Journal articles on the topic 'Armata italiana in Russia'

La cittŕ di Sesto San Giovanni č stata considerata un bastione del Partito Comunista e poi della sinistra italiana. Fin dall"inizio del secolo scorso la sua classe operaia ha una tradizione di lotte sindacali, di resistenza al regime fascista fino alle lotte dell"autunno caldo nel 1969. Il saggio ricostruisce il contesto di quelle lotte e come una minoranza del movimento agli inizi degli anni 70 scelse la lotta armata. Walter Alasia, un giovane studente sestese di famiglia operaia, fu un protagonista del movimento armato. La sua vita la sua morte possono essere considerate anche una metafora delle ragioni per cui una minoranza di giovani lavoratori e studenti, scelse quella strada suicida.

La armata dei sonnambuli (2014) é o último romance do coletivo italiano de escritores Wu Ming. Segundo as palavras dos mesmos autores, trata-se de uma súmula de vinte anos de experiências sobre as formas do romance histórico. Os autores contam a história da Revolução Francêsa através de um ponto de vista oblíquo, colocando parte dos acontecimentos no manicómio de Bicêtre em 1793. Por isso, fazem refêrencia ao livro de Michel Foucault Histoire de la folie a l’age classique e em particular a sua reedição italiana em 2011, onde o curador Mario Galzigna recupera o prefácio original de Foucault (1960). Graças as sugestões de Foucault, os Wu Ming contam uma história diferente da Revolução e vão além disso, tentando traduzir na escrita e na linguagem o «antagonismo» da loucura.

Introduction. This article analyzes the specifics of the perception of Italian brands in Russia. The starting point in the paper is the understanding that the evolution of Italian culture and the image of Italy itself has led to the perception of this phenomenon through the prism of both its numerous attributes and Italian brands in particular. Today Italy is associated with national cuisine, culture and historical heritage.From a sociological perspective, brands are an important resource for the representation of national culture, especially for foreign consumers. To date, however, there has been little research into how this culture is transmitted through brands to society. In particular, little attention has so far been paid to studying the perception of brands and their relationship to the national culture of the country they represent.The socio-cultural perspective of the study implies an examination of the dynamics of attitudes towards Italian brands, reflecting the variability of society itself.Methodology and sources. The methodological basis is an interdisciplinary approach to the problem of studying and analyzing brands. The main research method in the work is the Internet survey. Thus, based on the theoretical concepts on the study of brands in sociology, in April 2020 on the platform ”Google Form” the authors conducted an empirical study. The purpose of this research was to conduct an online survey to identify the attitudes of Russian respondents towards Italian brands. The results of the sociological research conducted in the form of a questionnaire survey are presented. The sample type was random with the number of 150 respondents.Results and discussion. According to the survey results, the main associations associated with the image of Italy are: Italian food, holidays, fashion and historical heritage. At the same time, about one fifth of respondents are not familiar with any of the Italian brands or cannot name them. Among those familiar with Italian brands, 80 % responded that they know Gucci, Fendi, Valentino, Versace, Moschino, Giorgio Armani, Prada, Roberto Cavalli, Dolce & Gabbana, Lamborghini, Maserati and Ferrari.One of the key findings of the study was the conclusion that brand perception today is not directly related to its country of origin. The brand does not always represent the country, becoming multicultural. The socio-cultural model of consumption is changing, and the understanding of the Italian brand is divorced from the cultural foundation from which it originated.Conclusion. In general, the authors of the article come to the conclusion that the perception of Italian brands in Russia is conditioned by the specifics of sociocultural development. In the early nineties, when the country had just opened up to Western brands, it was vital for the consumer to purchase products from well-known brands, in particular the «Made in Italy» category, firmly associated with the country of origin. Today, in the context of globalization and multiculturalism, many brands have lost their national identity, and for the consumer the consumer properties of the product come first, and not the brand itself.

Dal 1879 si svolge un concorso per la realizzazione del monumento alle "Cinque Giornate" di Milano: l'insurrezione armata che per un breve periodo, nel 1848, aveva liberato la cittŕ dal dominio austriaco. Il desiderio dell'amministrazione municipale era quello di costruire un monumento architettonico utilizzabile, un porta o un grande portico presso i caselli daziari della Porta Vittoria che giŕ aveva quel nome perché presso di essa si erano svolte le fasi principali della battaglia. Si voleva risolvere cosě anche il problema urbanistico dell'accesso alla cittŕ lungo una direttrice in espansione. Le discussione dei critici e degli amministratori sui progetti presentati in un primo e poi in un secondo concorso offrono un quadro chiaro della lettura storica e simbolica dell'architettura, caratteristica della cultura italiana del tempo, ma infine, soprattutto per pressione dell'opinione pubblica, si abbandonerŕ il progetto per realizzare un grande monumento scultoreo.

A quanto mi risulta questo breve rapporto rappresenta il primo tentativo di offrire una panoramica internazionale sulla salute mentale delle popolazioni indigene. Dico questo non per rivendicare un merito personale – l'argomento mi è stato suggerito dal dr. Benedetto Saraceno divenuto in seguito Medical Officer del progetto Nations for Mental Health dell'Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanità – ma per sottolineare la vastità degli aspetti relativi a questo tema universale che sono stati per troppo tempo trascurati. Mentre esiste un'ampia letteratura sulla salute mentale delle popolazioni indigene a livello locale, nazionale ed internazionale c'è scarsa discussione e comparazione tra le principali aree geografiche. Ad esempio, i problemi con cui si confrontano le popolazioni indigene della Russia settentrionale sono generalmente considerati in modo del tutto separato dalle esperienze di altre popolazioni artiche: la storia della conquista e della colonizzazione sopportata dai popoli indigeni del Nord America è raramente posta a confronto con quella delle popolazioni indigene del Sud America.Questo è assai bizzarro dal momento che le popolazioni indigene in tutto il mondo hanno dovuto fronteggiare simili esperienze traumatiche (ad es. genocidio, dislocazione, repressione della cultura e del linguaggio) con gli stessi risultati (ad es. elevati tassi di suicidio, abuso di sostanze e depressione). Tali dimenticanze sono altresì deplorevoli dal momento che le ricerche transculturali e transnazionali intorno a questi fenomeni hanno prodotto risultati che io ritengo condivisibili e conoscenze che possono essere utilizzate nello sviluppo di interventi culturalmente appropriati nei programmi di salute mentale.

During a study of arthropod succession on pig carrion in Portugal eleven species of Fannia Robineau-Desvoidy (Diptera: Fanniidae) were collected, of which F. aequilineata Ringdahl, F. armata (Meigen) and F. pusio (Wiedemann) are new records for Portugal, F. consepcta Rudzinski and F. lineata (Stein) are newly recorded for the whole Iberian Peninsula and F. tunisiae Chillcott is for the first time reported from the continental Europe. Additional information on the occurrence of F. conspecta in Czech Republic, Denmark, Greece, and Southern Russia are presented. The number of Fanniidae distributed throughout the Iberian Peninsula raises from 35 to 38 and the number of species reported from Portugal raises from 11 to 17.

Il romanzo di Sebastiano Vassalli Abitare il vento (1980) costituisce un’interessante testimonianza della tematica dei cosiddetti “anni di piombo” nella letteratura italiana a partire dagli anni Settanta. Il protagonista, Cris, è uno sbandato uscito di galera che ha intrattenuto e intrattiene rapporti non ben definiti con la lotta armata. Attraverso un soliloquio che impasta differenti codici e registri linguistici senza soluzione di continuità, egli trascina il lettore in un’odissea tragicomica: alla ricerca di vecchie e nuove amanti, finirà per essere coinvolto come carceriere in un rapimento operato da una cellula di brigatisti. Una caratteristica peculiare dell’opera è il tono comico con cui questa tematica viene affrontata; l’articolo propone dunque un’analisi della comicità del romanzo a partire dalla categoria del “carnevalesco” teorizzata dallo studioso russo Michail Bachtin. In effetti nel testo ricorrono numerosi elementi tratti dal repertorio comico scandagliato dal critico nel suo studio dell’opera di Rabelais: tra questi risalta l’abbassamento declassante del lessico rivoluzionario alla sfera semantica del basso materiale e corporeo. Individuati gli elementi carnevaleschi del romanzo, l’articolo si interroga sulle funzioni di questa comicità, che si dispiega come critica parodica dell’ideologia, ma anche come strategia di “derealizzazione” finalizzata ad allontanare un’esperienza storica vissuta come trauma.

Tarle sono tra i piů noti specialisti di storia europea nella Russia di fine Ottocento e di inizio Novecento. I loro testi di alta divulgazione di questi anni, che riflettono direttamente quel che si insegnava nelle universitŕ dell'impero, ben illustrano la loro idea della piů recente storia italiana. Forte č qui l'influenza del radicalismo politico russo degli anni Sessanta dell'Ottocento: chi veramente cambia l'ordine europeo č Napoleone III, Mazzini incarna il peso eccessivo della religione nella vita politica italiana, Cavour č anzitutto un nemico della rivoluzione popolare. Anche Garibaldi per Kareev č sostanzialmente l'uomo capace di unire l'elemento monarchico a quello popolare, piů che un rappresentante di quest'ultimo, anche se Tarle riprende invece il grande mito russo dell'eroe popolare. I primi anni del regno d'Italia riuniscono invece i due autori nella sconsolata visione di un paese povero, dalle forme sociali arretrate, afflitto dall'ignoranza e vittima di continue politiche anti-popolari.

Una svolta nella ricerca sulla storia della psicoanalisi in Russia fu rappresentata dal libro di Alek-sandr Etkind Eros dell'impossibile, pubblicato in russo nel 1993, presto tradotto in varie lingue, e rivisto nel 2016 (versione sulla quale è stata condotta la traduzione italiana, apparsa nel 2020). A differenza degli studi precedenti, Etkind ebbe accesso agli archivi sovietici che erano stati aperti agli studiosi alla fine degli anni 1980 e poté così ricostruire il contesto sociale e politico che, prima e dopo la Rivoluzione bolscevica, aveva favorito lo sviluppo della psicoanalisi in Russia fino alla fine degli anni 1920. Nel libro era ampiamente illustrato il rapporto stretto tra la psicoanalisi e la cultura letteraria e filosofica in Russia nei primi due decenni del Novecento, un tema che era stato trascurato dagli studi occidentali, circoscritti alla storia della diffusione della psicoanalisi essen-zialmente dal punto di vista teorico.

La prima parte del saggio indaga gli elementi di comunanza tra Silvio Berlusconi e Vladimir Putin (leaderismo esasperato, populismo con venature nazionalistiche, controllo dei mezzi d'informazione), nonché il significato assunto dal rapporto con la Russia nella complessiva politica estera di Berlusconi, che ha visto l'Italia distaccarsi dal suo tradizionale europeismo e intessere relazioni preferenziali con Stati Uniti e Russia. Nella seconda parte, l'attenzione si sposta dai rapporti Berlusconi-Putin a quelli Italia-Russia, mostrando come la politica di avvicinamento a Mosca sia stata perseguita da tutti i governi italiani, di centrodestra e di centrosinistra, degli ultimi 10-15 anni. La Russia č per l'Italia un partner economico-commerciale fondamentale, in particolare in qualitŕ di fornitore di prodotti energetici. Eni e Gazprom hanno costruito un rapporto di collaborazione e integrazione che non č esagerato definire strategico e che ha fatto di Eni il primo partner commerciale di Gazprom. Le scelte nazionali di politica energetica, che hanno determinato una crescente dipendenza dall'approvvigionamento russo, influenzano fortemente la piů generale politica estera italiana, che crea malumore in Europa e negli Stati Uniti per il legame troppo forte e sbilanciato con Mosca.

La rappresentazione del nemico in armi, tramite la propaganda di guerra, può costituire un incentivo al combattimento e influire sulla compartecipazione emotiva dei soldati alla causa bellica. Questi aspetti diventano particolarmente evidenti in un episodio come la campagna italiana di Russia, dove lettere e diari dei combattenti permettono anche di testare il grado di politicizzazione del soldato medio in un conflitto presentato e vissuto come la guerra ideologica per eccellenza. Il vo-lontarismo in questa particolare campagna è un elemento significativo in tal senso. Il fronte orientale, con la sua durezza e il suo esotismo al negativo, dai soldati "mongoli" alle donne in armi, fu un terreno di coltura ideale per lo sviluppo di una narrazione sul nemico spesso leggendaria. Di qui pure il manifestarsi in combattimento di una violenza auto-giustificata, perché presumibilmente provocata dalle atrocità compiute dai "rossi". L'autore affronta anche il tema, ricorrente negli scritti dei soldati e nelle carte militari, della pretesa tendenza dei sovietici ad arrendersi e a disertare, secondo un'immagine al contempo in sintonia e in contrasto con la raffigurazione ufficiale del nemico.

Novel species of fungi described in this study include those from various countries as follows: Algeria, Phaeoacremonium adelophialidum from Vitis vinifera. Antarctica, Comoclathris antarctica from soil. Australia, Coniochaeta salicifolia as endophyte from healthy leaves of Geijera salicifolia, Eremothecium peggii in fruit of Citrus australis, Microdochium ratticaudae from stem of Sporobolus natalensis, Neocelosporium corymbiae on stems of Corymbia variegata, Phytophthora kelmanii from rhizosphere soil of Ptilotus pyramidatus, Pseudosydowia backhousiae on living leaves of Backhousia citriodora, Pseudosydowia indooroopillyensis, Pseudosydowia louisecottisiae and Pseudosydowia queenslandica on living leaves of Eucalyptus sp. Brazil, Absidia montepascoalis from soil. Chile, Ilyonectria zarorii from soil under Maytenus boaria. Costa Rica, Colletotrichum filicis from an unidentified fern. Croatia, Mollisia endogranulata on deteriorated hardwood. Czech Republic, Arcopilus navicularis from tea bag with fruit tea, Neosetophoma buxi as endophyte from Buxus sempervirens, Xerochrysium bohemicum on surface of biscuits with chocolate glaze and filled with jam. France, Entoloma cyaneobasale on basic to calcareous soil, Fusarium aconidiale from Triticum aestivum, Fusarium juglandicola from buds of Juglans regia. Germany, Tetraploa endophytica as endophyte from Microthlaspi perfoliatum roots. India, Castanediella ambae on leaves of Mangifera indica, Lactifluus kanadii on soil under Castanopsis sp., Penicillium uttarakhandense from soil. Italy, Penicillium ferraniaense from compost. Namibia, Bezerromyces gobabebensis on leaves of unidentified succulent, Cladosporium stipagrostidicola on leaves of Stipagrostis sp., Cymostachys euphorbiae on leaves of Euphorbia sp., Deniquelata hypolithi from hypolith under a rock, Hysterobrevium walvisbayicola on leaves of unidentified tree, Knufia hypolithi and Knufia walvisbayicola from hypolith under a rock, Lapidomyces stipagrostidicola on leaves of Stipagrostis sp., Nothophaeotheca mirabibensis (incl. Nothophaeotheca gen. nov.) on persistent inflorescence remains of Blepharis obmitrata, Paramyrothecium salvadorae on twigs of Salvadora persica, Preussia procaviicola on dung of Procavia sp., Sordaria equicola on zebra dung, Volutella salvadorae on stems of Salvadora persica. Netherlands, Entoloma ammophilum on sandy soil, Entoloma pseudocruentatum on nutrient poor (acid) soil, Entoloma pudens on plant debris, amongst grasses. New Zealand, Amorocoelophoma neoregeliae from leaf spots of Neoregelia sp., Aquilomyces metrosideri and Septoriella callistemonis from stem discolouration and leaf spots of Metrosideros sp., Cadophora neoregeliae from leaf spots of Neoregelia sp., Flexuomyces asteliae (incl. Flexuomyces gen. nov.) and Mollisia asteliae from leaf spots of Astelia chathamica, Ophioceras freycinetiae from leaf spots of Freycinetia banksii, Phaeosphaeria caricis-sectae from leaf spots of Carex secta. Norway, Cuphophyllus flavipesoides on soil in semi-natural grassland, Entoloma coracis on soil in calcareous Pinus and Tilia forests, Entoloma cyaneolilacinum on soil semi-natural grasslands, Inocybe norvegica on gravelly soil. Pakistan, Butyriboletus parachinarensis on soil in association with Quercus baloot. Poland, Hyalodendriella bialowiezensis on debris beneath fallen bark of Norway spruce Picea abies. Russia, Bolbitius sibiricus on а moss covered rotting trunk of Populus tremula, Crepidotus wasseri on debris of Populus tremula, Entoloma isborscanum on soil on calcareous grasslands, Entoloma subcoracis on soil in subalpine grasslands, Hydropus lecythiocystis on rotted wood of Betula pendula, Meruliopsis faginea on fallen dead branches of Fagus orientalis, Metschnikowia taurica from fruits of Ziziphus jujube, Suillus praetermissus on soil, Teunia lichenophila as endophyte from Cladonia rangiferina. Slovakia, Hygrocybe fulgens on mowed grassland, Pleuroflammula pannonica from corticated branches of Quercus sp. South Africa, Acrodontium burrowsianum on leaves of unidentified Poaceae, Castanediella senegaliae on dead pods of Senegalia ataxacantha, Cladophialophora behniae on leaves of Behnia sp., Colletotrichum cliviigenum on leaves of Clivia sp., Diatrype dalbergiae on bark of Dalbergia armata, Falcocladium heteropyxidicola on leaves of Heteropyxis canescens, Lapidomyces aloidendricola as epiphyte on brown stem of Aloidendron dichotomum, Lasionectria sansevieriae and Phaeosphaeriopsis sansevieriae on leaves of Sansevieria hyacinthoides, Lylea dalbergiae on Diatrype dalbergiae on bark of Dalbergia armata, Neochaetothyrina syzygii (incl. Neochaetothyrina gen. nov.) on leaves of Syzygium chordatum, Nothophaeomoniella ekebergiae (incl. Nothophaeomoniella gen. nov.) on leaves of Ekebergia pterophylla, Paracymostachys euphorbiae (incl. Paracymostachys gen. nov.) on leaf litter of Euphorbia ingens, Paramycosphaerella pterocarpi on leaves of Pterocarpus angolensis, Paramycosphaerella syzygii on leaf litter of Syzygium chordatum, Parateichospora phoenicicola (incl. Parateichospora gen. nov.) on leaves of Phoenix reclinata, Seiridium syzygii on twigs of Syzygium chordatum, Setophoma syzygii on leaves of Syzygium sp., Star­merella xylocopis from larval feed of an Afrotropical bee Xylocopa caffra, Teratosphaeria combreti on leaf litter of Combretum kraussii, Teratosphaericola leucadendri on leaves of Leucadendron sp., Toxicocladosporium pterocarpi on pods of Pterocarpus angolensis. Spain, Cortinarius bonachei with Quercus ilex in calcareus soils, Cortinarius brunneovolvatus under Quercus ilex subsp. ballota in calcareous soil, Extremopsis radicicola (incl. Extremopsis gen. nov.) from root-associated soil in a wet heathland, Russula quintanensis on acidic soils, Tubaria vulcanica on volcanic lapilii material, Tuber zambonelliae in calcareus soil. Sweden, Elaphomyces borealis on soil under Pinus sylvestris and Betula pubescens. Tanzania, Curvularia tanzanica on inflorescence of Cyperus aromaticus. Thailand, Simplicillium niveum on Ophiocordyceps camponoti-leonardi on underside of unidentified dicotyledonous leaf. USA, Calonectria californiensis on leaves of Umbellularia californica, Exophiala spartinae from surface sterilised roots of Spartina alterniflora, Neophaeococcomyces oklahomaensis from outside wall of alcohol distillery. Vietnam, Fistulinella aurantioflava on soil. Morphological and culture characteristics are supported by DNA barcodes.

3D printing for rapid prototyping and production of unique objects is being actively developed. Consumer-grade printers are now commonly available for a range of purposes, while increasingly advanced techniques allow us to fabricate novel shapes, mechanical properties, and appearances. The printers’ capabilities have improved dramatically from printing single-material objects to producing detailed structures with pervoxel material variation. Since the 2010s, it is possible to fabricate full-colour 3D objects with resolutions of hundreds of DPI (voxels’ dimensions are in the order of 10 μm). Such capabilities are most prominent in printers based on the photo-polymer jetting process. Ideally, it should be possible now to produce photorealistic appearances or visually indistinguishable objects copies for, e.g., cultural-heritage applications.However, the resins used as print materials in commercial devices are inherently translucent, i.e., exhibit significant sub-surface scattering. This serves effective colour mixing in full-colour print processes, thus commercial printer drivers offer high-quality colour reproduction. At the same time, the resulting light diffusion leads to over-blurring and potential colour bleeding when printingspatially-varying colour textures. This translucent ‘crosstalk’ between surface points also strongly depends on the internal structure of the volume surrounding each surface point.Previously existing scattering-aware methods used simplified models for light diffusion and accepted the visual blur as an immutable property of the print medium.In this talk, we present the series of works conducted by a consortium of several institutes (Max-Planck Institute for Informatics, Germany; Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic; Institute of Science and Technology, Austria; University Col-lege London, United Kingdom; Universita della Svizzera Italiana, Switzerland; The Keldysh Institute of Applied Mathematics RAS, Russia). Our work counteracts heterogeneous scattering to obtain the impression of a crisp albedo texture on top of the 3D print, by optimizing for a fully volumetric material distribution that preserves the target appearance.We build our iterative method on top of a general Monte-Carlo simulation of heterogeneous scattering. We find out that a certain arrangement of materials expands the gamut of achievable appearances and makes it possible to produce sharp textures. This knowledge built-in into the volume-update step enables convergence justafter 10–15 iterations. We verify these findings using an established stochastic gradient-descent optimization for small canonical objects where it is feasible computationally.Expansion of our method to fabrication of arbitrary 3D objects with the translucent resins opens a set of problems of achievable colour combinations on the two sides of thin shapes, in the extreme convex and concave shapes. Physically correct lighting simulation enables exploration of these extreme cases where no ideal solution is possible. It turns out that a re-formulation of established gamut-mapping methods is needed for the medium with the inherent cross-talk properties such as the scattering resins of the modern full-colour 3D printers.Elaborating further ideas from we also propose a fast forward predictor of the object's surface appearance based on a neural network to replace the Monte-Carlo simulation in order to speed up the preparation of the model by 300 times. The achieved acceleration allows to reduce simulation time to minutes for a single, GPU-equipped workstation.Thismakesthe print preparation timings practical.

Introduction As street protests and clashes between citizens and authorities in places as different as Ferguson, Missouri and Hong Kong in autumn 2014 demonstrate, everyday life in many parts of the world is characterised by conflicting and competing sets of cultural norms, values, and practices. The idea that groups create cultures that stand in contrast to “mainstream” or “dominant culture” is nothing new—sociology’s earliest scholars sought cultural explanations for social “dysfunctions” such as anomie and deviance. Yet our interest in this article is not about the problems that marginalised and non-normative groups face, but rather with the cultures that are created as part of dealing with those problems. Milton Yinger begins his 1982 book, Countercultures: The Promise and Peril of a World Turned Upside Down, by contrasting multiple perspectives on countercultures. Some thinkers have characterised countercultures as not only a mundane feature of social life, but as a necessary one: Countercultures and the many types of intentional communities they commonly create are not social aberrations. For thousands of years there have been attempts to provide alternatives for the existing social order in response to the perennial grounds for dissent: hierarchy and privilege […,] disgust with hedonism and consumerism […, and] a decline in the quality of life. (Yinger, Countercultures 1) Others, however, have discursively delegitimised countercultures by characterising them as something in between naiveté and unschooled arrogance. Speaking specifically about hippies in the 1960s, Bell argued that the so-called counter-culture was a children’s crusade that sought to eliminate the line between fantasy and reality and act out in life its impulses under a banner of liberation. It claimed to mock bourgeois prudishness, when it was only flaunting the closet behavior of its liberal parents. It claimed to be new and daring when it was only repeating in more raucous form […] the youthful japes of a Greenwich Village bohemia of a half century before. It was less a counter-culture than a counterfeit culture. (xxvi-xxvii) If Bell is at all right, then perhaps countercultures may be better understood as subcultures, a term that may not require the idea of opposition (but see Gelder; Williams, Subcultural). To tease this distinction out, we want to consider the value of the counterculture concept for the study of oppositional subcultures. Rather than uncritically assuming what counter means, we take a more analytical view of how “counter,” as similar to other terms such as “resistant” and “oppositional,” has been articulated by social scientists. In doing this, we focus our attention on scholarly works that have dealt explicitly with group cultures “that sharply contradict the dominant norms and values of the society of which that group is a part” (Yinger, Countercultures 3). The Relationship between Counterculture and Subculture Many scholars point to the Chicago School of sociology as developing the first clear articulation of subcultural groups that differed clearly from mainstream society (see for example, Gelder and Thornton; Hannerz, E.; Williams, Youth). Paul G. Cressey, Frederic Thrasher, and later William Foote Whyte each provide exemplary empirical studies of marginal groups that were susceptible to social problems and therefore more likely to develop cultures that were defined as problematic for the mainstream. Robert Merton argued that marginalised groups formed as individuals tried to cope with the strain they experienced by their inability to access the cultural means (such as good education and good jobs) needed to achieve mainstream cultural goals (primarily, material success and social status), but Albert Cohen and others subsequently argued that such groups often reject mainstream culture in favour of a new, alternative culture instead. Within a few years, conceptual distinctions among these alternative cultures were necessary, with counterculture and subculture being disambiguated in American sociology. Yinger originally employed the term contraculture but eventually switched to the more common counterculture. Subculture became most often tied either to the study of religious and ethnic enclaves (Mauss) or to deviance and delinquency (Arnold), while counterculture found its currency in framing the cultures of more explicitly political groups and movements (see for example, Cushman; George and Starr). Perhaps the clearest analytical distinction between the terms suggested that subculture refer to ascribed differences based upon socio-economic status, ethnicity, religion (and so on) in relation to the mainstream, whereas counterculture should refer to groups rooted in an explicit rejection of a dominant culture. This is similar to the distinction that Ken Gelder makes between subcultures based upon marginalisation versus non-normativity. Counterculture became best used wherever the normative system of a group contains, as a primary element, a theme of conflict with the values of the total society, where personality variables are directly involved in the development and maintenance of the group's values, and wherever its norms can be understood only by reference to the relationships of the group to a surrounding dominant culture. (Yinger, Contraculture 629) Even at that time, however, such a neat distinction was problematic. Sociologist Howard S. Becker demonstrated that jazz musicians, for example, experienced a problem shared in many service occupations, namely that their clients did not possess the ability to judge properly the value of the service rendered, yet nevertheless sought to control it. As a consequence, a subculture emerged based on the opposition of “hip” musicians to their “square” employers’ cultural sensibilities. Yet Becker framed their experiences as subcultural rather than countercultural, as deviant rather than political (Becker 79-100). Meanwhile, the political connotations of “counterculture” were solidifying during the 1960s as the term became commonly used to describe aspects of the civil rights movement in the US, hippie culture, and the anti-Vietnam or peace movement. By the end of the 1960s, subculture and counterculture had become analytically distinct terms within sociology. Cultural Studies and the Class-ification of Counterculture The reification of subculture and counterculture as ontologically distinct phenomena was more or less completed in the 1970s through a series of publications on British youth cultures and subcultures (see Hall and Jefferson; Hebdige; Mungham and Pearson). The Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS) in particular expended a great deal of collective mental energy theorising the material base upon which cultures—and in particular spectacular youth subcultures such as mods and punk—exist. As with Marxist analyses of culture more generally, class was considered a key analytic variable. In the definitive theoretical statement on subculture, Clarke, Hall, Jefferson, and Roberts argued that “the most fundamental groups are the social classes, and the major cultural configurations will be […] ‘class cultures’” (13). Subcultures were thus seen as ideological reactions to the material conditions experienced and made meaningful within working class “parent culture.” This is what made youth subcultures sub—a part of the working-class—as well as cultural—the process of expressing their structural position. Given the Marxist orientation, it should go without saying that subcultures, as working-class youth cultures, were seen as naturally in a state of conflict with bourgeois culture. But that approach didn’t account well for counter-currents that emerged from within the middle-class, whose relationship with the means of production was markedly different, and so the concept of counterculture was appropriated to describe a distinctly middle-class phenomenon. The idea that counterculture represented an overtly political response from within the dominant culture itself fitted with work by Theodore Roszak and Frank Musgrove, and later Yinger (Countercultures) and Ulf Hannerz, who each defined counterculture through its political and activist orientations stemming from a crisis within the middle-class. To further differentiate the concepts, the CCCS dismissed the collective aspect of middle-class resistance (see Clarke et al., 58-9, for a list of phenomena they considered exemplary of middle-class counterculture), describing it as more “diffuse, less group-oriented, [and] more individualised” than its working-class counterpart, the latter “clearly articulated [as] ‘near’ or ‘quasi’-gangs” (Clarke et al. 60). And whereas subcultures were centred on leisure-time activities within working-class environments, countercultures were concerned with a blurring of the boundaries between work and leisure. This conceptualisation was problematic at best, not least because it limits counterculture to the middle-class and subculture to the working class. It also gave considerably more agency and consequence to middle-class youths. It seemed that countercultures, with their individualist tendencies, offered individuals and groups choices about what and how to resist, as well as some expectations for social change, while subculturalists, locked within an unfortunate class position, could only resist dominant culture “at the profoundly superficial level of appearances” (Hebdige 17). Beyond the Limits of Class Cultures By 1980 cultural studies scholars had begun disassembling the class-basis of subcultures (see for example, G. Clarke; McRobbie; Griffin). Even though many studies still focused on stylised forms of opposition, subcultural scholarship increasingly emphasised subcultures such as punk as reflecting a more explicitly politicised resistance against the dominant or mainstream culture. Some scholars suggested that “mainstream culture” was used as a contrastive device to exaggerate the distinctiveness of those who self-identity as different (see U. Hannerz; Copes and Williams), while others questioned what subcultures could be seen as existing independently from, or in assumed opposition to (see Blackman; Thornton). In such cases, we can see a move toward reconciling the alleged limits of subculture as a countercultural concept. Instead of seeing subcultures as magical solutions and thus inevitably impotent, more recent research has considered the agency of social actors to overcome social divisions such as race, gender, and class. On the dance floor in particular, youth culture was theorised as breaking free of its class-binding shackles. Along with this break came the rhetorical distancing from CCCS’s definitions of subculture. The attempted development of “post-subculture” studies around the Millennium focused on consumptive behaviours among certain groups of youths and concluded that consumption rather than opposition had become a hallmark of youth culture broadly (see Bennett, Popular; Huq; Muggleton). For these scholars, the rave and club cultures of the 1990s, and others since, represent youth culture as hedonistic and relatively apolitical. “Post-subculture” studies drew in part on Steve Redhead’s postmodern approach to youth culture as found in The Clubcultures Reader and its companion text, From Subcultures to Clubcultures (Redhead). These texts offered a theoretical alternative to the CCCS’s view of oppositional subcultures and recognition that subcultural style could no longer be understood as a representation of ideological strain among working-class youths. Carried forward in volumes by David Muggleton and Rupert Weinzierl,,among others, “post-subcultural” scholarship criticised prior subcultural research for having objectified/reified mainstream/subcultural boundaries and authenticities, echoing Gary Clarke’s remark that the sharp distinction between us and them “rests upon [subculturalists’] consideration of the rest of society as being straight, incorporated in a consensus, and willing to scream undividedly loud in any moral panic” (71). Instead, the mixtures of punk, mod, skinhead and/or hippy styles among club-goers signalled “entirely new ways of understanding how young people perceive the relationship between music taste and visual style…revealing the infinitely malleable and interchangeable nature of the latter as these are appropriated and realised by individuals as aspects of consumer choice” (Bennett, Subcultures 613). Reincorporating the Counter into Subculture Studies The postmodern focus on cultural fluidity, individuality, and consumption highlights to some extent the agency that individuals have to make choices about the cultures in which they participate. To be sure, the postmodern and post-subculture critiques of class-based subculture studies were quite influential in the development of more recent subcultural scholarship, though not necessarily as they were intended. Much of the theoretical rhetoric of post-subculture scholarship (over-)emphasised heterogeneity, contingency, and play, which drew attention away from the collective identities and practices that continue to characterise many subcultures and groups. Fortunately, other scholars over the last decade have been critical of that approach’s failure to deal with perennial concerns related to participation in alternative cultural groups, including consumption (Buckingham), voice (Bae and Ivashkevich), education (Tuck and Yang), and group affiliation (Pilkington), among others. We want to follow this trajectory by explicitly reiterating the continuing significance of the “counter” aspects of subcultures. Two trends in social theory are exemplary in this reiteration. The first trend is a growing interest in re-theorizing resistance to refer to “a contribution to progressive transformations and radical changes in social and cultural structures” (Johansson and Lalander) rather than to a set of styles and practices through which working-class youth impotently rage against the machine. Resistance is qualitatively different from rebellion, which is often framed in terms of unconscious or irrational behaviour (Raby); resistance is first and foremost intentional. Subcultures articulate resistance to mainstream/dominant culture and may be measured across several continua, including passive to active, micro to macro, covert to overt, individual to collective, and local to global (see Williams, Resistance; E. Hannerz). Participants in countercultures see themselves as being more critically aware of what is happening in the world than the average person, believe that they act on that critical awareness in their thoughts, words, and/or deeds, and electively detach themselves from “involuntary or unconscious commitments” (Leary 253) to mainstream culture, refusing to uncritically follow the rules. The concept of resistance thus gives some momentum to attempts to clarify the extent to which members of alternative cultures intentionally break with the mainstream. The links between resistance and counterculture are explicitly dealt with in recent scholarship on music subcultures. Graham St John’s work on electronic dance music culture (EDMC), for example, offers a complex analysis of resistant practices that he conceptualizes as countercultural. Participation in EDMC is seen as more than simple hedonism. Rather, EDMC provides the scripts necessary for individuals to pursue freedom from various forms of perceived oppression in everyday life. At a more macro level, Madigan Fichter’s study of counterculture in Romania similarly frames resistance and political dissent as key variables in the articulation of a counterculture. Some recent attempts at invoking counterculture seem less convincing. Noting that counterculture is a relatively “unpopular term in social scientific research,” Hjelm, Kahn-Harris, and LeVine nevertheless proceed to theorize heavy metal as countercultural by drawing on the culture’s “transgressive” (14) qualities and “antagonistic […] attempts to shock and provoke [as well as] those occasions when metal, by its very presence, is shocking” (15). Other studies have similarly articulated “countercultures” in terms of behaviours that transgress mainstream sensibilities (see for example, Arthur and Sherman; Kolind). It is debatable at best, however, whether hedonism, transgression, or provocation are sufficient qualities for counterculture without concomitant cultural imperatives for both resistance and social change. This leads into a brief comment on a second trend, which is the growing interconnectedness of social theories that attend to subcultures on the one hand and “new” social movements (NSMs) on the other. “Traditional” social movements, such as the civil rights and labour movements, have been typically organised by and for people excluded in some way from full rights to participate in society, for example the rights to political participation or basic economic protection. NSMs, however, often involve people who already enjoy full rights as members of society, but who reject political and economic processes that injure them or others, such as marginalised groups, animals, or the environment. Some movements are contentious in nature, such as the Occupy-movement, and thus quite clearly antagonistic toward mainstream political-economy. NSM theories (see Pichardo), however, also theorize the roles of culture and collective identity in supporting both opposition to dominant processes and strategies for alternative practices. Other NSMs foster lifestyles that, through the minutiae of everyday practice, promote a ground-up reaction to dominant political-economic practices (see Haenfler, Johnson, and Jones). Both contentious and lifestyle movements are relatively diffuse and as such align with traditional conceptualisations of both subculture and counterculture. NSM theory and subcultural theories are thus coming together in a moment where scholars are seeking distinctly cultural understandings of collective lifestyles of resistance and social change. Conclusion Recent attempts to rephrase subcultural theory have combined ideas of the Birmingham and Chicago Schools with more contemporary approaches such as social constructivism and new social movements theory. Together, they recognise a couple of things. First, culture is not the determining structure it was once theorised to be. The shift in understanding subcultural groups as rooted in ascribed characteristics—being naturally different due to class, ethnicity, age, or to location (Park; Cohen; Clarke et al.)—to one in which subcultures are intentional articulations created by people, highlights the agency of individuals and groups to create culture. The break with realist/objectivist notions of culture offers promising opportunities for understanding resistance and opposition more generally. Second, the “counter” continues to be relevant in the study of subcultures. Subcultural participation these days is characterised as much or more by non-normativity than by marginalisation. As such, subcultures represent intentional protests against something outside themselves. Of course, we do not mean to suggest this is always and everywhere the case. 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