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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Arkeologi, nordeuropeisk'

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1

Norderäng, Johan. "Ajvideboplatsen : rapport från arkeologisk undersökning år 2000 av fornlämning nr. 171 på fastighetenAjvide 2:1 i Eksta socken, Gotland." Högskolan på Gotland, Avdelningen för Arkeologi och osteologi, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-161.

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Malmberg, Jennie. "Lika, Olika? : en materiell studie av skogsfinska bosättningar i Sverige." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1056.

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The main purpose of this essay is to examine if it is possible to identify farms of “forest Finnish” people in Sweden, by means of an archaeological analysis, comparing the forest Finnish settlement with known none-forest Finnish settlements. This study is based on material excavated from the farms of Grannäs, and Råsjö, in the Swedish provinces of Jämtland and Medelpad. Both farms are dated to the 17th and 18th century. The study itself is divided into three parts, firstly a general study to get an overview of the material, secondly a study of ceramics as an attempt to discern social status and lastly a study of the animal bone material for analyzing the forest Finns’ livestock and possible hunting habits. The aim of the essay is also to provide a brief discussion regarding forest Finns and ethnicity. The results are ambiguous, but it seems possible to argue that there is a correlation between the ceramic and the amount of livestock. The forest Finns’ hunting habits could furthermore be considered in some ways a cultural act.
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Cassel, Kerstin. "Från grav till gård : romersk järnålder på Gotland." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-45717.

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Houses with a stone foundation represent a new type of building on Gotland in the middle of the Roman Iron Age. At the same time there are other changes, for instance the number of visible graves decreases, and the farm and its land are emphasized by the stone enclosures that meander in the landscape. The purpose of this thesis is to examine how these changes in the source material can be understood in terms of changes in society and in people's way of looking at their world. Graves from the Roman Iron Age are studied in relation to their grave-goods, their appearance, and their connection to settlements and other graves. Objects of gold in the graves are compared with gold in deposits, and one can establish that different types of artefacts are found in different contexts. The settlements are also viewed at various levels, from the individual house and its artefacts to the structure of the cultural landscape. The hill-forts on Gotland are discussed and an overview of the Roman Iron Age in the rest of Scandinavia is given. The analysis of the graves reveals that the decrease in number in the middle of the Roman Iron Age can, at least in part, be explained by the a lack of a superstructure. At the same time precious artefacts such as Roman objects become more frequent, and so do the number of graves containing weapons. By studying the outline of the settlement pattern, one can conclude that the stone enclosures should not be interpreted merely as prehistoric fences, but that they should be recognized as a more complex phenomenon. In addition they link farms together into larger groups, and they connect the farmsteads to older graves. The interpretation that is put forward is that the stone enclosures, which link together farms and ancestors' graves, were an expression of how the society was organized around the family and kin. In this respect the stone enclosures "embodied" the social structure. In the analysis of the "forts", it is suggested that fortifications on flat ground belong to the period that precedes the changes in settlement, and that they constitute central places for the community. The forts on hilltops are on the other hand in many cases contemporaneous with houses with a stone foundation, and comparisons are made between hill-forts and stone enclosures. One interpretation that is put forward is that the maintenance of the social order in the local communities demanded new strategies, due to circumstances both on Gotland and in the surrounding world. Stone had a great part in this strategy, because it could preserve the farm and the enclosure-communities for the future. The stone enclosures linked the past graves to the present, and through the stones' permanence one built for the future. Some of the changes in the archaeological material can thus be interpreted as an attempt to prevent changes in the society.
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Norderäng, Johan, and Jörn Staecker. "Rapport från arkeologisk undersökning i Västergarns socken 2005 : Kyrkogården 1:1 och Snauvalds 1:2, RAÄ 24." Högskolan på Gotland, Avdelningen för Arkeologi och osteologi, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-63.

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Norderäng, Johan. "Rapport från arkeologisk undersökning i Västergarns socken 2006 : Snauvalds 1:2 och Kyrkogården 1:1, RAÄ 24." Högskolan på Gotland, Avdelningen för Arkeologi och osteologi, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-65.

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Norderäng, Johan. "Rapport från arkeologisk undersökning i Västergarns socken 2007 : Snauvalds 1:2 och Kyrkogården 1:1, RAÄ 24." Högskolan på Gotland, Avdelningen för Arkeologi och osteologi, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-66.

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Norderäng, Johan. "Rapport från arkeologisk undersökning i Västergarns socken 2008 : Snauvalds 1:2, RAÄ 24." Högskolan på Gotland, Avdelningen för Arkeologi och osteologi, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-67.

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Årets undersökning har bekräftat att vi nu funnit delar av den senvikingatida/tidigmedeltida verksamhet som västergarnsvallen byggdes för att omgärda. Hur omfattande bebyggelsen på platsen varit, dess rumsliga omfattning och datering är fortfarande inte klargjort. Inte heller kan vi i nuläget avgöra vilken eller vilka verksamheter som funnits i området. Men de dateringar och fynd vi så här långt har gör dock att vi nu kan säga att verksamhet innanför vallen säkert kan daterat till 1000-tal. Den tidigare framförda uppfattningen om att Västergarnsvallen inte tycks omgärda något som står i relation till vallens omfattning och de efterhängsna benämningarna ”staden som aldrig blev och en ofullgången stad” kan nu på allvar börja diskuteras. Även om de husgrunder vi nu lokaliserat innanför vallen ännu inte regelrätt kan benämnas stad visar fynden på att Västergarn måste betraktas mer som en stadsmiljö, om än inte av Visbys omfattning, än regelrätt gotländsk landsbygd. Vallens omfattning och konceptet med två samtida mycket nära varandra liggande kyrkor har ju redan tidigare gjort stadsdiskussionen aktuell men avsaknaden av dateringar och annan medeltida bebyggelse innanför vallen har gjort att man mer eller mindre avfört tanken på en stad i Västergarn. Undersökningarna i Västergarn innanför vallen har också satt nytt ljus på Paviken och förhållandet mellan Paviken och Västergarn. Enligt tidigare uppfattning upphörde verksamheten vid Paviken vid ingången av 1000-talet och påbörjades inte förrän runt 1150 nere i Västergarn, den senare tidpunkten bygger främst på uppförandet av den romanska kyrkan och avsaknaden av fynd daterade innan 1150. De nya dateringar som nu finns visar att denna besvärliga lucka på 150 år nu inte tycks existera. Men att sedan klargöra förhållandet dem emellan kräver mer undersökningar och fram för allt forskning. Ett helhetsgrepp med Paviken, Västergarn innanför vallen och Kronholmsområdet bör på sikt anläggas för att man ska kunna bringa klarhet i områdets funktion och betydelse från vikingatid in i tidig- och högmedeltid. Västergarns hade av allt att döma ett mycket strategiskt läge inte bara som hamn- och handelsplats på den gotländska västkusten utan också som knutpunkt för vidaretransport av handelsvaror till gotlands inland. Möjligheten att lasta om gods i Västergarn för vidare transporter in i ön via de vattensystem man når från Västergarn upp i västergarnsån in i Paviken och vidare in i sjösystemen bör ha gjort Västergans läge ytterst fördelaktigt. Det är heller inte orimligt att denna vattenled till och med kan användas för att transportera gods ända ut till öns östkust med destination mynningen av gothemsån. Även här måste man i den fortsatta forskningen lyfta blicken och ta ett helhetsgrepp på det vikingatida och medeltida landskapet och dess fornlämningar och andra fyndomständigheter kring inlandets vattensystem.
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Andreeff, Alexander. "Bildstenen från Fröjel : port till en glömd värld." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-666.

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This essay deals with a picture-stone that was found in a pre Christian grave during the archaeological excavations of the Viking Age harbour and trading place at Fröjel parish, Gotland, in 1999. The stone is at least 100 years older then the male grave in which it was found. The picture-stone can be dated to  late 8th century or early 9th century, and the grave is probably from the late 10th century. One of the main questions in this essay is why the people of that time re-used an older picture-stone in a younger burial. I believe that the stone was reused as a grave-gift. To re-use the older picture stone was to seek legitimacy for the status of the family through the forefathers. The picture-stones were originally monuments erected in the honour of dead men. The elite could display their social position and power through these monuments. The depicted figures on them can be interpreted as symbols of the transition between life and death. The Gotlandic picture-stones of this type have connections to beliefs of Odin, the Norse God of wisdom, war and death. My theoretical perspective is that through studies of picture-stones, knowledge can be gained about ideologies and social structures within the Gotlandic society during the Viking Age.
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Emilsson, Andreas. "PÅ SPANING MED ARKELOGEN : En guide till fornlämingar i Alvesta kommun." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-686.

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Ida, Johansson. "Fornborgar : en studie med fokus på Hallands fornborgar." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1080.

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This essay concerns the hill forts in Halland. The hill forts in Halland haven’t been archaeologically examined and they haven’t been studied as well as hill forts in other parts of Sweden. The focus of this essay is to determine the use of the hill forts in Halland.  Comparative studies will be made between Halland’s hill forts and the hill forts of Bohuslän and the hill forts of the Eastern part of Sweden. The results of the research have yielded that the hill forts in Halland strongly reminiscent of the hill forts in Bohuslän when it comes to the positioning in the landscape, as well as the general appearance of the hill forts. There are remains of houses in some of the hill forts in Bohuslän. Because of the similarities with the hill forts in Bohuslän, there is a possibility that there have been houses on top of the hill forts in Halland. It is not possible to say whether the hill forts in Halland have been places of “safe haven” and/or permanent residents. Most of the hill forts in Halland have great view over seas or the ocean, as well as over the inland. They tend to be located close to old roads and would have had a great overview of them. It’s possible that the hill forts were connected to trading posts. Signaling between the hill forts in the northern part of Halland is possible because of the closeness of them. Drawings of the hill forts have been made successfully; they show roughly where the walls of the hill fort are situated and where the precipices and inclinations are situated. The drawings make it easier to compare the hill forts in Halland to hill forts in other parts of Sweden.
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Lindström, Jenny. "Det medeltida Fårö : en empirisk studie av tre husgrunder på en medeltida ödegård." Thesis, Gotland University, Gotland University, Gotland University, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-326.

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The aim of the study was to through empirical studies interpret the relation between three partially investigated house foundations, on an abandoned farm in Langhammars on northern Fårö. This relation focused upon two main questions; the time of use and the spatial distribution of the archaeological finds.

Trough comparative analysis two of these houses can establish to have been contemporary, the third one is too roughly examined. A discussion about the hypothec idea of two or three contemporary farms was made with a negative result.

In house 1 smaller processing of tools of flint has taken place near the fireplace in the larger room. A concentration of pottery was also visible near the fireplace, likely to be connected to cooking and eating. The smallest room in the northeast part of the house could have functioned as a storeroom and/or held workshop activities.

The archaeological finds and the distribution of it, strongly indicates that house 1 mostlikely consisted of a dwelling house and house 2 functioned as a workshop; linked to activities with handicrafts. Furthermore the finds reveal the present of a smithy on the farm, maybe placed somewhere between the two houses.

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Wesslén, Eva. "Från strandhugg till säsongsboplatser : En studie av människornas utnyttjande av Gladö på Södertörn under äldsta stenålder." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7288.

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This paper deals with the early mesolithic sites in Gladö, a part of Hanveden situated south of Stockholm. It tries to explain the big amount of sites, why people came to these islands and what they were doing there. The large shore displacement together with the topography of the mesolithic islands resulted in a rapid change of suitible areas for camping. The prime occupation was sealhunting on the ice of the Ancylus lake in early spring. As the archipelago became larger other activities as fishing and birdhunting got more important and people stayed for longer periods.

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Karlsson, Åsa. "Privat och kollektivt : Lås- och nyckelanvändning under sen järnålder i Mälardalen." Thesis, Uppsala University, Archaeology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-111282.

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The aim of this work is to give a broader and more nuanced picture of the use of locks and keys during the Iron Age, in particular the late Iron Age, in the Lake Mälaren region. This has been done by comparing two buildings: the hall on Helgö and the living quarters in the garrison on Birka. Here we can see two very different areas where locks and keys were important parts of the daily life. The study also includes a typology of padlocks based on the findings from the same places as the building study and their surroundings.

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Wehlin, Joakim. "Heliga sopor : skärvstenshögen utifrån ett polynesiskt perspektiv." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-820.

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In Scandinavia the general idea of the Bronze Age society is that it was organised as chiefdoms. The model for what they looked like is taken from the anthropological studies of the Polynesian chiefdoms. The aim of my study is to investigate a Scandinavian Bronze Age feature, known as cairns mainly containing fire-cracked stone. This is compared with how people in different Polynesian chiefdoms, looked at similar remain. This is done to get a background for new ways of interpretation of such remains. The method is ethno-archaeological and carried out by studying ethno-historical Polynesian chiefdoms and theories on Scandinavian Bronze Age. For example, in prehistoric Polynesian societies it is shown that refuse heaps or pits for ritual garbage occur on or near the ceremonial place, called Marae. The materials deposited were sacred, and had to be placed on or close to the Marae. Most rituals in Polynesia can be described as long processes with numbers of minor rituals. To me these insights place the Scandinavian remains in a new light. The heaps with fire-cracked stone could possibly be the garbage/refuse left over after one or a number of ritual ceremonies, consciously placed there by the people using the site, and thereafter respected because of its sacredness.
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Nordin, Fredrik. "Kusten är klar : en undersökning av Gotlands bronsåldersstrandlinje i GIS." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1090.

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In this bachelor thesis an attempt is made to recreate the shoreline of Gotland during the Bronze Age. This has been done with the help of GIS to analyze remains dated to different periods of the Bronze Age that have been situated close to the coast. Case studies of three areas of the island have been made where dated remains together with typical Bronze Age remains like cairns and ship settings are analyzed with variables such as height over sea level and geological and topographical information. Contemporary datings from each case study have been compared to find a possible shoreline for both early and late Bronze Age. Two shorelines, one for the early Bronze Age and one for the late Bronze Age, have been created and tested on the three areas to see the placement of the remains in relation to these coastlines.
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Ahlgren, Hans. "En anpassning till ett kyligare klimat? : en studie av orsaker till den förändrade synen på fornfynd i Riksantikvarieämbetets föreskrifter och allmänna råd avseende verkställigheten av 2 kap. 10–13 §§ lagen (1988:950) om kulturminnen m.m. år 2007." Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Archeology and Osteology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-155.

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In the year 2007 the Swedish National Heritage Board released directions for how the contractarchaeology in Sweden should carry out their work. These directions stressed that a differentapproach to the archaeological finds should be used – that would lead to a higher degree ofselection than before. The purpose of this essay is to find the reason why this change indirections occurred, and this is done by a study of the history of the rescue archaeology inSweden. The other purpose of this essay is to examine if the excavation strategies inarchaeological excavation reports from different times, correlates with the general guidingprinciples for the contract archaeology in Sweden of that time.There are several reasons why the change in directions occurred, but it seems as the mainreasons are practical. The handling of archaeological finds is relatively expensive andarchaeological researches of today generally don’t need to take care of all the finds for theinterpretation. Consequently there is no reason to save everything. The study of theexcavation reports show that there is correlation between the excavation techniques used, andthe general guiding principles for the contract archaeology of that time.

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Falk, Therese. "En Rituell Vardag? : Rumslig strukturering och deponeringsmönster vidjärnåldersbosättningar i centrala Södra England,800-100 BC." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-2380.

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This paper deals with the question of whether the symbolic language of the late Neolithic and middle Bronze Age was transferred from ceremonial monuments and barrows into the domestic sphere in the late Bronze Age. I will consider such elements as doorway orientation, the significance of boundaries and depositional practices to see if Early-Middle Iron Age settlements were indeed a major scene for ritual behaviour.

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Sunding, Emelie. "Mosslikens vara eller inte vara : Om mosslikens relevans som en egen fyndkategori och forskares sätt att skapa en sådan." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-2502.

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Is it relevant to treat bog bodies as its own category within the archaeological research? This paper examines how scholars and researchers, through their publications and depictions of the preserved prehistoric individuals, are helping to create such a category. What has changed in the way scholars look at and describe these astounding finds? Also examines the various theories researchers provide regarding bog bodies and how they are deposited.

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Lindeberg, Marta. "Järn i jorden : Spadformiga ämnesjärn i Mellannorrland." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antikens kultur, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-28855.

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This thesis explores how the spade-shaped currency bars of central Norrland were used in different contexts and what significance they held. Spade-shaped currency bars give us a glimpse of a world-view different than our own where the intermediary form the bars represented bestowed upon them a much fuller significance than did their place in the production process. Spade-shaped bars do not work especially well as a general intermediary form in the iron production process. They are time-consuming to produce and their shape is clearly unsuitable for forging most objects, apart from cauldrons. It is likely that the shape of the bars was chosen from social, rather than technological considerations. It is suggested that the bars got their shape from the socketed axe because of its practical as well as symbolic importance. The spade-shaped bars thus became associated with ideas about the origins of society; opening up the landscape, clearing forest for farming and iron production. The bars symbolic meaning was so broad as to appeal to people in totally different parts of Norrland. It was possible, through the lens of the currency bar, to conciliate these different ways of life to a single narrative of origins and identity. Most spade-shaped bars are found in hoards on the periphery of the settled areas, in the forest. The placement of the hoards suggest that the burial of bars is most likely part of ritualized activities intended to promote fertility in the fields and in the forests. The hoards are found on boundaries in the landscape, often in the places where the boundary could be crossed.
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Andersson, Johanna. "De sjukaste överlever : en osteologisk undersökning av nio gravlagda individer från karmeliterklostret i Ny Varberg." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1040.

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Osteological analysis was carried out on skeletons from nine graves from a medieval cemetery in Ny Varberg, Varberg, Halland. The graves originate from a monastery and a church, dating back to the fourteenth and fifteenth century. The main aim with this thesis has been to study health through the presence of pathologies and skeletal changes. Further aim was to compare the results from the present study with theresults from Torsten Sandbergs analysis of the same material from 1964. This comparison later showed coincidence. In this study the sex estimations showed the presence of six men and three women. The age distribution among the nine individuals was homogeneous, whit the majority being middle- aged individuals. They exhibit a stature that can be expected for this time period, however, one man stands out with his180-183 cm. The incidence of dental caries, calculus and ante mortal tooth loss has been frequent. Diseases and changes that are occurring in the course of my work are: meningitis, gingivitis, osteomyelitis, periostitis, osteoarthritis, osteoma, Schmorl’snodes, spondylolysis and hypercementosis, among others. A discussion concerning health and the impact of pain is also included in this thesis. Health among the individuals has been varying; some of them probably have not been affected significantly by their disease, while other diseases have had major negative impacts onthe individuals’ mobility and quality of life, and given rise to significant pain.
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Franzén, Emelie. ""Förbrända men icke förintade" : en osteologisk analys av kremerade individer från förromersk järnålder från gravfältet Smörkullen, Alvastra, Östergötland." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1039.

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Cremated remains have long been regarded as a highly complex material that often provides unsatisfactory results. This essay discusses the problems that arise when methods commonly used on unburned bone material are used in a cremated skeletal material. The present essay discusses the results from osteological analysis of seven cremations from Pre-Roman Iron Age from a large cemetery in Alvastra, Smörkullen. Several methods were ultimately not applied in the present study as they were insufficient for application on the relevant material. Since the methods were inapplicable and fragments available for gender assessments too low, no sex assessments were made. All individuals were considered adults, a more detailed age assessment were not possible.  The combustion rate for four of the graves were assessed to Grade 2, three graves to Grade 2 with the transition to Grade of 3, and only one grave has been assessed at Grade 3. The combined average size of the fragments was about 2.7 cm. In four of the graves the bone content corresponded to a whole individual, i.e. the grave contained the remains of a whole body. The study raise the issue of explore and develop further methods on cremated remains, foremost for sex- and age assessments.
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Andersson, Kim. "Hur ska vi komma vidare? : frågor rörande neolitiseringen i Sydskandinavien." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1071.

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This paper deals with the question of neolithisation of Southern Scandinavia. The main goal is to give an overview of three theories regarding how agriculture and livestock breeding was introduced to the Southern Scandinavia. These are as follows: the immigration theory, the socio-economic theory and the historical explanation theory. Furthermore it is investigated which theory has the most probably support in material culture. There are obvious difficulties in interpreting the archaeological material. Some solutions which could resolve these problems are presented by the author. And finally suggestions are made where future resources in research should be aimed, to get the discussion regarding the neolithisation of Southern Scandinavia, to move forward.
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Karlsson, Sandra. "Det sakrala landskapet i Olands härad." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-121349.

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This paper analyses the existence and nature of the sacred landscape Olands härad during the Bronze Age and Iron Age. Olands härad is located in Northern Uppland, onthe way to Östhammar, about 30 km northeast of Uppsala. The interpretations are done with help of place names studies as well as archaeological finds. The results indicate that different types of cult locations can be found in the area.

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Karlsson, Alexandra. "Nio individer från Västra farleden : en osteologisk analys av nio individer från medeltida Västergarn, Gotland." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1058.

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Osteological examinations were executed on nine mediaeval individuals from Västergarn, Gotland, with the main aim to increase the knowledge about the people who lived there during the Middle Ages. A further aim was to compare the results from this study with other populations from the same time period, which in this case was the "Bonegathering" from Västergarn as well as previous osteological results from Sigtuna and Västerhus. Archaeological excavations have been occurring in Västergarn since 1971 and are still occurring in an educational purpose, for students of Gotland University. The age distribution of the individuals showed ages from 2 years old up to 44 years, with five adults and four children. The gender distribution show approximately five women and one man. A significant observation was made from the presence of caries and calculus, which can be observed in that some had more calculus then caries. Examples of the skeletal changes that occurred during the examinations was Schmorl`s noder, cribra orbitalia and inflammations. The comparison between other populations showed no obvious difference.
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Trollklint, Emil. "Förfädernas berg? : en tolkning av fornborgen på Halleberg." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1067.

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The essay deals with the hill-fort on the mountain Halleberg, Sweden, its wall design, functionality, dating and its possible function as a central location and a place of worship of the ancestors. The Halleberg hill-fort consists of a 1500 meters long at times cohesive stonewalls which together blocked the mountain from its surroundings. Hallberg's natural vertical scree and cliffs along with the masonry blocked the whole mountain from the surroundings. The hill-forts, with few exceptions are largely not investigated archaeologically and its functionality and role in the ancient society is based on outdated research on the subject. The current archaeological interpretation is that hill-forts served as temporary defense in times of unrest or served as center of power for a social elite. The prevailing view in the archaeological sphere is that the hill-forts had a variety of functions and that its functionality and role in ancient society has varied. Halleberg´s strongest wall sections are at the mountain's south-eastern part where the natural driveway, Storgårdsklev is located. Along with the massive masonry of the walls in Bokedalen Storgårdsklev functioned as the hill-forts main entrance. At places along the walls are the remains of what could be interpreted as stacked rocks and possible fire cracked stone. These structural features indicate that the walls were built during the early Iron Age. Very likely has its function like other hill-forts have been varied and changed based on the community, organization and internal and external disturbances. The essay's main interpretation is that the hill-fort served as a defensive fortress. Moreover it is possible that walls of the hill-fort had a symbolic role as a border between two separate rooms in the landscape. The fencing of Halleberg turned the whole mountain to a closed landscape, separated from the surroundings. It may have been a place where people worshiped their ancestors, a place where life's events, life and death was the focus point.
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Odgrim, Mikael. "Ekonomin i Sala gruvby omkring 1500 till 1600 : en jämförande studie av myntfynd från Sala gruvby och kyrkfynd." Thesis, Gotland University, School of Culture, Energy and Environment, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-646.

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The subject of this essay in archaeology is the economy at the mining village of Saladuringthe 16th and early 17th century. The silvermine in Sala was once the foremost producer of silver in Sweden, and the mine as well as the mining village had had a long and rich history. This history can be seen in historical documents as well as in archaeological findings. The lure of silver attracted many different people to the mining village. This in turn madetrade an important part of the mining village. The trade made it possible for coins to circulatefreely and this made it possible for a monetary based economy to be established in the miningvillage. The focus of this essay is mainly on coin finds, but also on other archaeological items foundduring excavations of the mining village. These other archaeological finds can shed some light on the type of economy that existed in the mining village. Included is a comparison of coin finds in two other locations, namely the chapel ruins of St. Ursula in Västerås and Vårfrukyrkan in Enköping. Each of the churches is located near Sala and were used contemporary with the mining village. The purpose of including them into this study is to see whether these churches used the same stock of coin as they did in the mining village.

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Nilsson, Ola. "Är kämpagravarna på Gotland ett tecken på tidig statsbildning? : ett försök till tolkning av gravfynd, stengrundshus, stensträngar och fornborgar." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1048.

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Jag har gjort en jämförande studie mellan utvecklingen i Danmark och utvecklingen på Gotland under romersk järnålder. Som underlag har jag framförallt använt Lotte Hedeagers avhandling Danmarks jernalder – Mellem stamme og stat (Hedeager 1992) och Kerstin Cassels redovisning av det arkeologiska källmaterialet från Gotland i hennes avhandling Från grav till gård – romersk järnålder på Gotland (Cassel 1998). Syftet med studien var att undersöka om Hedeagers slutsats att det etablerades en centralmakt med territoriell kontroll, en tidig stat, i Danmark redan i övergången mellan äldre och yngre romersk järnålder, även skulle gå att dra vad gäller Gotland baserat på det gotländska källmaterialet, och i så fall om detta kunde förklara uppkomsten av stengrundsbebyggelse och fornborgar. Jag har jämfört det arkeologiska källmaterialet från Danmark och Gotland avseende gravfynd och offerfynd, bebyggelseutveckling och landskapsutnyttjande samt vapenoffer och försvarsanläggningar. Vad gäller gravfynden går det att se stora likheter både i hur gravgodset ser ut och i de förändringar som sker mellan äldre och yngre romersk järnålder. Det går också att se stora likheter i kulturlandskapets utveckling med en övergång från ett extensivt åkerbruk med kollektivt brukande till familjejordbruk med intensiv odling. Både på Gotland och i Danmark kan man datera storskaliga försvarsanläggningar till slutet av äldre eller yngre romersk järnålder. Exempel på detta är Olmerdiket och Torsburgen. En väsentlig skillnad mellan Danmark och Gotland är hur praktföremål fördelas mellan offerfynd och gravar övertiden från förromersk järnålder till folkvandringstid. Det jag kommit fram till är att likheterna är så stora att man genom att tillämpa Hedeagers analysmodell kan dra slutsatsen att omläggning av jordbruket, uppkomst av stengrundshus och stensträngar, och anläggande av försvarsborgar gjorts på initiativ av en centralmakt med kontroll över det gotländska territoriet.
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Johansson, Nils. "25 år senare : en nyinventering av keramiken på Ajvide." Thesis, Gotland University, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-582.

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This thesis examines a sample of Pitted Ware pottery from the Gotlandic site of Ajvide in regard to the spatial and temporal relationship of the shards. Ajvide Stone Age site have been extensively excavated over the past 25 years and the most recent analysis of pottery was carried out by Inger Österholm in 1987 and new analyses of the material are therefore greatly needed. Pottery from three sample areas was analysed in regard to their distribution, decoration, fragmentation, part of pot and quality of the goods. To analyse the material in a contextual way a multivariate statistical analysis called correspondence analysis was used. Two areas denominated “dark areas”, which Österholm defined previously, as possible ritual sites, and one reference area with mixed material were chosen for the analysis. By including two of these “dark areas” the study also examine if similarities or differences could be seen among the shard distribution how these areas have been defined and possibly re-defined.

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Fischer, Svante. "Roman Imperialism and Runic Literacy : The Westernization of Northern Europe (150-800 AD)." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6271.

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Gustavsson, Anders. "Gravar i stenskepp : Osteologisk analys av brända och obrända ben från skeppssättningar på Gotland." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1060.

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In this study bone material from six stone ship settings and a total of seven deposits of bones from two sites on the island of Gotland have been analyzed. Four ship settings from the burial site at Gålrum in Alskog parish and two from Tängelgårda in Lärbro parish. The ships contained both cremated remains and inhumations.  Human remains were identified in five of the analyzed ship settings and a minimum of six individuals was identified in total.  Animals were found in three of the ship settings, where one of them contained only the burned remains of a dog. Two of the ships contained inhumations, one in Gålrum and one in Tängelgårda. The one from Gålrum was determined to 17-19 years of age but of undetermined sex. The inhumation from Tängelgårda was determined to a male of 35-64 years of age.  Of the cremated remains none could be determined to sex but all were determined as adult individuals. The temperature that the cremated bones had been exposed to during the cremation was similar between the different ship settings, with one exception which had been exposed to a slightly higher temperature. The results of the material have also been compared with those of other osteological analysis from ship settings on Gotland. The interpretation of this has been that the amount of bone and the number of individuals that has been buried in stone ship settings vary from different sites. Some ship settings have contained several burials and have been interpreted as family graves (Pettersson 1982) which do not fit with the results from this analysis where all the ship settings contained a maximum of one or two human individuals, so the results from the ship settings on Gålrum and Tängelgårda differ from earlier interpretations of ship settings on Gotland.
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31

Engerdahl, Tomas. "A world apart? : An Investigation of the Roman Influence on Rural Settlements in Britain compared to Sweden during the Roman Iron Age." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-715.

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Den här studien gäller Romersk järnålder i Sverige och Storbritannien med fokus på den senare. Det är en komparativ analys av utvalda delar av den materiella kulturenfrån ett antal olika lokaler i Sverige och Storbritannien med intentionen att skapa vidare förståelse rörande romersk influens i dessa regioner. Vidare är intentionen att uppsatsen skall undersöka möjliga likheter eller skillnader och därigenom dra slutsatser om romerska influensen var stark eller svag i de utvalda bosättningarna i Storbritannien och Sverige. Var den så kallade Romaniseringen för samtliga invånare eller var den enbart reserverad för eliten?
This is a study of the Roman Iron Age in both Sweden and Britain but with a focus on the latter. The study includes a comparative analysis of selected goods in the material culture at a number of different sites in Sweden and Britain in the aim of understanding the extent of the Roman influence at these sites. The aims of the essay is to investigate if we can notice similarities between the Swedish and British setting and thereby draw conclusions regarding the Roman influence or lack of it in the Rural setting of Britain as well as the chosen settlements in Sweden. Was the Romanization of Britain for everyone or was it reserved for the elite?
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Nilsson, Helena. "Att bo eller inte bo : En studie av tidigneolitisk bebyggelse i Sydskandinavien och på de brittiska öarna." Thesis, Linnaeus University, School of Cultural Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-5902.

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One of the most discussed archaeological subjects is the neolitisation, and the start of a neolithic lifestyle which is characterized by several significant events. The traditional view has been that settled people were cultivating and breeding, but this picture has been questioned and changed in later years. The development is principally based on two models; that already neolithic people immigrated and took over, or that the new lifestyle gradually developed out of the existing cultures. Southern Scandinavia was characterized by a settlement pattern with permanent settlements which were complemented by temporary special settlements, but in time more domestic settlements originated. On the British Isles the settlements didn´t consist of permanent agricultural settlements but instead did the people here move freely between several short term settlements.

 

 

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Sjöstrand, Alexander. "Early Holocene Seal Hunting on the Island of Gotland." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1061.

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Denna studie inkluderar resultat från osteologiska analyser från tre stenålderslokaler på Gotland: Visborgs Kungsladugård, Strå samt Gisslause. Dessa tre lokaler är daterade till Mesolitikum, dvs. bland de tidigaste faserna på Gotland. En majoritet av de identifierade benen har varit från säl och därför har uppsatsen kommit att handla om den säljakt som utövats på dessa tre platser. Utifrån de fynd som analyserats har skillnader kunnat uttolkas vad det gäller både åldersfördelning och fördelning av olika sälarter mellan vissa av lokalerna. Visborgs Kungsladugård visar på en majoritet av yngre gråsälar till skillnad från Strå och Gisslause där det existerar en jämn fördelning mellan gråsäl och vikare, likaså en jämn fördelning mellan åldrarna. Tolkningen av detta pekar på en delvis säsongsjakt där populationerna har jagat på olika sätt på olika delar av Gotland. I uppsatsen har även en diskussion angående den marina anpassningen tagits upp. Denna anpassning har setts i tre stadier, lakustrin, littorin och marin. Den mesolitiska populationen på Gotland passar in på det littorina stadiet där en full marin kultur inte ännu varit helt utvecklad. Då det främst jagats säl på och nära stranden samt att ett visst insjöfiske utövats påvisar resultaten att ett fullt utnyttjande av havet ännu inte bedrivits.
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Sommar, Fanny. "Bronssvärd på Gotland : en typologi och genusdiskussion." Thesis, Gotland University, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-558.

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On the island of Gotland in the Baltic sea there have been 18 archaeological find of bronze swords and five finds of bronze miniature swords and they have been dated to the bronze age periods II-VI. They have been found as ritual hoard offerings, as treasure hoards and in graves. These finds will be put in relation to each other and the bronze age landscape they have been found in. The purpose of this is to see if there is a pattern to be seen, if a specific sword-type can be found in a grave or hoard or if there’s a pattern to be seen in there placement in the landscape relating to other bronze age sites. The question of who used the sword during the bronze age will also be asked, followed by a discussion of gender, gender roles and power on Gotland during the bronze age.

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Persson, Lina. "De Nordeuropeiska långhögarna : Hus för de döda." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-735.

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The discovery and excavation of Long Barrows has been one of the major developments in the understanding of the Early Neolithic in Southern Scandinavia during the last decade. The Long Barrows are one of the oldest monumental burial forms that we see in northern Europe in the neolithic. They are also the first example of a common idea that is connected to a monumental burial form amongst the people. In this essay I attempt to show that there actually are quite a large number of Long Barrows in Scandinavia that show similarities with Long Barrows in well-known areas such as Kujavia (Poland) and Pommerania (Germany/Poland), in both architecture and location in the landscape. I also scrutinise some theories regarding this phenomenon and discuss, and i some cases, criticise them. I especially focus on the stated similarity between LBK houses and Long Barrows. My aim was to see if these theories were appliciable to the relatively recent discoveries of Long Barrows in Southern Scandinavia.

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Nilsson, Ola. "Hackerör på Sydsvenska höglandet : vad skiljer röjningsröseområden från celtic fields, stensträngsområden och bandparcellområden?" Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Archeology and Osteology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-294.

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From the pre-Roman and Roman Iron Age, a number of different fossil agrarian landscapes can be found in southern Sweden - clearance cairn areas, celtic fields, stone-wall complexes and geometrically laid-out strip fields. With two different comparative analyses, this paper tries to explain some of the differences between clearance cairn systems and the other fossil field systems

The shape of the early Iron Age agrarian landscape varies between different provinces of southern Sweden. At Gotland, celtic field systems were laid-out before 500 BC. In Småland at the same time, areas with clearance cairns were created. How can the difference be explained? The different physical appearance of clearance cairn areas and celtic fields can be explained by the different ways to handle the ard in till and in sandy soil. In sandy soils, and other fine soils, the ard will at each turn deposit small amounts of roots, soil and debris at the edge of the field, which over the years will build up the walls of the celtic fields. But in boulder-rich soil the ard will constantly have to be lifted and tilted, which means that the material will be released before the ard reaches the edge of the field. Since crops, vegetation, houses, field system areas, etc. are identical or at least similar in both landscape types, they most likely represent the same farming system with hay-meadow – stabling – manure – intensely cultivated fields

In most provinces in southern Sweden, the pre-roman celtic fields and clearance cairn areas were replaced by geometrically laid-out strip fields or different kinds of stone-wall complexes enclosing the fields and farms, around AD 200, but not in Småland. There, the clearance cairn areas were used and extended throughout the Iron Age. How can this regional variation be explained? A comparison between the different landscape types reveals no significant differences in tools, crops, houses, etc. that would support that the difference is explained by a shift in farming systems. A more likely hypothesis is that the difference is due to regional pre-state or early-state political structures with an ambition to control land-use. This is based on the observations that 1) within each region the physical appearance of the fossil landscape is very coherent; 2) between the different regions there are significant differences, and; 3) the different systems were introduced approximately simultaneously in the regions Gotland, Öland, Östergötland, Uppland and Västergötland. This hypothesis implies that Småland either had a separate political structure which chose to keep the old clearance cairn land-use system, or lacked a corresponding regional structure.

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Nilsson, Ola. "Stengrunder och gränser : en studie av kontinuitet från äldre järnålderns stengrundsbygd till nutid." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1047.

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This thesis studies settlement continuity on Gotland between approximately AD 200 and AD 1700. The method used is to calculate correlation between the geographical distribution of all known Iron Age stone-wall-houses (on Gotland known as "kämpagravar") and all farms included in the detailed taxation maps from approximately 1700. The number of remaining house foundations is between 1800 and 1900. A model to estimate the number of removed foundations is presented. It is based on the assumption that the settlement density was proportional to land use around 1700, and that the rate of removal is related to the current land use. Based on similarity with contemporary farms on Öland and in Denmark, it is also proposed that Iron Age farms on Gotland were less dispersed. The common view in archaeological literature is that Iron Age farms on Gotland often had their buildings spread more than 200 meter apart. It is estimated that the remaining 1800+ foundations represents more than 2700 Iron Age farms with a total of more than 4700 houses. Compared to previous studies, the fluctuation in number of farms between maximum expansion during Late Roman Iron Age and Viking Age, and maximum contractions during the Migration Period and Late Middle Ages, also is much larger. By parish, the number of farms per km2 and the average farm size have been calculated, both for the stone-wall houses and for the farms as they were represented around 1700. Using regression analysis, the correlation between the two datasets was estimated. No significant correlations were identified. The distribution of the remaining stone foundations and/or the estimated distribution before removal have also been compared to known borders and corresponding administrative districts – since the Middle Ages, Gotland has been divided in tredingar (third parts), settingar (sixth parts), 20 thing/court districts and 95 parishes. The tredingar and partly the settingar correlate with the stone foundation distribution, but not the thing districts or parishes. The correlation and lack of correlation might be explained by input errors or confounding factors, but the historical records supports the interpretation that the tredingar and settingar has been in continuous use since before the Middle Ages, and that the thing districts and the parishes were introduced during the Middle Ages. At least 24 farms with the name "Stenstugu" are known in Gotland. "Stenstugu" distribution coincides with centrums of stone foundation concentrations in a way that cannot be explained by coincidence or confounding factors. Probably, the name "Stenstugu" originates from the Roman Iron Age and is related to stone foundations settlements.
Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera kontinuitet från gotländsk stengrundsbebyggelse på äldre järnålder till bebyggelsen ca år 1700. Detta har skett genom en statistisk-geografisk jämförelse av alla kända stengrunder på Gotland med 1700-talsbygden sådan den framträder i skattläggningskartan från ca år 1700. Antal kvarvarande stengrunder på Gotland är drygt 1800. En bortodlingsmodell har tagits fram som är baserad på antagandena att ursprunglig stengrundskoncentration är beroende på ägoslag år 1700 och att bortodling är beroende av nutida markanvändning. Dessutom har en ny tolkning av vad som motsvarar en gård i stengrundsmaterialet föreslagits. Den baseras på att stengrundsgårdar liksom samtida gårdar på Öland och i Danmark var tätt grupperade. Det innebär att gårdsantalet blir mycket högre än tidigare beräkningar som baserades på gårdar med byggnader som ibland låg mer än 200 meter ifrån varandra. Med den nya bortodlingsmodellen och det nya gårdsbegreppet har bortodlingen skattats till ca 60 %, vilket innebär att antalet stengrundshus skattats till drygt 4700 och antalet stengrundsgårdar till drygt 2700. En konsekvens av det betydligt större antalet gårdar än tidigare beräkningar är att fluktuationerna i antal gårdar mellan höjdpunkterna under yngre romersk järnålder och vikingatid, och lågpunkterna under folkvandringstid och senmedeltid också varit betydligt större än tidigare beräkningar. För varje socken har antal gårdar per km2 och genomsnittliga storleksmått per socken beräknats, och använts för jämförelser mellan äldre järnålder och 1700-tal. Regressionsanalyser har inte påvisat någon korrelation mellan bevarade stengrunder och 1700-talsbebyggelse. Eftersom beräkning av järnåldersbebyggelsen före bortodling bygger på just 1700-talsbebyggelse är det inte meningsfullt att söka korrelation mellan dem. Fördelning av bevarade stengrunder och beräknad fördelning av stengrunder före bortodling har jämförts med historiskt kända administrativa indelningar på Gotland – tredingar, settingar, ting och socknar. Tredingarna och i någon mån settingarna korrelerar med stengrundernas fördelning, men inte tingen och inte socknarna. Dess statistiska samband kan naturligtvis bero på att stengrunder och tredingar var samtida, men inte de övriga indelningssystemen. Det skulle också kunna förklaras med att det finns felkällor i mätningarna och samvarierande faktorer snarare än ett direkt orsakssamband. Även de historiska källorna går att tolka som att tredingar och settingar har hög ålder, och inte de andra indelningarna, vilket innebär att det finns visst stöd för att tolka korrelationen mellan stengrunder och tredingsindelning, som att de existerade samtidigt. Det finns minst 24 gårdsnamn med "Stenstugu" jämnt fördelade över Gotland. "Stenstugu" visar ett tydligt samband med förekomsten av stengrundskoncentrationer, vilket inte kan förklaras med slumpen eller andra samvarierande faktorer. Namnet bör därmed kunna kopplas till stengrundsbebyggelsen från romersk järnålder.
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38

Wiklund, Jonas. "Hur såg Birkas hamn ut och vilka transporter behövdes?" Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Culture and Communication, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-2840.

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What is located on the bottom in the water outside of Birka? Remains of a water palisade or jetties and other constructions.

Birka a Viking Age town that existed between AD 750 and 975 was located on the northwestern part of the small island of Björkö, in the Mälar archipelago of the Baltic Sea in Sweden. The Town was protected onshore by a hill fort and a town rampart. It is a widely spread assumption that Birka had a water palisade as a part of its defense. There are logs and other remnants on the bottom of the lake dating back to the Viking age. Uncertainty remains as to the origin of these remnants. The questions being, are they from a water palisade or the remnants of jetties and other constructions. The amount of fire wood alone needed to support 500 inhabitants for one year is equal to a wall of wood one meter high, one meter wide and two kilometers in length. This calculation does not take into account the wood used for transportation of other materials, people and animals. The conclusion is that future examination of the area is necessary to find out what is located on the bottom in the water.

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Hagström, Yamamoto Sara. "I gränslandet mellan svenskt och samiskt : Identitetsdiskurser och förhistorien i Norrland från 1870-tal till 2000-tal." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-131890.

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The thesis studies the representation of prehistory as a part of the making and remaking of ethnic identities in Northern Sweden from the end of the 19th Century until today, thus dealing with archaeology and prehistory in relation to issues such as identity, memory and politics. The thesis takes as its point of departure the constitution of a Swedish national identity and memory in the late 19th Century and subsequent decades, followed by studies of, mainly later, representations of Sámi, Kvenish (“Kvänsk”) and North Bothnian (“Norrbottnisk”) collective identities. The study material consists of texts, primarily analyzed through discourse and narrative analysis. The thesis demonstrates how the constitution of a Swedish national identity in Northern Sweden constructed a dichotomy between an imagined civilized “Swedishness”, belonging to the future, and an imagined primitive Sámi Other, belonging to the past. It is argued that this discursive boundary work has not just situated some persons and their everyday life in a marginal position as a visible Sámi Other, but has also situated a substantial number of the inhabitants of Northern Sweden more or less in liminality and marginality in relation to the national identity structure. This has created a need for people to officially represent a more satisfactory collective identity, which includes a rewriting of the prehistory of the area. The last chapter relates the results to studies of similar cases in colonial and postcolonial contexts outside Europe. The essentialist view of identity and history present in several of the studied representations is also discussed. The thesis emphasizes the importance of a more nuanced view of relationships of ethnicity, domination and subordination, and the associated formation of collective memories, in Northern Sweden. Discourses of ethnicity and domination often function through simplifying dichotomies, but dichotomies alone cannot explain real conditions and consequences of these matters.
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Schyman, Joakim. "Den gotländska vikingatidabebyggelsens rumsliga placering i landskapet : en empirisk detaljstudie av Hemse socken." Thesis, Gotland University, Department of Archeology and Osteology, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-160.

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Joakim Schyman, 2009. Den gotländska vikingatida bebyggelsens rumsliga placering ilandskapet - En empirisk detaljstudie av Hemse socken (The spacial distribution of the VikingAge settlements on Gotland – An emperical study of remains from Hemse Parish.)

This essay investigates whether a relation between Viking age graves and Viking agesettlements in Hemse parish can be found. This was done by using database information onViking age findings, such as silver hoards, phosphate levels and location of graves in Hemseparish. Literature and maps were also used. Earlier research shows that the Viking agesettlements can be found by silver hoards and relatively high phosphate levels. This essay'sanalysis verifies this. The analysis also shows the possibility of a prehistoric court leet locatedin the center of Hemse parish. The Viking age graves are located close to the possible courtleet, along the ridge running through the parish. These graves are seen as a grave fieldcommonly used by all the settlements in the parish. Findings close to the settlements showthat inhabitants also buried their dead close to their settlements as a marking of territory. Thisgives us a complex picture of the connection between the habitants and their burials duringthis period.

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Holmblad, Peter. "Coastal Communities on the Move : House and Polity Interaction in Southern Ostrobothnia 1500 BC-AD 1." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-35857.

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This work attempts to seek new insights in understanding the archeological phenomena traditionally labelled as the western Bronze Age and the coastal Pre-Roman cultures of Finland (1500 BC-AD 1), by studying the phenomena from a socioeconomic interaction and practice oriented community perspective. The basic line of thought is that it was the everyday life of the local agents and their interactions that constituted the local communities. Communities are seen as built from the bottom up by the interaction of various local agents. The organised agents, their practices and their mutual interaction on various scales of social organisation are regarded as the central factors that created and shaped the history of the communities. Problems that are addressed concern the interrelationship between the subsistence practices, habitation practices and the social organisation of the coastal communities. Houses and local polities are regarded as two basic social institutions that were essential for the structuration of the coastal communities and for their relation to external networks. I also address the issue of the various spatial and temporal scales that can be considered as essential for the structuration of the coastal communities, and furthermore how the coastal communities managed change over time. The geographical scope of this thesis is limited to the former province of Vaasa (Vaasan lääni/Vasa län) in western Finland, with a special emphasis on the coastal southern part of Ostrobothnia.  A suggested high-rank House from the Late Bronze Age is studied in Laihia. Methodologically a broad perspective with a comparative, diachronic and a multi-proxy approach is conducted in the study of the structuration of communities. The constitution of the communities is largely approached through themes that are related to landscape and settlement archaeology. Contextual analyses of the combinations of various subsistence and habitation practices form the basis for the identification of different community constituting subgroups of agents.
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42

Back, Danielsson Ing-Marie. "Masking Moments : The Transitions of Bodies and Beings in Late Iron Age Scandinavia." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6737.

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Ojala, Carl-Gösta. "Sámi Prehistories : The Politics of Archaeology and Identity in Northernmost Europe." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-108857.

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Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.
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Käck, Jenny. "Samlingsboplatser? : En diskussion om människors möten i norr 7000 f Kr - Kr f med särskild utgångspunkt i data från Ställverksboplatsen vid Nämforsen." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-18750.

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This thesis deals with meetings between peoples during prehistoric times in the northern part of Norrland, Sweden. Particular attention is paid to the possible occurrence of more temporary meetings between people in larger groups at aggregation camps during the period ca 7000 – 0 BC. The study has had the aim of increasing our understanding of how peoples’ meetings and contact networks may have been framed. Thirteen sites that previous research has interpreted to be aggregation camps within our field of study have been analysed and interpreted. These are: Jokkmokk, Purkijaur, Nelkerim, Porsi, Lundfors, Norrfors, Överveda, Rappasundet, Hälla, Lillberget, Glösa, Sörånäset and Ställverksboplatsen (the Ställverket site). The Ställverket site at Näsåker (Nämforsen) has been the object of particular study. It has also been viewed in a broader context by analysis and interpretation of other ancient remains in the neighbouring area. I have argued that some interpretations arrived at in earlier research are problematical and that none of the thirteen sites can be said with certainty to have been an aggregation camp. Thus aggregation camps seem not usually to have been a part of the contact network in the area of study. Instead of using aggregation camps as meeting-places, the people involved seem, at certain times and places, to have maintained contact with each other by means of meetings at the base camps, notably the winter sites. These sites seem to have been rather sedentary and are positioned at fairly even distances from one another. I call this model the base camp model. Some grounds for applying the base camp model seem to exist at certain places in the inland region from the end of the Mesolithic era up to 0 BC. After that contact networks seem to change. In the coastal district it seems possible to apply it to some places from the transition between the Mesolithic – Neolithic Age up to about 2500 BC. Thereafter the picture is unclear. The study does also emphasise however that more in-depth studies are needed to strengthen the viability of the base camp model’s applicability, that there are still big gaps in the material and that much work still remains to be done in order to solve the problems of how aggregation camps can best be defined and how they can be identified archaeologically.
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Larsson, Åsa Maria. "Breaking and Making Bodies and Pots : Material and Ritual Practices in Sweden in the Third Millennium BC." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-107370.

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In South Sweden the third millennium BC is characterised by coastal settlements of marine hunter-gatherers known as the Pitted Ware culture, and inland settlements of the Battle Axe culture. This thesis outlines the history of research of the Middle Neolithic B in general and that of the pottery and burial practices in particular. Material culture must be understood as the result of both conscious preferences and embodied practices: technology can be deliberately cultural just as style can be un-selfconscious routine. Anthropological and ethnoarchaeological research into craft and the transmission of learning in traditional societies shows how archaeologists must take into consideration the interdependence of mind and body when interpreting style, technology and change in prehistory. The pottery crafts of the Pitted Ware and Battle Axe cultures were not just fundamentally different technologically, but even more so in the attitudes toward authority, tradition, variation and the social role of the potter in the community. The Battle Axe beakers represent a wholly new chaîne opératoire, probably introduced by a small group of relocated Beaker potters at the beginning of the period. The different attitudes toward living bodies is highlighted further in the attitudes toward the dead bodies. In the mortuary ritual the Battle Axe culture was intent upon the creation and control of a perfect body which acted as a representative of the idealised notion of what it was to belong to the community. This focus upon completeness, continuation and control is echoed in the making of beakers using the ground up remains of old vessels as temper. In contrast, the Pitted Ware culture people broke the bodies of the dead by defleshing, removal of body parts, cremation, sorting, dispersal and/or reburial of the bones on the settlements. The individuality of the living body was destroyed leaving the durable but depersonalised bones to be returned to the joint collective of the ancestors. Just as the bodies were fragmented so were the pots, sherds and bases being deposited in large quantities on the settlements and occasionally in graves. Some of the pots were also tempered with burnt and crushed bones. At the end of the Middle Neolithic the material and human remains show evidence of a growing effort to find a common ground in the two societies through sharing certain mortuary rituals and making beakers with a mix of both traditions, stylistically and technologically.
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Mellquist, Danielson Bente. "Om stenar kunde tala : arkeologiska rön och bebyggelsehistorisk kontext av kvarnstensbrottet Östra Utsjö i Malung." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för kultur, energi och miljö, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1070.

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This paper deals with village history around millstone quarry Eastern Utsjö in Malung, Sweden, in the hope of finding deposits that could date the quarry, in that the quarry in the current situation is dated only by the millstone fragments outside the resort. My purpose was to conduct a discussion on the quarry alone can be dated by deposits outside the resort. I have used FMIS RAÄ:s fornsök and a lot of literature to identify village history. The results showed that it is not possible to date the millstone quarry from village history, but through deposits outside the resort of Malung, which have been found around Mälardalen, Sweden through archaeological excavations, and derived from the millstone quarry Eastern Utsjö, can put an age on the quarry.
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Johansson, Ida. "Brandgravar : Yngre järnålder i Broe, Halla socken, på Gotland : en studie i olika metoder, med fokus på kremeringen." Thesis, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-1083.

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This essay concerns the osteological cremated skeletal remains from Broe, Halla parish, Gotland of  The Late Iron Age. The focus of this essay is to determine the position of the corpse on the pyre, whether the cremated bones were crushed after or prior to the cremation and if the individual was buried in the pyre. In addition the species, age, sex and skeletal abnormalities of the bones in question will be studied. The result of the research has yielded that the cremated bones did not need to be crushed to result in the small fragment sizes. Crushing of the bones may have happened during the cremation, this conclusion has been drawn through the comparison of a pyre experiment were bone fragmentation is evident with cremated foxes, and dogs in the cremation graves from Broe. The construction of the pyre and the position of the corpse could not be determined through colouring and fragmentation of the bones. The human's were commonly buried in the pyre, and in some cases it is possible that the "grave" in fact is the remainder of a pyre. The species found are dog, horse, cow, sheep/goat and bear. The unburnt human bones in the cremation graves come from children. Of the cremated human’s, ages range from 18-44 to 50-79 occur. Three probable men and two probable women have been estimated, but there is no clear segregation between the sexes on the grave field, which is evident on some medieval church graveyards. Skeletal abnormalities in humans are found on the cranium, more specific senile osteoporosis, and on the dog’s osteophytosis.
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