Relevant bibliographies by topics / Arianism Theology

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Academic literature on the topic 'Arianism Theology'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Arianism Theology"

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Giulea, Dragoș Andrei. "Antioch 268 and Its Legacy in the Fourth-Century Theological Debates." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 2 (April 2018): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000056.

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AbstractThe study proposes an analysis of the concepts ofousiaandhypostasisin the theology of the Council of Antioch which condemned Paul of Samosata in 268 CE. The authentic reports preserved from the assembly unveil the fact that the synodals who condemned Paul of Samosata employed the two terms interchangeably to denote the individual entity or person rather than the common essence or nature of the Father and Son. Additionally, they defended Christ's divinity before time and simultaneously assumed a certain subordinationism. The study additionally explores theSitz im Lebenof this theology, an accepted language embraced in the Eastern part of the Roman world in the third century. The article further traces the elements of this Antiochene theology in the fourth century in what was traditionally viewed as the “Arian” councils held in Antioch in 341 and 345 as well as in such authors as Eusebius of Caesarea and the Homoiousians. While Antioch 341 and 345 distanced themselves from Arianism, it is more coherent to interpret them, together with Eusebius and the Homoiousians, through this new hermeneutical lens, namely Antioch 268, rather than the traditional polarization between Nicaea and Arianism.
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Mullins, R. T. "Divine Temporality, the Trinity, and the Charge of Arianism." Journal of Analytic Theology 4 (May 6, 2016): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12978/jat.2016-4.172413122018a.

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Divine temporality is all the rage in certain theological circles today. Some even suggesting that the doctrine of the Trinity entails divine temporality. While I find this claim a bit strong, I do think that divine temporality can be quite useful for developing a robust model of the Trinity. However, not everyone agrees with this. Paul Helm has offered an objection to the so-called Oxford school of divine temporality based on the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. He has argued that this form of divine temporality entails Arianism. In other words, divine temporality suffers from an inadequate doctrine of the Trinity. In this paper I shall first articulate the so-called Oxford school of divine temporality. From there I shall develop some of the Oxford school’s theological benefits that help flesh out the doctrine of the Trinity, and assuage the charge of Arianism. Then I shall offer an examination and refutation of the Arian charge to divine temporality in order to show that the divine temporalist can maintain a robust Trinitarian theology.
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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Postawa św. Atanazego i św. Hilarego wobec decyzji synodu w Ancyrze (358)." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3711.

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The Synod of Ancyra was organized at 358 by Basil, bishop of this city. The bishops who took part in this Synod published a Synodical Letter, called in English Manifesto. They presented in this letter the essence of the Homoiousian theology (it also written Homoeousians). They did not accept the Nicaean concept of equa­lity of the Son to the Father, expressed by the term homoousios (consubstantial). They proposed other idioms, especially homoios kat ousian (similar to the Father according the essence); sometimes they used the term homoiousios (similar to the Father in all things). According to the teaching of the Homoiousians, the Son pos­sessed the Divinity not in himself, but by the participation in Father’s Divinity. Athanasius of Alexandria expressed quite positive opinion about the theology of the Synod of Ancyra. Maybe he did know it very well; maybe he tried to see positive elements in it, because the Homoiousians were in opposition to the ex­treme Arianism. Hilary of Poitiers expressed also a positive opinion about the Manifesto of Ancyra. He appreciated its moderate position in Christology in com­parison to the extreme Arians. He supposed that the above mentioned terms used by the bishops of Ancyra had the same meaning as the Nicaean term homoousios. Both Athanasius and Hilary did not pay much attention on terms but espe­cially on the relation of the Son to the Father; he distinguished the identity of each Person; he was conscious of the difference of their mission, and he underlined the equality of their Divine nature and dignity.
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Seng, Kang Phee. "The Epistemological Significance of ‘Ομοοσον in the Theology of Thomas F. Torrance." Scottish Journal of Theology 45, no. 3 (August 1992): 341–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600038060.

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Central to the whole of Thomas Forsyth Torrance's theology is the μοοΣιον between the incarnate Logos and the eternal God, or the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father. The immense significance of this Nicene μοοΣιον is best understood against the background of the axiomatic χωριΣμΣ which lies at the heart of Hellenism, Gnosticism and Arianism. Once such a radical separation between τ νοητ and τ αἰΣθητ is posited, there arise the inevitable questions: (a) How do we regard the biblical statements of the eternal God within the history of the Jewish people in the realm of τ αἰΣθητ (b) On which side of the demarcation does the Logos of the eternal God belong? For the dualist thinkers, the dilemma is — How can the eternal God who is impassible and changeless be thought of as actually entering the spatiotemporal history of this changing and decaying world, and alas, even living within our creaturely and contingent order? To be sure, the biblical notion of a Creator who actively and creatively interacts with his creation is incompatible with the prevailing Hellenic thought-form and secular culture of the early Church. It was as unthinkable and unintelligible to them as it is to Bultmann and the myth-of-God-incarnate theologians of our day.
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Ramelli, Ilaria L. E. "Origen, Greek Philosophy, and the Birth of the Trinitarian Meaning ofHypostasis." Harvard Theological Review 105, no. 3 (July 11, 2012): 302–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816012000120.

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Origen, far from being a precursor of “Arianism,” as he was depicted during the Origenist controversy and is often still misrepresented today, was the main inspirer of the Nicene-Cappadocian line.1The Trinitarian formulation of this line, which was represented above all by Gregory of Nyssa, is that God is one and the same nature or essencein three individual substancesand that the Son isto the Father. Indeed, the three members of the Trinity share in the same2This formulation was followed by Basil in his last phase; Didymus, Gregory of Nazianzus from 362 onwards; Evagrius; and numerous later authors.3Origen himself had already maintained both things: that the Father, the Son, and the Spirit have the samebut are three differentand Gregory of Nyssa closely followed him.4As I set out to argue, Origen’s thought represented a novel and fundamental theorization with respect to the communality ofand the individuality ofconceived as individual substances, in the Trinity. He influenced not only subsequent Trinitarian theology, but perhaps even “pagan” Neoplatonism. (Likewise, on the christological side, Annewies van den Hoek5has insightfully demonstrated the importance of Origen in asking—and endeavoring to answer—the question of the unification of humanity and divinity in Christ, and Origen’s influence on later formulations.)
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Wiles, Maurice. "1998 Belief, openness and religious commitment." Theology 123, no. 4 (July 2020): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x20934027.

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Canon Professor Maurice Wiles (1923–2005) wrote this article in retirement. At the outset of his career he was an Evangelical (as his review of Barth, also reproduced in this centenary issue, indicates), but by the 1970s he had moved to, and continued in, a distinctly more liberal direction. A gradual realization of the ‘complexity of the issues involved’ in theology (and, not least, within the Bible) spurred this move, as this article suggests. His aim finally is to search for ‘an intellectual and moral basis for sharing conscientiously and wholeheartedly in the rich spiritual tradition of Christian worship, belief and practice, without blinding oneself to its faults’. As a young man Wiles was recruited to work on code breaking at Bletchley Park during the war. In maturity he held the Regius Chair of Divinity at Oxford from 1970 until 1991. He also chaired the Church of England doctrine commission that produced the liberal report Christian Believing (1976) and contributed to the controversial book The Myth of God Incarnate the following year. Among his own books were The Making of Christian Doctrine (1967), The Remaking of Christian Doctrine (1974), Faith and the Mystery of God (1982) and, using his patristic skills, his late study of Arianism, Archetypal Heresy (1996). Editor.
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Merdinger, Jane. "Desafiando la sutileza de los donatistas: los cánones litúrgicos de Agustín y Aurelio en el Concilio de Hipona." Augustinus 64, no. 3 (2019): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201964254/25519.

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My article investigates Catholic councils of the North African Church during the 390s, when it was struggling against its formidable rival, Donatism. I shall demonstrate that the delegates’ concern over the Donatist Church’s strength played a larger role in the formulation of canons during that decade than scholars have previously suspected. I shall argue that despite Augustine ‘s rudimentary grasp of Donatist theology ca. 391- 395, he recognized the significant threat posed by the dissident church and successfully maneuvered behind the scenes (together with Aurelius, primate of Carthage), crafting several canons that are not overtly anti-Donatist but in essence are directed against Donatist encroachment upon Catholic hearts and minds. My article will commence with a brief overview of the Council of 390, presided over by Genethlius, primate of Carthage. Historians have dismissed Genethlius as ineffective against the Donatists, but I shall argue that several canons enacted in 390 paved the way for Augustine’s and Aurelius’ reforms. I shall then examine canons from the Council of Hippo (393 CE), Augustine’s and Aurelíus’ inaugural conclave that ushered in their ambitious programme to rejuvenate the Catholic Church in Africa. Liturgical canons will receive special attention. I believe that they provide clues to heterodox behavior by Donatists during their celebration of the Lord’s Supper. Though the council fathers targeted Arianism as well in 393, Donatist practices spurred them lo promulgate canons forfending against questionable rites that might be adopted unwittingly by Catholic congregations.
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Meyer, John R. "God's trinitarian substance in Athanasian theology." Scottish Journal of Theology 59, no. 1 (February 2006): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930605001626.

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The attraction of what Richard Cross describes as a generic view of God's trinitarian substance is undeniable. Even before the Arians professed belief in the Son of God as being of secondary divine rank vis-à-vis the Father, Origen demonstrated a tendency to envisage a derivation view of God's substance in which the Son was somewhat less divine than the Father. However, Cross's contention that Athanasius promoted this same concept is not as clear-cut as he suggests, although there are texts in the Athanasian corpus of writings lending credence to such an interpretation. While Athanasius did accept the monarchical view of the Trinity, with God the Father as the origin or source of intra-trinitarian life, he also stressed the consubstantial nature of the Son and the Father.
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9

Kofsky, Aryeh, and Serge Ruzer. "Theodore of Mopsuestia’s hermeneutics: transformed theology in response to fourth century crises." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3620.

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Niniejsze studium ukazuje, w jaki sposób egzegeza Teodora z Mopsuestii, po­wstała w reakcji na główne spory teologiczne IV w., wpływała na dalszy rozwój jego chrystologii, którą odziedziczył po swoim mistrzu – Diodorze z Tarsu. Po­lemiczna dynamika myślenia Teodora doprowadziła go do wytworzenia obrazu Chrystusa, skupiającego się wyłącznie na Jego człowieczeństwie. Rozwój ten jest wyraźnie dostrzegalny przede wszystkim w zachowanym w języku syryjskim Ko­mentarzu na Ewangelię według św. Jana. Niniejszy artykuł skupia się zatem na analizie tego komentarza i poszukiwaniu w nim wskazań Teodora na wyzwania czasów w których żył, zwłaszcza ówczesnych herezji (głównie arianizmu i apo­linaryzmu), oraz dróg, które wiodły go do przekształcenia jego teologii, w szcze­gólności zaś chrystologicznego myślenia, odzwierciedlonego w hermeneutycz­nym kontekście Komentarza.
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Maspero, Giulio. "Different strategies of the Greek Fathers against the pneumatomachians." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 193–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3343.

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Different sources describe the theology of the Pneumatomachians or Macedo­nians in the 4th century. They shared with the Arians the negation of the divinity of the Holy Spirit but were in disagreement with them about the Son. Different Greek Fathers wrote different answers and the study of their strategies seems of interest to better understand the heresy itself and its varieties. Epiphanius of Salamis, both in Ancoratus 65, 1 - 73, 9 and in Panarion 54 (74), presents a description of the Pneumatomachian heresy with a series of arguments to counter it. Equally impor­tant seem the Dialogi duo contra Macedonianos (PG 28, 1291-1338), transmitted in Athanasius’ Corpus, later attributed to Didymus, and still of discussed author­ship. The comparison of these different works on the background of Cappadocian pneumatology, in particular Basil’s De Spiritu Sancto and Gregory of Nyssa’s Adversus Macedonianos, may offer interesting insights from both the historical and theological perspective.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Arianism Theology"

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Beckwith, Carl Laurence. "The certainty of faith in God's Word the theological method and structure of Hilary of Poitier's De trinitate /." 2004. http://etd.nd.edu.lib-proxy.nd.edu/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-06022004-191206/.

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2

Mwale, Emanuel. "Jesus Christ’s humanity in the contexts of the pre-fall and post-fall natures of humanity: a comparative and critical evaluative study of the views of Jack Sequeira, Millard J. Erickson and Norman R. Gulley." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27660.

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Bibliography: leaves 653-669
Before God created human beings, He devised a plan to save them in case they sinned. In this plan, the second Person of the Godhead would become human. Thus, the incarnation of the second Person of the Godhead was solely for the purpose of saving fallen, sinful human beings. There would have been no incarnation if human beings had not sinned. Thus, the nature of the mission that necessitated the incarnation determined what kind of human nature Jesus was to assume. It was sin that necessitated the incarnation – sin as a tendency and sin as an act of disobedience. In His incarnational life and later through His death on Calvary’s cross, Jesus needed to deal with this dual problem of sin. In order for Him to achieve this, He needed to identify Himself with the fallen humanity in such a way that He would qualify to be the substitute for the fallen humanity. In His role as fallen humanity’s substitute, He would die vicariously and at the same time have sin as a tendency rendered impotent. Jesus needed to assume a human nature that would qualify Him to be an understanding and sympathetic High Priest. He needed to assume a nature that would qualify Him to be an example in overcoming temptation and suffering. Thus, in this study, after comparing and critically evaluating the Christological views of Jack Sequeira, Millard J. Erickson and Norman R. Gulley, I propose that Jesus assumed a unique post-fall (postlapsarian) human nature. He assumed the very nature that all human beings since humankind’s fall have, with its tendency or leaning towards sin. However, unlike other human beings, who are sinners by nature and need a saviour, Jesus was not a sinner. I contend that Jesus was unique because, first and foremost, He was conceived in Mary’s womb by the power of the Holy Spirit and was filled with the Holy Spirit throughout His earthly life. Second; He was the God-Man; and third, He lived a sinless life. This study contributes to literature on Christology, and uniquely to Christological dialogue between Evangelical and Seventh-day Adventist theologians.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Phil. (Systematic Theology)
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Books on the topic "Arianism Theology"

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Contra Marcellum: Marcellus of Ancyra and fourth-century theology. Washington, D.C: Catholic University of America Press, 1999.

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Augustine and the Arians: The Bishop of Hippo's encounters with Ulfilan Arianism. Selinsgrove [Pa.]: Susquehanna University Press, 1994.

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The search for the Christian doctrine of God: The Arian controversy 318-381. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1988.

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Aschermittwoch der Theologie. Stein am Rhein: Christiana, 1985.

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Höllhuber, Ivo. Aschermittwoch der Theologie. Stein am Rhein: Christiana-Verlag, 1985.

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Franco, Gori, ed. Marii Victorini opera. Vindobonae: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1986.

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Victorinus, Marius. Theological treatises on the Trinity. Washington, D.C: Catholic University of America Press, 2001.

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Basil, Saint, Bishop of Caesarea, approximately 329-379, Negro Antonella, and Ciarlo Domenico, eds. Apologia. Roma: Città Nuova, 2007.

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H, Declerck José, and Eustathius, of Antioch, Saint, d. ca. 337, eds. Eustathii Antiocheni, patris Nicaeni, Opera quae supersunt omnia. Turnhout: Brepols, 2002.

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Markus, Vinzent, ed. Die theologischen Fragmente. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Arianism Theology"

1

Williams, Rowan, and Frances Young. "Maurice Frank Wiles 1923–2005." In Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 153 Biographical Memoirs of Fellows, VII. British Academy, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264348.003.0015.

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Maurice Frank Wiles (1923–2005), a Fellow of the British Academy, was an Anglican theologian who was able within that tradition to develop the field of ‘doctrinal criticism’. He began his career concentrating on the period of the early Fathers of the Church, and it was this grounding that sowed the seeds of his later work on modern doctrine. Arianism would remain a particular interest. Yet Wiles retained a profound respect for tradition and, like the Fathers, constantly measured his doctrinal critique against the experience of believers in life and worship, regarding theology as second-order discourse – reflection on the significance of what was primary for Christianity, such as the experience of salvation. During his student days two people particularly influenced him: Ian Ramsey, who was Chaplain of his college and his first Theology tutor; and Henry Chadwick, who encouraged his early research in the Church Fathers. The evolution of Wiles' thinking is perhaps best observed in the collection published as Working Papers in Doctrine.
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"DIE THEOLOGIE." In Pseudo-Athanasius, Contra Arianos IV, 89–128. BRILL, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004313033_004.

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"4. ARIANS AND ORTHODOX: THE LOGOS SUFFERS BUT GOD DOES NOT." In The Coming of the Impassible God: Tracing a Dilemma in Christian Theology, 71–92. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463213992-007.

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