The fashion displays in the museum tell part of the region’s history, but the distraction of the poor display of the dressed mannequins in the LFFM gets in the way of a “good story”.While rioting against the Chinese miners may cause shame and embarrassment, in Australia we need to accept that this was not an isolated event. More formal, less violent, and regulated mechanisms of entry to Australia were put in place, and continue to this day. It may be that a fashion curator, a brilliant scavenger, may unpick the prey for viewers, placing and spacing objects and the visitor, designing in a way to enchant or horrify the audience, and keeping interest alive throughout the exhibition, allowing spaces for thinking and memories. Drawing in those who have not been the audience, working on the absence through participatory modes of activities, can be powerful for a community. Fashion curators—working with the body, stimulating ethical and conscious behaviours, and constructing dialogues—can undoubtedly act as a vehicle for dynamism, for both the museum and its audiences. 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