Journal articles on the topic 'Arizona Lady'

Potato cultivation is mainly influenced by the type of fertilisers used, the dosage of mineral or organic fertilisers applied based on the soil nutrient supply and texture of the soil. The potato’s particularities in growing stolons and tubers in the soil, the superficial root system, reltively smaller when compared to the above-ground part, make the plant’s soil condition requirements different from other crops. The purpose of these experiments was to determine the nutrient content in the soil, in order to accurately determine the macro- and micro-element requirements, decided before starting the cultivation, as they are highly important in order to obtain a good yield. In order to monitor the soil nutrient supply, soil samples were taken at a depth of 0-20 and 20-40 cm for ten different varieties, i.e. Arizona, Esmee, Riviera, Red Lady, Carrera, Jelly, Red Fantasy, Levantina, Bellarosa and Luna Rosa, and based on them the ph values, the humus, nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium and mobile form (Cu, Fe, Mn, Zn) content were established. Soil analysis is extremely important before starting the cultivation, because it helps farmers determine whether the type of soil is suitable for the plants to be grown and to determine an adequate fertilisation plan.

The decisive link in the system of comprehensive measures to contol the golden potato nematode is the use of globodera-resistant varieties and hybrids of potatoes. Before recommending any globodera-resistant potato variety for private household plots, it is necessary to carry out a comparative assessment of varieties in the globoderosis focus. This purpose is served by demonstration experiments that allow us to identify the positive and negative aspects of varieties and clearly show agricultural specialists and the population the advantages of nematode-resistant varieties. Effectively reduced the number of golden potato nematodes in the soil (by more than 60%) globodera-resistant varieties (Zhukovsky early, Impala, Santa, Scarb, Lady Rosetta, Picasso, Riviera, Arizona, etc.) with a powerful and branched root system when grown on a fertile, light in texture soil with the introduction of mineral and organic fertilizers, sufficient supply of soil moisture during May and June. Their cultivation led to a decrease in the incidence of globoderosis and, accordingly, an increase in potato yield. In order to increase the efficiency of soil disinfection with the help of globodera-resistant varieties and to obtain the optimal potato yield in private household plots, it is necessary to take the following measures: 1. In autumn – autumn plowing to the depth of the arable layer. In spring – cultivation to a depth of 12–14 cm with simultaneous harrowing. 2. It is recommended to cultivate potatoes in an anti-nematode crop rotation or fruit change no earlier than the third or fourth crop. The effectiveness of nematode-resistant varieties increases with the use of organic and full dose of nitrogen fertilizers. 3. To activate the activity of predatory, parasitic fungi and other antagonists of potato nematodes, it is necessary to apply organic fertilizers (manure, peat, compost) to the soil of potato plantings.

The purpose of this study was to systematically examine the practice behaviors of Pat Summitt, the winningest collegiate basketball coach in NCAA Division I history. Throughout the 2004–05 season, Summitt’s verbal and nonverbal behaviors were video recorded during six practices. A total of 3,296 behaviors were observed and coded using the Arizona State University Observation Instrument (Lacy & Darst, 1984). Results indicated that 55% (n = 1810) of Summitt’s behaviors were directed toward the team, whereas 45% (n = 1,486) were directed toward individual players. The most frequent behavior was instruction (48%, n = 1,586) followed by praise (14.5%, n = 478) and hustle (10.7%, n = 351). Contrary to predictions, no differences were found in the quantity or quality of the coaching behaviors that Summitt directed toward high and low expectancy players.

O aquecimento global vem sendo assunto constante em toda parte do planeta. Essa elevação na temperatura atmosférica pode gerar uma série de complicações sociais, econômicas e ambientais. Dessa forma, esta pesquisa objetiva analisar as tendências dos índices de extremos climáticos anuais, dependentes da temperatura na região da Bacia Hidrográfica do Baixo Rio Colorado situada no sudoeste dos EUA, e com isso investigar os possíveis impactos da variabilidade climática recente sobre a área de estudo no período de 1970 a 2009. Os dados de temperatura foram obtidos de 81 estações meteorológicas distribuídas na região da Bacia Hidrográfica do Baixo Rio Colorado, compreendendo os estados americanos do Arizona, Califórnia, Nevada, parte sudoeste do Novo México e parte sudoeste de Utah. Utilizou-se o software RClimdex no cálculo dos índices extremos de temperatura do ar. Dos índices climáticos de temperatura analisados, verificou-se que o índice Dias de Verão (DV) contribuiu para dias mais quentes na região de estudo. O índice Noites Tropicais (NT) mostrou aumento dos dias com temperatura mínima maior que 20° C. O número de dias frio e os valores mínimos das temperaturas máxima e mínima aumentaram. Por outro lado, o valor máximo da temperatura máxima não indicou um padrão de tendência com significância estatística.

Aún son escasos los estudios sobre el español de la comunidad sefardí italiana en documentación diplomática. En este trabajo, por un lado, se analiza la modalidad lingüística presente en cuatro inventarios inéditos localizados en Pisa, que no se puede calificar de judeoespañol sino de un español afín al peninsular en la antesala de la inminente asimilación lingüística al italiano; y, por otro, se propone una presentación crítica de estos documentos, continuando la línea empezada por Manuel Ariza de edición de documentos notariales de Pisa del siglo XVII en 2012.

Teniendo en cuenta la importancia que tiene para el Médico Veterinario y Zootecnista la nutrición animal y demás factores que constituyen el sistema salud - producción animal, y sabiendo que las propiedades nutricionales y antinutricionales están determinadas por la cantidad de planta ingerida y por el grado de presencia que tenga determinado metabolito en la misma, esta investigación se realizó en UNILLANOS, Villavicencio, y consideró como objetivo realizar un análisis fItoquímico, para determinar alcaloides, flavonoides, saponinas, esteroles y metilesteroles, en los árboles forrajeros: Bauhinia kalbreyeri (casco de vaca), Tithonia diversifolia (botón de oro), Brownea ariza (palo de cruz), Musaenda alicia (musaenda) y Megaskepasma erythrochlamys (capa roja brasileña); para en un futuro determinado hacer paralelos de investigación en cuanto a digestibilidad, degradabilidad, y demás características que determinan los beneficios de una especie forrajera. La determinación de alcaloides se realizo por el método rápido de Webb. En la prueba preliminar para la determinación de flavonoides, esteroles y metilesteroles se utilizó el método modificado de Wall y colaboradores; la primer prueba realizada fue la de Shinoda para determinar la presencia de flavonoides; la segunda prueba fue la de Libermann-Burchard para determinar la presencia de esteroles; y la última prueba fue la de Salkowshi. Para la determinación de saponinas se utilizo el método de Cain y colaboradores. Se determinó la presencia de alcaloides en Bauhinia kalbreyeri, Brownea ariza y Musaenda alicia, mientras que en Tithonia diversifolia y Megaskepasma erythrochlamys la prueba fue negativa. Igualmente se determinó la presencia de flavonoides en Brownea ariza, Bauhinia kalbreyeri, Musaenda alicia y Megaskepasma erythrochlamys, mientras que en Tithonia diversifolia la prueba fue negativa. Así mismo, se logro determinar la presencia de saponinas en Bauhinia kalbreyeri, Brownea ariza y Megaskepasma erythrochlamys, mientras que en Tithonia diversifolia y Musaenda alicia la prueba fue negativa. Por otro lado, no se logro determinar la presencia de esteroles y metilesteroles en las 5 especies estudiadas.

En este artículo sobre la poesía testimonial del Caribe colombiano propongo un camino de lectura de los afectos y las imágenes, frente a la violencia y las hegemonías de los discursos pacificadores del siglo XXI. Hago primero un recorrido sobre las tradiciones literarias en relación con la violencia en Colombia. Sin embargo, me centraré en la producción contemporánea, en lo que respecta a publicaciones que se hacen en un momento de posconflicto y de política de la memoria en el siglo XXI. Interpreto la manera en que la imagen poética le responde estética y políticamente a lo que Williams (1980) llamó estructura sentimental de la época. Escojo los poemarios de escritores colombianos caribeños sobre la violencia: “Regresemos a que nos maten amor” (Ariza Navarro 2008), “Al otro lado de la guerra” (Acosta 2014), “Alarmas armadas” (Núñez 2016). Mi tesis es que la poesía testimonial, como flujo estético que viene desde el siglo XX, manifiesta y construye políticas poéticas desde la dialéctica de los afectos, desde la huella de la guerra; se vale de las imágenes para exhibir la violencia, pero crea una sensibilidad que interpela a los lectores sobre lo sentido en una realidad póstuma.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in English; abstract also in Chinese. The purpose of the study was to examine the coaching behaviours and philosophy of four high performance secondary school basketball coaches during their in-season practice sessions. A mixed-method approach was used to identify the coaching behaviours used by the four coaches in the practice environment and to generate an insight into the rationales that underpinned their use. They were videotaped and observed coaching four practice sessions with their own teams. The videotaped sessions were coded using the Arizona State University Observation Instrument (ASUOI) (Lacy & Darst, 1984). Data generated by the ASUOI provided information of the percentages of coaching behavioral categories of the coaches. The four coaches were interviewed after their practice sessions. Qualitative data were collected through field observations and interviews. Constant comparison and analytic induction were used to organize and categorize the data. Data analyzing attempted to provide explanations and rationales for their coaching behaviours and philosophy in the practice sessions. Findings of the study helped to provide a more holistic understanding of the coaching behaviours and philosophy of high performance basketball coaches. This information is invaluable and significant in the training and advancement of both apprentice and veteran coach in basketball as well as other sports areas. 本研究目的是探究四位出色表現中學籃球教練在賽季訓練時的教練行為及哲學理念。研究方法是採用混合模式去識別教練行為及其背後理念。教練被錄影及觀察四節球隊訓練課。訓練課利用ASUOI觀察系統分析教練行為及提供行為百分比資料。四位教練於訓練課後接受訪談。以持續比較法分析歸納訪談及觀察數據說明教練行為及哲學理念原因。研究結果協助全面理解教練行為及哲學理念。此等資料對於培訓新手及經驗籃球教練及其他運動教練圽為重要。

04–473Adler, Renatte K. and Loughrin-Sacco, Steven J. (San Diego State U., USA). Internships for American undergraduates: acquiring language and cross-cultural skills for a global market. Journal of Language for International Business (Glendale, Arizona, USA), 15, 1 (2004), 30–40.04–474Allum, Paul (Rikkyo U., Tokyo, Japan; Email: allum@rikkyo.ac.jp). Evaluation of CALL: initial vocabulary learning. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 488–501.04–475Barcroft, Joe (Washington U., USA; Email: barcroft@artsci.wustl.edu). Effects of sentence writing in second language lexical acquisition. Second Language Research (London, UK), 20, 4 (2004), 303–334.04–476Belz, Julie (Pennsylvania State U., USA; Email: jab63@psu.edu). Learner corpus analysis and the development of foreign language proficiency. System (Oxford, UK), 32, 4 (2004), 577–591.04–477Benati, Alessandro (U. Greenwich, UK; Email: A.Benati@gre.ac.uk). The effects of processing instruction and its components on the acquisition of gender agreement in Italian. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 67–80.04–478Bitchener, John (Auckland U. of Technology, New Zealand; Email: john.bitchener@aut.ac.nz). The relationship between the negotiation of meaning and language learning: a longitudinal study. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 81–95.04–479Blin, Francoise (Dublin City U., Ireland; Email: francoise.blin@dcu.ie). CALL and the development of learner autonomy: towards an activity-theoretical perspective. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 377–395.04–480Boehringer, Michael, Bongartz, Christiane and Gramberg, Anne-Katrin (U. Waterloo, Canada). Language learning and intercultural training: the impact of cultural primers on learners and non-learners of German. Journal of Language for International Business (Glendale, Arizona, USA), 15, 2, (2004), 1–18.04–481Cartes-Henriquez, Ninette, Solar Rodriguez, M. I. and Quintana Letelier, R. (U. de Concepcion, Correo, Chile; Email: ncartes@udec.cl). Electronic texts or learning through textbooks: an experimental study. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 539–557.04–482Church, Ruth Breckinridge, Ayman-Nolley, Saba and Mahootian, Shahrzad (Northeastern Illinois U., USA; Email: rbchurch@neiu.edu). The role of gesture in bilingual education: does gesture enhance learning?International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 4 (2004), 303–319.04–483Clyne, Michael, Isaakidis, Tina, Liem, Irene and Rossi Hunt, Claudia (U. of Melbourne, Australia; Email: mgclyne@unimelb.edu.au). Developing and sharing community language resources through secondary school programmes. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Clevedon, UK), 7, 4 (2004), 255–278.04–484Cohen, Andrew D. (U. Minnesota, USA; Email: adcohen@umn.edu). The learner's side of foreign language learning: where do styles, strategies, and tasks meet?International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 41 (2003), 279–291.04–485Cziko, Gary A. (U. of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA; Email: garycziko.net). Electronic tandem language learning (eTandem): a third approach to Second Language Learning for the 21st century. CALICO Journal (Texas, USA), 22, 1 (2004), 25–39.04–486DiFino, Sharon M. and Lombardino, Linda J. (U. of Florida, USA). Language learning disabilities: the ultimate foreign language challenge. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 390–400.04–487Dubreil, Sebastien (U. of Notre Dame, Indiana, USA; Email: sdubreil@nd.edu), Herron, Carol and Cole, Steven B. An empirical investigation of whether authentic web sites facilitate intermediate-level French language students' ability to learn culture. CALICO Journal (Texas, USA), 22, 1 (2004), 41–61.04–488Duppenthaler, Peter M. (Tezukayama Gakuin U., Japan). Journal writing and the question of transfer of skills to other types of writing. JALT Journal (Tokyo, Japan), 26, 2 (2004), 172–188.04–489Egbert, Joy and Yang, Yu-Feng (Washington State U., USA; Email: jegbert@wsu.edu). Mediating the digital divide in CALL classrooms: promoting effective language tasks in limited technology contexts. ReCall (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 280–291.04–490Elder, Catherine (Monash U., Australia) and Manwaring, Diane. The relationship between metalinguistic knowledge and learning outcomes among undergraduate Students of Chinese. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 3 (2004), 145–162.04–491Ewald, Jennifer D. (Saint Joseph's U., USA; Email: jewald@sju.edu). A classroom forum on small group work: L2 learners see, and change, themselves. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 3 (2004), 163–179.04–492García, Paula (Northern Arizona U., USA; Email: pg4@dana.ucc.nau.edu). Developmental differences in speech act recognition: a pragmatic awareness study. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 96–115.04–493Gearon, Margaret (Monash U., Australia; Email: margaret.gearon@education.monash.edu.au). Learner strategies for filling the knowledge gap during collaborative tasks. Babel – Journal of the AFMLTA (Queensland, Australia), 39, 1 (2004), 26–34.04–494Grantham O'Brien, Mary (U. of Calgary, Canada). Pronunciation matters. Die Unterrichtspraxis (New Jersey, USA), 37, 1 (2004), 1–9.04–495Gruba, Paul (U. of Melbourne, Australia). Designing tasks for online collaborative language learning. Prospect (Sydney, Australia), 19, 2 (2004), 72–81.04–496Harris, Vee and Grenfell, Michael (U. London, UK; Email: m.grenfell@soton.ac.uk). Language-learning strategies: a case for cross-curricular collaboration. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 2 (2004), 116–130.04–497Heift, Trude (Simon Fraser U., Canada; Email: heift@sfu.ca). Corrective feedback and learner uptake in CALL. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 416–431.04–498Hruska, Barbara (U. of Tampa, Florida). Constructing gender in an English dominant kindergarten: implications for second language learners. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 38, 3 (2004), 459–485.04–499Hubbard, Philip and Bradin Siskin, Claire (Stanford U., California, USA; Email: phubbard@stanford.edu). Another look at tutorial CALL. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 448–461.04–500Hyland, Fiona (U. of Hong Kong, China; Email: hylandf@hkucc.hku.hk). Learning autonomously: contextualising out-of-class English language learning. Language Awareness (Clevedon, UK), 13, 3 (2004), 180–202.04–501Kasper, Gabriele (U. of Hawai'i at Manoa, USA; Email: gkasper@hawaii.edu). Participant orientations in German conversation-for-learning. The Modern Language Journal (Malden, MA, USA), 88, 4 (2004), 551–567.04–502Kim, Yong Suk (Korean U. of Technology and Education; Email: yongkim@kut.ac.kr). Exploring the role of integrative orientation in a Korean EFL environment. English Teaching (Anseonggun, Korea), 59, 3 (2004) 77–91.04–503Lapkin, Sharon and Swain, Merrill (U. of Toronto, Canada). What underlies immersion students' production: the case ofavoir besoin de. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 349–355.04–504Lever, Tim (U. of Sydney, Australia). AMEP students online: The view from morning self-access. Prospect (Sydney, Australia), 19, 2 (2004), 39–55.04–505Malcolm, Diane (Arab Gulf U. in Bahrain). Why should learners contribute to the self-access centre?ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 58, 4 (2004), 346–354.04–506Noelle, Lamy (The Open U., UK; Email: m.n.lamy@open.ac.uk). Oral conversations online: redefining oral competence in synchronous environments. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 520–538.04–507Park, Gi-Pyo (Soonchunhyang U., Korea). Comparison of L2 listening and reading comprehension by university students learning English in Korea. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 448–458.04–508Riley, Jean, Burrell, Andrew and McCallum, Bet (U. of London, UK; Email: j.riley@ioe.ac.uk). Developing the spoken language skills of reception class children in two multicultural, inner-city primary schools. British Educational Research Journal (London, UK), 30, 5 (2004), 657–672.04–509Ryan-Scheutz, Colleen and Colangelo, Laura M. (U. of Notre Dame, USA). Full-scale theatre production and foreign language learning. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 374–389.04–510Sealey, Alison and Thompson, Paul (U. of Reading, UK). ‘What do you call the dull words?’ Primary school children using corpus-based approaches to learn about language. English in Education (Sheffield, UK), 38, 1 (2004), 80–91.04–511Stewart, Melissa A. and Pertusa, Inmaculada (Western Kentucky U., USA). Gains to language learners from viewing target language closed-captioned films. Foreign Language Annals (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2004), 438–447.04–512Thomas, Alain (U. of Guelph, Canada; Email: thomas@uoguelph.ca). Phonetic norm versus usage in advanced French as a second language. International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 42, 4 (2004), 365–382.04–513Van Berkel, Ans (Free U. Amsterdam, The Netherlands; Email: aj.van.berkel@let.vu.nl). Learning to spell in English as a second language. International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 42 (2004), 239–257.04–514Ward, Monica (Dublin City U., Ireland; Email: mward@computing.dcu.edu.ie). The additional uses of CALL in the endangered language context. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 16, 2 (2004), 345–359.04–515Yamamori, Koyo, Isoda, Takamichi, Hiromori, Tomohito and Oxford, Rebecca L. (National I. Educational Policy Research, Japan; Email: koyo@nier.go.jp). Using cluster analysis to uncover L2 learner differences in strategy use, will to learn, and achievement over time. International Review of Applied Linguistics for Language Teaching (Berlin, Germany), 41 (2003), 381–409.04–516You, Xiaoye (Purdue U., USA; Email: youx@purdue.edu). “The choice made from no choice”: English writing instruction in a Chinese University. Journal of Second Language Writing (New York, USA), 13, 2 (2004), 97–110.

By most accounts, “resilience” is a pretty resilient concept. Or policy instrument. Or heuristic tool. It’s this last that really concerns us here: resilience not as a politics, but rather as a descriptive device for attempts in the humanities—particularly in rhetoric and cultural studies—to adequately describe a discursive event. Or rather, to adequately describe a class of discursive events: those that involve rhetorical resistance by victimised subjects. I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Descriptive; Reading) that Peircean semiosis, inflected by a rhetorical postulate of genre, equips us well to closely describe a discursive event. Here, I want briefly to suggest that resilience—“discursive” resilience, to coin a term—might usefully supplement these hypotheses, at least from time to time. To support this suggestion, I’ll signal some uses of resilience before turning briefly to a case study: a sensational Argentine homicide case, which occurred in October 2002, and came to be known as the caso Belsunce. At the time, Argentina was wracked by economic crises and political instability. The imposition of severe restrictions on cash withdrawals from bank deposits had provoked major civil unrest. Between 21 December 2001 and 2 January 2002, Argentines witnessed a succession of five presidents. “Resilient” is a term that readily comes to mind to describe many of those who endured this catastrophic period. To describe the caso Belsunce, however—to describe its constitution and import as a discursive event—we might appeal to some more disciplinary-specific understandings of resilience. Glossing Peircean semiosis as a teleological process, Short notes that “one and the same thing […] may be many different signs at once” (106). Any given sign, in other words, admits of multiple interpretants or uptakes. And so it is with resilience, which is both a keyword in academic disciplines ranging from psychology to ecology and political science, and a buzzword in several corporate domains and spheres of governmental activity. It’s particularly prevalent in the discourses of highly networked post-9/11 Anglophone societies. So what, pray tell, is resilience? To the American Psychological Association, resilience comprises “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity.” To the Resilience Solutions Group at Arizona State University, resilience is “the capacity to recover fully from acute stressors, to carry on in the face of chronic difficulties: to regain one’s balance after losing it.” To the Stockholm Resilience Centre, resilience amounts to the “capacity of a system to continually change and adapt yet remain within critical thresholds,” while to the Resilience Alliance, resilience is similarly “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure” (Walker and Salt xiii). The adjective “resilient” is thus predicated of those entities, individuals or collectivities, which exhibit “resilience”. A “resilient Australia,” for example, is one “where all Australians are better able to adapt to change, where we have reduced exposure to risks, and where we are all better able to bounce back from disaster” (Australian Government). It’s tempting here to synthesise these statements with a sense of “ordinary language” usage to derive a definitional distillate: “resilience” is a capacity attributed to an entity which recovers intact from major injury. This capacity is evidenced in a reaction or uptake: a “resilient” entity is one which suffers some insult or disturbance, but whose integrity is held to have been maintained, or even enhanced, by its resistive or adaptive response. A conjecturally “resilient” entity is thus one which would presumably evince resilience if faced with an unrealised aversive event. However, such abstractions ignore how definitional claims do rhetorical work. On any given occasion, how “resilience” and its cognates are construed and what they connote are a function, at least in part, of the purposes of rhetorical agents and the protocols and objects of the disciplines or genres in which these agents put these terms to work. In disciplines operating within the same form of life or sphere of activity—disciplines sharing general conventions and broad objects of inquiry, such as the capacious ecological sciences or the contiguous fields of study within the ambit of applied psychology—resilience acts, at least at times, as a something of a “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer). Correlatively, across more diverse and distant fields of inquiry, resilience can work in more seemingly exclusive or contradictory ways (see Handmer and Dovers). Rhetorical aims and disciplinary objects similarly determine the originary tales we are inclined to tell. In the social sciences, the advent of resilience is often attributed to applied psychology, indebted, in turn, to epidemiology (see Seery, Holman and Cohen Silver). In environmental science, by contrast, resilience is typically taken to be a theory born in ecology (indebted to engineering and to the physical sciences, in particular to complex systems theory [see Janssen, Schoon, Ke and Börner]). Having no foundational claim to stake and, moreover, having different purposes and taking different objects, some more recent uptakes of resilience, in, for instance, securitisation studies, allow for its multidisciplinary roots (see Bourbeau; Kaufmann). But if resilience is many things to many people, a couple of commonalities in its range of translations should be drawn out. First, irrespective of its discipline or sphere of activity, talk of resilience typically entails construing an object of inquiry qua system, be that system an individual, a community of circumstance, a state, a socio-ecological unit or some differently delimited entity. This bounded system suffers some insult with no resulting loss of structural, relational, functional or other integrity. Second, resilience is usually marshalled to promote a politics. Resilience talk often consorts with discourses of meliorative action and of readily quantifiable practical effects. When the environmental sciences take the “Earth system” and the dynamics of global change as their objects of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the elaboration and implementation of natural resource management policy. Proponents of socio-ecological resilience see the resilience hypothesis as enabling a demonstrably more enlightened stewardship of the biosphere (see Folke et al.; Holling; Walker and Salt). When applied psychology takes the anomalous situation of disadvantaged, at-risk individuals triumphing over trauma as its declared object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the positing and identification of personal and environmental resources or protective factors which would enable the overcoming of adversity. Proponents of psychosocial resilience see this concept as enabling the elaboration and implementation of interventions to foster individual and collective wellbeing (see Goldstein and Brooks; Ungar). Similarly, when policy think-tanks and government departments and agencies take the apprehension of particular threats to the social fabric as their object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience—or of a lack thereof—is critical to the elaboration and implementation of urban infrastructure, emergency planning and disaster management policies (see Drury et al.; Handmer and Dovers). However, despite its often positive connotations, resilience is well understood as a “normatively open” (Bourbeau 11) concept. This openness is apparent in some theories and practices of resilience. In limnological modelling, for example, eutrophication can result in a lake’s being in an undesirable, albeit resilient, turbid-water state (see Carpenter et al.; Walker and Meyers). But perhaps the negative connotations or indeed perverse effects of resilience are most apparent in some of its political uptakes. Certainly, governmental operationalisations of resilience are coming under increased scrutiny. Chief among the criticisms levelled at the “muddled politics” (Grove 147) of and around resilience is that its mobilisation works to constitute a particular neoliberal subjectivity (see Joseph; Neocleous). By enabling a conservative focus on individual responsibility, preparedness and adaptability, the topos of resilience contributes critically to the development of neoliberal governmentality (Joseph). In a practical sense, this deployment of resilience silences resistance: “building resilient subjects,” observe Evans and Reid (85), “involves the deliberate disabling of political habits. […] Resilient subjects are subjects that have accepted the imperative not to resist or secure themselves from the difficulties they are faced with but instead adapt to their enabling conditions.” It’s this prospect of practical acquiescence that sees resistance at times opposed to resilience (Neocleous). “Good intentions not withstanding,” notes Grove (146), “the effect of resilience initiatives is often to defend and strengthen the political economic status quo.” There’s much to commend in these analyses of how neoliberal uses of resilience constitute citizens as highly accommodating of capital and the state. But such critiques pertain to the governmental mobilisation of resilience in the contemporary “advanced liberal” settings of “various Anglo-Saxon countries” (Joseph 47). There are, of course, other instances—other events in other times and places—in which resilience indisputably sorts with resistance. Such an event is the caso Belsunce, in which a rhetorically resilient journalistic community pushed back, resisting some of the excesses of a corrupt neoliberal Argentine regime. I’ll turn briefly to this infamous case to suggest that a notion of “discursive resilience” might afford us some purchase when it comes to describing discursive events. To be clear: we’re considering resilience here not as an anticipatory politics, but rather as an analytic device to supplement the descriptive tools of Peircean semiosis and a rhetorical postulate of genre. As such, it’s more an instrument than an answer: a program, perhaps, for ongoing work. Although drawing on different disciplinary construals of the term, this use of resilience would be particularly indebted to the resilience thinking developed in ecology (see Carpenter el al.; Folke et al.; Holling; Walker et al.; Walker and Salt). Things would, of course, be lost in translation (see Adger; Gallopín): in taking a discursive event, rather than the dynamics of a socio-ecological system, as our object of inquiry, we’d retain some topological analogies while dispensing with, for example, Holling’s four-phase adaptive cycle (see Carpenter et al.; Folke; Gunderson; Gunderson and Holling; Walker et al.). For our purposes, it’s unlikely that descriptions of ecosystem succession need to be carried across. However, the general postulates of ecological resilience thinking—that a system is a complex series of dynamic relations and functions located at any given time within a basin of attraction (or stability domain or system regime) delimited by thresholds; that it is subject to multiple attractors and follows trajectories describable over varying scales of time and space; that these trajectories are inflected by exogenous and endogenous perturbations to which the system is subject; that the system either proves itself resilient to these perturbations in its adaptive or resistive response, or transforms, flipping from one domain (or basin) to another may well prove useful to some descriptive projects in the humanities. Resilience is fundamentally a question of uptake or response. Hence, when examining resilience in socio-ecological systems, Gallopín notes that it’s useful to consider “not only the resilience of the system (maintenance within a basin) but also coping with impacts produced and taking advantage of opportunities” (300). Argentine society in the early-to-mid 2000s was one such socio-political system, and the caso Belsunce was both one such impact and one such opportunity. Well-connected in the world of finance, 57-year-old former stockbroker Carlos Alberto Carrascosa lived with his 50-year-old sociologist turned charity worker wife, María Marta García Belsunce, close to their relatives in the exclusive gated community of Carmel Country Club, Pilar, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. At 7:07 pm on Sunday 27 October 2002, Carrascosa called ambulance emergencies, claiming that his wife had slipped and knocked her head while drawing a bath alone that rainy Sunday afternoon. At the time of his call, it transpired, Carrascosa was at home in the presence of intimates. Blood was pooled on the bathroom floor and smeared and spattered on its walls and adjoining areas. María Marta lay lifeless, brain matter oozing from several holes in her left parietal and temporal lobes. This was the moment when Carrascosa, calm and coherent, called emergency services, but didn’t advert the police. Someone, he told the operator, had slipped in the bath and bumped her head. Carrascosa described María Marta as breathing, with a faint pulse, but somehow failed to mention the holes in her head. “A knock with a tap,” a police source told journalist Horacio Cecchi, “really doesn’t compare with the five shots to the head, the spillage of brain matter and the loss of about half a litre of blood suffered by the victim” (Cecchi and Kollmann). Rather than a bathroom tap, María Marta’s head had met with five bullets discharged from a .32-calibre revolver. In effect, reported Cecchi, María Marta had died twice. “While perhaps a common conceit in fiction,” notes Cecchi, “in reality, dying twice is, by definition, impossible. María Marta’s two obscure endings seem to unsettle this certainty.” Her cadaver was eventually subjected to an autopsy, and what had been a tale of clumsiness and happenstance was rewritten, reinscribed under the Argentine Penal Code. The autopsy was conducted 36 days after the burial of María Marta; nine days later, she was mentioned for the second time in the mainstream Argentine press. Her reappearance, however, was marked by a shift in rubrics: from a short death notice in La Nación, María Marta was translated to the crime section of Argentina’s dailies. Until his wife’s mediatic reapparition, Carroscosa and other relatives had persisted with their “accident” hypothesis. Indeed, they’d taken a range of measures to preclude the sorts of uptakes that might ordinarily be expected to flow, under functioning liberal democratic regimes, from the discovery of a corpse with five projectiles lodged in its head. Subsequently recited as part of Carrascosa’s indictment, these measures were extensively reiterated in media coverage of the case. One of the more notorious actions involved the disposal of the sixth bullet, which was found lying under María Marta. In the course of moving the body of his half-sister, John Hurtig retrieved a small metallic object. This discovery was discussed by a number of family members, including Carrascosa, who had received ballistics training during his four years of naval instruction at the Escuela Nacional de Náutica de la Armada. They determined that the object was a lug or connector rod (“pituto”) used in library shelving: nothing, in any case, to indicate a homicide. With this determination made, the “pituto” was duly wrapped in lavatory paper and flushed down the toilet. This episode occasioned a range of outraged articles in Argentine dailies examining the topoi of privilege, power, corruption and impunity. “Distinguished persons,” notes Viau pointedly, “are so disposed […] that in the midst of all that chaos, they can locate a small, hard, steely object, wrap it in lavatory paper and flush it down the toilet, for that must be how they usually dispose of […] all that rubbish that no longer fits under the carpet.” Most often, though, critical comment was conducted by translating the reporting of the case to the genres of crime fiction. In an article entitled Someone Call Agatha Christie, Quick!, H.A.T. writes that “[s]omething smells rotten in the Carmel Country; a whole pile of rubbish seems to have been swept under its plush carpets.” An exemplary intervention in this vein was the work of journalist and novelist Vicente Battista, for whom the case (María Marta) “synthesizes the best of both traditions of crime fiction: the murder mystery and the hard-boiled novels.” “The crime,” Battista (¿Hubo Otra Mujer?) has Rodolfo observe in the first of his speculative dialogues on the case, “seems to be lifted from an Agatha Christie novel, but the criminal turns out to be a copy of the savage killers that Jim Thompson usually depicts.” Later, in an interview in which he correctly predicted the verdict, Battista expanded on these remarks: This familiar plot brings together the English murder mystery and the American hard-boiled novels. The murder mystery because it has all the elements: the crime takes place in a sealed room. In this instance, sealed not only because it occurred in a house, but also in a country, a sealed place of privilege. The victim was a society lady. Burglary is not the motive. In classic murder mystery novels, it was a bit unseemly that one should kill in order to rob. One killed either for a juicy sum of money, or for revenge, or out of passion. In those novels there were neither corrupt judges nor fugitive lawyers. Once Sherlock Holmes […] or Hercule Poirot […] said ‘this is the murderer’, that was that. That’s to say, once fingered in the climactic living room scene, with everyone gathered around the hearth, the perpetrator wouldn’t resist at all. And everyone would be happy because the judges were thought to be upright persons, at least in fiction. […] The violence of the crime of María Marta is part of the hard-boiled novel, and the sealed location in which it takes place, part of the murder mystery (Alarcón). I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Belsunce) that the translation of the case to the genres of crime fiction and their metaanalysis was a means by which a victimised Argentine public, represented by a disempowered and marginalised fourth estate, sought some rhetorical recompense. The postulate of resilience, however, might help further to describe and contextualise this notorious discursive event. A disaffected Argentine press finds itself in a stability domain with multiple attractors: on the one hand, an acquiescence to ever-increasing politico-juridical corruption, malfeasance and elitist impunity; on the other, an attractor of increasing contestation, democratisation, accountability and transparency. A discursive event like the caso Belsunce further perturbs Argentine society, threatening to displace it from its democratising trajectory. Unable to enforce due process, Argentina’s fourth estate adapts, doing what, in the circumstances, amounts to the next best thing: it denounces the proceedings by translating the case to the genres of crime fiction. In so doing, it engages a venerable reception history in which the co-constitution of true crime fiction and investigative journalism is exemplified by the figure of Rodolfo Walsh, whose denunciatory works mark a “politicisation of crime” (see Amar Sánchez Juegos; El sueño). Put otherwise, a section of Argentina’s fourth estate bounced back: by making poetics do rhetorical work, it resisted the pull towards what ecology calls an undesirable basin of attraction. Through a show of discursive resilience, these journalists worked to keep Argentine society on a democratising track. 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If thinking about home necessitates thinking about “place, space, scale, identity and power,” as Alison Blunt and Robyn Dowling (2) suggest, then thinking about home themes in popular music makes no less a conceptual demand. Song lyrics and titles most often invoke dominant readings such as intimacy, privacy, nurture, refuge, connectedness and shared belonging, all issues found within Blunt and Dowling’s analysis. The spatial imaginary to which these authors refer takes vivid shape through repertoires of songs dealing with houses and other specific sites, vast and distant homelands, communities or, less tangibly, geographical or cultural settings where particular relationships can be found, supporting Blunt and Dowling’s major claim that home is complex, multi-scalar and multi-layered. Shelley Mallett’s claim that the term home “functions as a repository for complex, inter-related and at times contradictory socio-cultural ideas about people’s relationships with one another…and with places, spaces and things” (84) is borne out heavily by popular music where, for almost every sentiment that the term home evokes, it seems an opposite sentiment is evoked elsewhere: familiarity versus alienation, acceptance versus rejection, love versus loneliness. Making use of conceptual groundwork by Blunt and Dowling and by Mallett and others, the following discussion canvasses a range of meanings that home has had for a variety of songwriters, singers and audiences over the years. Intended as merely partial and exploratory rather than exhaustive, it provides some insights into contrasts, ironies and relationships between home and gender, diaspora and loss. While it cannot cover all the themes, it gives prominence to the major recurring themes and a variety of important contexts that give rise to these home themes. Most prominent among those songs dealing with home has been a nostalgia and yearning, while issues of how women may have viewed the home within which they have often been restricted to a narrowly defined private sphere are almost entirely absent. This serves as a reminder that, while some themes can be conducive to the medium of popular music, others may be significantly less so. Songs may speak directly of experience but not necessarily of all experiences and certainly not of all experiences equally. B. Lee Cooper claims “most popular culture ventures rely upon formula-oriented settings and phrasings to attract interest, to spur mental or emotional involvement” (93). Notions of home have generally proved both formulaic and emotionally-charged. Commonly understood patterns of meaning and other hegemonic references generally operate more successfully than alternative reference points. Those notions with the strongest cultural currency can be conveyed succinctly and denote widely agreed upon meanings. Lyrics can seldom afford to be deeply analytical but generally must be concise and immediately evocative. Despite that, this discussion will point to diverse meanings carried by songs about home. Blunt and Dowling point out that “a house is not necessarily nor automatically a home” (3). The differences are strongly apparent in music, with only a few songs relating to houses compared with homes. When Malvina Reynolds wrote in 1962 of “little boxes, on the hillside, little boxes made of ticky-tacky,” she was certainly referring to houses, not homes, thus making it easier to bypass the relationships which might have vested the inhabitants with more warmth and individuality than their houses, in this song about conformity and homogeneity. The more complex though elusive concept of home, however, is more likely to feature in love songs and to emanate from diasporal songs. Certainly these two genres are not mutually exclusive. Irish songs are particularly noteworthy for adding to the array of music written by, or representational of, those who have been forced away from home by war, poverty, strife or other circumstances. They manifest identities of displacement rather than of placement, as studied by Bronwen Walter, looking back at rather than from within their spatial imaginary. Phil Eva claims that during the 19th Century Irish émigrés sang songs of exile in Manchester’s streets. Since many in England’s industrial towns had been uprooted from their homes, the songs found rapport with street audiences and entered popular culture. For example, the song Killarney, of hazy origins but thought to date back to as early as 1850, tells of Killarney’s lakes and fells, Emerald isles and winding bays; Mountain paths and woodland dells… ...her [nature’s] home is surely there. As well as anthropomorphising nature and giving it a home, the song suggests a specifically geographic sense of home. Galway Bay, written by A. Fahy, does likewise, as do many other Irish songs of exile which link geography with family, kin and sometimes culture to evoke a sense of home. The final verse of Cliffs of Doneen gives a sense of both people and place making up home: Fare thee well to Doneen, fare thee well for a while And to all the kind people I’m leaving behind To the streams and the meadows where late I have been And the high rocky slopes round the cliffs of Doneen. Earlier Irish songs intertwine home with political issues. For example, Tho’ the Last Glimpse of Erin vows to Erin that “In exile thy bosum shall still be my home.” Such exile resulted from a preference of fleeing Ireland rather than bowing to English oppression, which then included a prohibition on Irish having moustaches or certain hairstyles. Thomas Moore is said to have set the words of the song to the air Coulin which itself referred to an Irish woman’s preference for her “Coulin” (a long-haired Irish youth) to the English (Nelson-Burns). Diasporal songs have continued, as has their political edge, as evidenced by global recognition of songs such as Bayan Ko (My Country), written by José Corazon de Jesus in 1929, out of love and concern for the Philippines and sung among Filipinos worldwide. Robin Cohen outlines a set of criteria for diaspora that includes a shared belief in the possibility of return to home, evident in songs such as the 1943 Welsh song A Welcome in the Hillside, in which a Welsh word translating roughly as a yearning to return home, hiraeth, is used: We’ll kiss away each hour of hiraeth When you come home again to Wales. However, the immensely popular I’ll Take You Home Again, Kathleen, not of Irish origin but written by Thomas Westendorf of Illinois in 1875, suggests that such emotions can have a resonance beyond the diaspora. Anti-colonial sentiments about home can also be expressed by long-time inhabitants, as Harry Belafonte demonstrated in Island in the Sun: This is my island in the sun Where my people have toiled since time begun. Though I may sail on many a sea, Her shores will always be home to me. War brought a deluge of sentimental songs lamenting separation from home and loved ones, just as likely to be parents and siblings as sweethearts. Radios allowed wider audiences and greater popularity for these songs. If separation had brought a longing previously, the added horrors of war presented a stronger contrast between that which the young soldiers were missing and that which they were experiencing. Both the First and Second World Wars gave rise to songs long since sung which originated in such separations, but these also had a strong sense of home as defined by the nationalism that has for over a century given the contours of expectations of soldiers. Focusing on home, these songs seldom speak of the details of war. Rather they are specific about what the singers have left behind and what they hope to return to. Songs of home did not have to be written specifically for the war effort nor for overseas troops. Irving Berlin’s 1942 White Christmas, written for a film, became extremely popular with US troops during WWII, instilling a sense of home that related to familiarities and festivities. Expressing a sense of home could be specific and relate to regions or towns, as did I’m Goin’ Back Again to Yarrawonga, or it could refer to any home, anywhere where there were sons away fighting. Indeed the American Civil War song When Johnny Comes Marching Home, written by Patrick Sarsfield Gilmour, was sung by both Northerners and Southerners, so adaptable was it, with home remarkably unspecified and undescribed. The 1914 British song Keep the Home Fires Burning by Ivor Novello and Lena Ford was among those that evoked a connection between home and the military effort and helped establish a responsibility on those at home to remain optimistic: Keep the Homes fires burning While your hearts are yearning, Though your lads are far away They dream of home, There’s a silver lining Through the dark clouds shining, Turn the dark clouds inside out, Till the boys come Home. No space exists in this song for critique of the reasons for war, nor of a role for women other than that of homemaker and moral guardian. It was women’s duty to ensure men enlisted and home was rendered a private site for emotional enlistment for a presumed public good, though ironically also a point of personal hope where the light of love burned for the enlistees’ safe return. Later songs about home and war challenged these traditional notions. Two serve as examples. One is Pink Floyd’s brief musical piece of the 1970s, Bring the Boys Back Home, whose words of protest against the American war on Viet Nam present home, again, as a site of safety but within a less conservative context. Home becomes implicated in a challenge to the prevailing foreign policy and the interests that influence it, undermining the normal public sphere/private sphere distinction. The other more complex song is Judy Small’s Mothers, Daughters, Wives, from 1982, set against a backdrop of home. Small eloquently describes the dynamics of the domestic space and how women understood their roles in relation to the First and Second World Wars and the Viet Nam War. Reinforcing that “The materialities and imaginaries of home are closely connected” (Blunt and Dowling 188), Small sings of how the gold frames held the photographs that mothers kissed each night And the doorframe held the shocked and silent strangers from the fight. Small provides a rare musical insight into the disjuncture between the men who left the domestic space and those who return to it, and we sense that women may have borne much of the brunt of those awful changes. The idea of domestic bliss is also challenged, though from the returned soldier’s point of view, in Redgum’s 1983 song I Was Only Nineteen, written by group member John Schuman. It touches on the tragedy of young men thrust into war situations and the horrific after-affects for them, which cannot be shrugged off on return to home. The nurturing of home has limits but the privacy associated with the domestic sphere has often concealed the violence and mental anguish that happens away from public view. But by this time most of the songs referring to home were dominated once more by sentimental love, often borne of travel as mobility rose. Journeys help “establish the thresholds and boundaries of home” and can give rise to “an idealized, ideological and ethnocentric view of home” (Mallett 78). Where previously songsters had sung of leaving home in exile or for escape from poverty, lyrics from the 1960s onwards often suggested that work had removed people from loved ones. It could be work on a day-by-day basis, as in A Hard Day’s Night from the 1964 film of the same name, where the Beatles illuminate differences between the public sphere of work and the private sphere to which they return: When I’m home, everything seems to be alright, When I’m home feeling you holding me tight, tight, yeah and reiterated by Paul McCartney in Every Night: And every night that day is through But tonight I just want to stay in And be with you. Lyrics such as these and McCartney’s call to be taken “...home to the Mull of Kintyre,” singled him out for his home-and-hearth messages (Dempsey). But work might involve longer absences and thus more deepfelt loneliness. Simon and Garfunkel’s exemplary Homeward Bound starkly portrays a site of “away-ness”: I’m sittin’ in the railway station, got a ticket for my destination… Mundaneness, monotony and predictability contrast with the home to which the singer’s thoughts are constantly escaping. The routine is familiar but the faces are those of strangers. Home here is, again, not simply a domicile but the warmth of those we know and love. Written at a railway station, Homeward Bound echoes sentiments almost identical to those of (Leaving on a) Jet Plane, written by John Denver at an airport in 1967. Denver also co-wrote (Take Me Home) Country Roads, where, in another example of anthropomorphism as a tool of establishing a strong link, he asks to be taken home to the place I belong West Virginia, mountain momma, Take me home, Country Roads. The theme has recurred in numerous songs since, spawning examples such as Darin and Alquist’s When I Get Home, Chris Daughtry’s Home, Michael Bublé’s Home and Will Smith’s Ain’t No Place Like Home, where, in an opening reminiscent of Homeward Bound, the singer is Sitting in a hotel room A thousand miles away from nowhere Sloped over a chair as I stare… Furniture from home, on the other hand, can be used to evoke contentment and bliss, as demonstrated by George Weiss and Bob Thiele’s song The Home Fire, in which both kin and the objects of home become charged with meaning: All of the folks that I love are there I got a date with my favourite chair Of course, in regard to earlier songs especially, while the traveller associates home with love, security and tenderness, back at home the waiting one may have had feelings more of frustration and oppression. One is desperate to get back home, but for all we know the other may be desperate to get out of home or to develop a life more meaningful than that which was then offered to women. If the lot of homemakers was invisible to national economies (Waring), it seemed equally invisible to mainstream songwriters. This reflects the tradition that “Despite home being generally considered a feminine, nurturing space created by women themselves, they often lack both authority and a space of their own within this realm” (Mallett 75). Few songs have offered the perspective of the one at home awaiting the return of the traveller. One exception is the Seekers’ 1965 A World of Our Own but, written by Tom Springfield, the words trilled by Judith Durham may have been more of a projection of the traveller’s hopes and expectations than a true reflection of the full experiences of housebound women of the day. Certainly, the song reinforces connections between home and intimacy and privacy: Close the door, light the lights. We’re stayin’ home tonight, Far away from the bustle and the bright city lights. Let them all fade away, just leave us alone And we’ll live in a world of our own. This also strongly supports Gaston Bachelard’s claim that one’s house in the sense of a home is one’s “first universe, a real cosmos” (qtd. in Blunt and Dowling 12). But privacy can also be a loneliness when home is not inhabited by loved ones, as in the lyrics of Don Gibson’s 1958 Oh, Lonesome Me, where Everybody’s going out and having fun I’m a fool for staying home and having none. Similar sentiments emerge in Debbie Boone’s You Light up My Life: So many nights I’d sit by my window Waiting for someone to sing me his song. Home in these situations can be just as alienating as the “away” depicted as so unfriendly by Homeward Bound’s strangers’ faces and the “million people” who still leave Michael Bublé feeling alone. Yet there are other songs that depict “away” as a prison made of freedom, insinuating that the lack of a home and consequently of the stable love and commitment presumably found there is a sad situation indeed. This is suggested by the lilting tune, if not by the lyrics themselves, in songs such as Wandrin’ Star from the musical Paint Your Wagon and Ron Miller’s I’ve Never Been to Me, which has both a male and female version with different words, reinforcing gendered experiences. The somewhat conservative lyrics in the female version made it a perfect send-up song in the 1994 film Priscilla: Queen of the Desert. In some songs the absentee is not a traveller but has been in jail. In Tie a Yellow Ribbon round the Ole Oak Tree, an ex-inmate states “I’m comin’ home. I’ve done my time.” Home here is contingent upon the availability and forgivingness of his old girl friend. Another song juxtaposing home with prison is Tom Jones’ The Green, Green Grass of Home in which the singer dreams he is returning to his home, to his parents, girlfriend and, once again, an old oak tree. However, he awakes to find he was dreaming and is about to be executed. His body will be taken home and placed under the oak tree, suggesting some resigned sense of satisfaction that he will, after all, be going home, albeit in different circumstances. Death and home are thus sometimes linked, with home a euphemism for the former, as suggested in many spirituals, with heaven or an afterlife being considered “going home”. The reverse is the case in the haunting Bring Him Home of the musical Les Misérables. With Marius going off to the barricades and the danger involved, Jean Valjean prays for the young man’s safe return and that he might live. Home is connected here with life, safety and ongoing love. In a number of songs about home and absence there is a sense of home being a place where morality is gently enforced, presumably by women who keep men on the straight and narrow, in line with one of the women’s roles of colonial Australia, researched by Anne Summers. These songs imply that when men wander from home, their morals also go astray. Wild Rover bemoans Oh, I’ve been a wild rover for many a year, and I’ve spent all my money on whiskey and beer… There is the resolve in the chorus, however, that home will have a reforming influence. Gene Pitney’s Twenty-Four Hours from Tulsa poses the dangers of distance from a wife’s influence, while displaying opposition to the sentimental yearning of so many other songs: Dearest darlin’, I have to write to say that I won’t be home anymore ‘cause something happened to me while I was drivin’ home And I’m not the same anymore Class as well as gender can be a debated issue in meanings attached to home, as evident in several songs that take a more jaundiced view of home, seeing it as a place from which to escape. The Animals’ powerful We Gotta Get Outta This Place clearly suggests a life of drudgery in a home town or region. Protectively, the lyrics insist “Girl, there’s a better life for me and you” but it has to be elsewhere. This runs against the grain of other British songs addressing poverty or a working class existence as something that comes with its own blessings, all to do with an area identified as home. These traits may be loyalty, familiarity or a refusal to judge and involve identities of placement rather than of displacement in, for instance, Gerry and the Pacemakers’ Ferry Cross the Mersey: People around every corner, they seem to smile and say “We don’t care what your name is, boy. We’ll never send you away.” This bears out Blunt and Dowling’s claim that “people’s senses of themselves are related to and produced through lived and metaphorical experiences of home” (252). It also resonates with some of the region-based identity and solidarity issues explored a short time later by Paul Willis in his study of working class youth in Britain, which help to inform how a sense of home can operate to constrict consciousness, ideas and aspirations. Identity features strongly in other songs about home. Several years after Neil Young recorded his 1970 song Southern Man about racism in the south of the USA, the group Lynyrd Skynyrd, responded with Sweet Home Alabama. While the meaning of its lyrics are still debated, there is no debate about the way in which the song has been embraced, as I recently discovered first-hand in Tennessee. A banjo-and-fiddle band performing the song during a gig virtually brought down the house as the predominantly southern audience clapped, whopped and stamped its feet. The real meanings of home were found not in the lyrics but in the audience’s response. Wally Johnson and Bob Brown’s 1975 Home Among the Gum Trees is a more straightforward ode to home, with lyrics that prescribe a set of non-commodified values. It is about simplicity and the right to embrace a lifestyle that includes companionship, leisure and an enjoyment of and appreciation of nature, all threatened seriously in the three decades since the song’s writing. The second verse in which large shopping complexes – and implicitly the consumerism they encourage – are eschewed (“I’d trade it all tomorrow for a little bush retreat where the kookaburras call”), is a challenge to notions of progress and reflects social movements of the day, The Green Bans Movement, for instance, took a broader and more socially conscientious attitude towards home and community, putting forward alternative sets of values and insisting people should have a say in the social and aesthetic construction of their neighbourhoods as well as the impacts of their labour (Mundey). Ironically, the song has gone on to become the theme song for a TV show about home gardens. With a strong yet more vague notion of home, Peter Allen’s I Still Call Australia Home, was more prone to commodification and has been adopted as a promotional song for Qantas. Nominating only the desire to travel and the love of freedom as Australian values, both politically and socially innocuous within the song’s context, this catchy and uplifting song, when not being used as an advertisement, paradoxically works for a “diaspora” of Australians who are not in exile but have mostly travelled for reasons of pleasure or professional or financial gain. Another paradox arises from the song Home on the Range, dating back to the 19th century at a time when the frontier was still a strong concept in the USA and people were simultaneously leaving homes and reminiscing about home (Mechem). Although it was written in Kansas, the lyrics – again vague and adaptable – were changed by other travellers so that versions such as Colorado Home and My Arizona Home soon abounded. In 1947 Kansas made Home on the Range its state song, despite there being very few buffalo left there, thus highlighting a disjuncture between the modern Kansas and “a home where the buffalo roam” as described in the song. These themes, paradoxes and oppositional understandings of home only scratch the surface of the wide range of claims that are made on home throughout popular music. It has been shown that home is a flexible concept, referring to homelands, regions, communities and private houses. While predominantly used to evoke positive feelings, mostly with traditional views of the relationships that lie within homes, songs also raise challenges to notions of domesticity, the rights of those inhabiting the private sphere and the demarcation between the private and public spheres. Songs about home reflect contexts and challenges of their respective eras and remind us that vigorous discussion takes place about and within homes. The challenges are changing. Where many women once felt restrictively tied to the home – and no doubt many continue to do so – many women and men are now struggling to rediscover spatial boundaries, with production and consumption increasingly impinging upon relationships that have so frequently given the term home its meaning. With evidence that we are working longer hours and that home life, in whatever form, is frequently suffering (Beder, Hochschild), the discussion should continue. In the words of Sam Cooke, Bring it on home to me! References Bacheland, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1994. Beder, Sharon. Selling the Work Ethic: From Puritan Pulpit to Corporate PR. London: Zed Books, 2000. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London: Routledge, 2006. Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. London: UCL Press, 1997. Cooper, B. Lee. “Good Timin’: Searching for Meaning in Clock Songs.” Popular Music and Society 30.1 (Feb. 2007): 93-106. 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Damned Whores and God’s Police: The Colonization of Women in Australia. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975. Walter, Bronwen. Outsiders Inside: Whiteness, Place and Irish Women. London: Routledge, 2001. Waring, Marilyn. Counting for Nothing: What Men Value and What Women Are Worth. Wellington, NZ: Allen & Unwin, 1988. Willis, Paul. Learning to Labor: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. New York: Columbia UP, 1977. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Varney, Wendy. "Homeward Bound or Housebound?: Themes of Home in Popular Music." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/16-varney.php>. APA Style Varney, W. (Aug. 2007) "Homeward Bound or Housebound?: Themes of Home in Popular Music," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/16-varney.php>.