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Journal articles on the topic 'Armed rebel groups'

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Published: 3 June 2025
Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Haer, Roos, and Tobias Böhmelt. "Could rebel child soldiers prolong civil wars?" Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 3 (2017): 332–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716684880.

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While we know why rebels may recruit children for their cause, our understanding of the consequences of child soldiering by non-state armed groups remains limited. The following research contributes to addressing this by examining how rebels’ child recruitment practice affects the duration of internal armed conflicts. We advance the argument that child soldiering increases the strength of rebel organizations vis-a-vis the government. This, in turn, lowers the capability asymmetry between these non-state actors and the incumbent, allowing the former to sustain dispute. Ultimately, the duration
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2

Fjelde, Hanne, and Desirée Nilsson. "The rise of rebel contenders." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 5 (2018): 551–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318767497.

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Fragmentation of armed opposition movements through the rise of new rebel groups constitutes a significant challenge to conflict termination and peacebuilding. Yet, the question of why some rebel movements remain cohesive whereas others see a number of contending groups during the course of the armed conflict has received limited attention in existing research. This article addresses this gap by analyzing the determinants of the rise of rebel contenders in intrastate armed conflicts worldwide, 1975–2013. The theoretical framework focuses on barriers to entry, that is, variations in the costs a
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Fazal, Tanisha M. "Rebellion, War Aims & the Laws of War." Daedalus 146, no. 1 (2017): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00423.

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Most wars today are civil wars, but we have little understanding of the conditions under which rebel groups might comply with the laws of war. i ask three questions in this essay: What do the laws of war require of rebels, or armed nonstate actors (ansas)? To what extent are rebels aware of the laws of war? Under what conditions do rebel groups comply with international humanitarian law? i argue that the war aims of rebel groups are key to understanding their relationship with the laws of war. In particular, secessionist rebel groups – those that seek a new, independent state – are especially
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Loyle, Cyanne E. "Rebel Justice during Armed Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 1 (2020): 108–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002720939299.

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Research on rebel behavior focuses on the violent conduct of these groups. Work on rebel governance, however, has documented the myriad ways in which rebel groups seek to gain legitimacy, project strength, and govern civilian populations beyond direct violence. These efforts stress the importance of governance institutions for securing cooperation and compliance from the civilian population, a central concern for rebel groups. Judicial processes are one avenue through which this cooperation and compliance can be secured. These efforts encompass a range of processes including ad hoc trials, tru
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Martin, Philip A., Giulia Piccolino, and Jeremy S. Speight. "Ex-Rebel Authority after Civil War: Theory and Evidence from Côte d'Ivoire." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (2021): 209–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15923094954447.

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How do former armed militants exercise local political power after civil wars end? Building on recent advances in the study of "rebel rulers" and local goods provision by armed groups, this article offers a typology of ex-rebel commander authority that emphasizes two dimensions of former militants' power: local-level ties to civilian populations ruled during civil war and national-level ties to post-conflict state elites. Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority. These trajectories shape whether and how ex-rebel commanders provide social goods within post-
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Gentry, Caron E. "Why Women Rebel: Understanding Women’s Participation in Armed Rebel Groups." International Feminist Journal of Politics 21, no. 3 (2018): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2018.1549957.

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Botha, Sven. "Why women rebel: understanding women’s participation in armed rebel groups." Critical Studies on Terrorism 13, no. 1 (2019): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2019.1658388.

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Ghais, Suzanne. "Consequences of Excluding Armed Groups from Peace Negotiations: Chad and the Philippines." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (2019): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011163.

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Abstract This article examines the relationship between inclusion/exclusion of armed groups and the achievement of durable peace, using process tracing in two case studies: the peace process between the government of Chad and the rebel group Movement for Democracy and Justice in Chad, and the one between the government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front. The cases support theoretical arguments that excluded armed actors are more likely to renew armed confrontation after the peace accord. The study further elaborates the causal link: included armed rebels tend to negotiat
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Haer, Roos, Christopher Michael Faulkner, and Beth Elise Whitaker. "Rebel funding and child soldiers: Exploring the relationship between natural resources and forcible recruitment." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1 (2019): 236–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119850622.

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Why do some rebel groups forcibly recruit children while others largely refrain from using this strategy? We argue that it depends, in part, on their ability to profit from natural resources. Rebel groups that earn funding from natural resources have less incentive to restrain abusive behavior such as the forced recruitment of children and more incentive to tolerate and even promote this recruitment strategy. To test our expectations, we collected new data on the level of forcible recruitment of children by rebel groups. This is distinct from the broader use of child soldiers, a significant po
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Henshaw, Alexis Leanna. "Why Women Rebel: Greed, Grievance, and Women in Armed Rebel Groups." Journal of Global Security Studies 1, no. 3 (2016): 204–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogw008.

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11

Salehyan, Idean. "Transnational Rebels: Neighboring States as Sanctuary for Rebel Groups." World Politics 59, no. 2 (2007): 217–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2007.0024.

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To what extent do international factors affect domestic conflict processes? How do external conditions affect the state's repressive capabilities and the opportunities for opposition groups to mobilize, launch an insurgency, and sustain it? This article argues that because state strength is limited by international boundaries, rebel groups often organize transnationally in order to evade repression. External bases, refugee communities, and characteristics of neighboring states are expected to increase the likelihood of civil war onset and continuation. Importantly, external mobilization is dif
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12

Faulkner, Christopher M., and Austin C. Doctor. "Rebel Fragmentation and the Recruitment of Child Soldiers." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 3 (2021): 647–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab031.

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Abstract The recruitment and use of children in armed conflict remains a prevalent feature of modern civil war. But which conflict actors are more likely to recruit children? We argue that the process by which rebel groups form shapes their recruitment strategies. Specifically, we contend that rebels that form as splinter factions from the ranks of pre-existing rebel organizations are more likely to recruit child soldiers than other rebel groups. Splinter groups face unique constraints as they materialize in the midst of an active conflict environment, necessitating that they mobilize a suffic
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Krtsch, Roman. "The Tactical Use of Civil Resistance by Rebel Groups: Evidence from India’s Maoist Insurgency." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 7-8 (2021): 1251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002721995547.

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Research on rebel behavior during conflicts has traditionally focused on the use of violent tactics. However, evidence from several intrastate wars suggests that armed groups also occasionally employ general strikes—a method of civil resistance that has typically been associated with nonviolent groups. But when do rebels resort to general strikes? I argue that these tactics have a particular function which can offset potential risks for rebels after they have suffered losses in previous battles: Through general strikes, rebels signal sustained authority to the local population. The argument is
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Manekin, Devorah, and Reed M. Wood. "Framing the Narrative: Female Fighters, External Audience Attitudes, and Transnational Support for Armed Rebellions." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 9 (2020): 1638–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002720912823.

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Female combatants play a central role in rebel efforts to cultivate and disseminate positive narratives regarding the movement and its political goals. Yet, the effectiveness of such strategies in shaping audience attitudes or generating tangible benefits for the group remains unclear. We propose and test a theory regarding the channels through which female fighters advance rebel goals. We argue that female fighters positively influence audience attitudes toward rebel groups by strengthening observers’ beliefs about their legitimacy and their decision to use armed tactics. We further contend t
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Loyle, Cyanne E., and Samuel E. Bestvater. "#rebel: Rebel communication strategies in the age of social media." Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, no. 6 (2019): 570–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894219881430.

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How have rebel communication strategies been shaped by the increasingly social nature of the internet and the constant changes of information and communication technology in a Web 2.0 world? Rebel groups’ ability to disseminate a message has previously been constrained by the size of the audience they could reach through traditional technologies and the costs of those technologies. Emerging social internet platforms change this dynamic by providing rebel groups with new opportunities to build and communicate to an audience. Scholars have theorized about how rebel groups adapt to these new oppo
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Martin, Philip A. "Insurgent Armies: Military Obedience and State Formation after Rebel Victory." International Security 46, no. 3 (2022): 87–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00427.

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Abstract Why do some winning rebel groups build obedient and effective state militaries after civil war, while others suffer military defections? When winning rebels face intense security threats during civil wars, rebel field commanders are more likely to remain obedient during war-to-peace transitions. Intense security threats incentivize militants to create more inclusive leadership structures, reducing field commanders’ incentives to defect in the postwar period. Intense security threats also reduce commanders’ capacity for postwar resistance by forcing insurgents to remain mobile and adop
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Larson, Jennifer M., and Janet I. Lewis. "Rumors, Kinship Networks, and Rebel Group Formation." International Organization 72, no. 4 (2018): 871–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000243.

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AbstractWhile rumors predominate in conflict settings, researchers have not identified whether and why they influence the start of organized armed conflict. In this paper, we advance a new conceptualization of initial rebel group formation that aims to do so. We present a simple game-theoretic network model to show why the structure of trusted communication networks among civilians where rebel groups form—which carry credible rumors about the rebels—can influence whether incipient rebels become viable. We argue further that in rural Sub-Saharan Africa, kinship network structures favorable to n
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Haer, Roos, and Tobias Böhmelt. "Girl soldiering in rebel groups, 1989–2013." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 3 (2018): 395–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317752540.

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Most existing work assumes that child soldiers are under-aged males. Girl soldiers have largely been neglected so far, although they frequently have important roles in rebel groups. One reason for this shortcoming has been the lack of comprehensive and systematic data on female child soldiers over a larger time period. To address this gap, the following article introduces the Girl Child Soldier Dataset (G-CSDS), which provides – based on academic, IGO, NGO, government, and media sources – information on the number of girl soldiers and their functions (supporters or combatants) in rebel groups
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Braithwaite, Jessica Maves, and Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham. "When Organizations Rebel: Introducing the Foundations of Rebel Group Emergence (FORGE) Dataset." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2019): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz085.

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Abstract Scholars have spent decades investigating various sources of rebellion, from societal and institutional explanations to individual motivations to take up arms against one's government. One element of the civil war process that has gone largely unstudied from a cross-national perspective is the role preexisting organizations in society play in the formation of rebel groups, principally due to a lack of comparable data on the origins of these armed actors across conflicts. In an effort to fill this gap, we present the Foundations of Rebel Group Emergence (FORGE) dataset, which offers in
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Pourmalek, Panthea. "Rebel Iron Fist." Cornell International Affairs Review 16, no. 1 (2023): 9–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v16i1.708.

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Conventional and tired characterizations of civil wars invoke images of endless chaos and relentless violence perpetuated by armed groups. In reality, civil wars are defned by unique forms of wartime social and political order, and are anything but chaotic.1 This study focuses on ‘rebel governance’ as a specifc rebel-civilian sociopolitical relationship in which rebel groups participate in the administration of civilian afairs. Using disaggregated data on rebel governance in 122 civil wars, I examine the relationship between the character of rebel governance used by rebel groups and the use of
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SHIHUNDU, Felix. "LIBYA: ARMS PROLIFERATION AND ARMED GROUPS. THE LIBYAN CONFLICT REVISED." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 38 (January 2022): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.38.4.

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The study critically analyses the effects of the Libyan arms proliferation, with a focus on the Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in the region. It traces the proliferation of arms occasioned by the Civil War in Libya and establishes an empirical link to some of the regional security challenges to the proliferation. Relevant theoretical perspectives, such as the Security Dilemma and the Security Complex Theory, are adopted to explain the resulting effects of the proliferation such as the increased deadly violence of the rebel forces in the region and the neighboring Middle East region. Innov
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Tominaga, Yasutaka, and Chia-yi Lee. "When Disasters Hit Civil Wars: Natural Resource Exploitation and Rebel Group Resilience." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2021): 423–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab014.

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Abstract Existing literature on the relationship between natural disasters and conflicts provides mixed findings. In this article, we argue that whether natural disasters hurt rebel group resilience depends on their funding source and the mode of resource extraction. Rebel groups that obtain their funding from natural resources are more susceptible to natural disasters because this funding source could be easily disrupted by rapid-onset disasters. How rebel groups exploit natural resource wealth also conditions the effect of natural disasters on rebel group resilience. Rebel groups that depend
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Corradi, Edoardo. "Beyond Armed Competition: The Logic of Rebel Groups’ Alliance Formation." Civil Wars 25, no. 2-3 (2023): 249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2023.2249323.

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Hadley, Lance. "Borders and the Feasibility of Rebel Conflict." Borders in Globalization Review 1, no. 1 (2019): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr11201919259.

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Contemporary spatial research on civil conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa has largely focused on border regions as spaces of limited political and economic opportunity. These studies largely adopt approaches that present borderlands as institutionally desolate regions lacking in governance, economic opportunity and political inclusion and giving rise to the feasibility of rebel conflict. While spatial analyses focus on territorially-based capabilities, such as state power projection, they typically overlook borderlands and their territorial distinctiveness with regards to rebel capabilities. This
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Regilme, Salvador Santino Jr Fulo, and Elisabetta Spoldi. "Children in Armed Conflict: A Human Rights Crisis in Somalia." Global Jurist 21, no. 2 (2021): 365–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gj-2020-0083.

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Abstract Despite the consolidated body of public international law on children’s rights and armed conflict, why do armed rebel groups and state forces deploy children in armed conflict, particularly in Somalia? First, due to the lack of alternative sources of income and livelihood beyond armed conflict, children join the army due to coercive recruitment by commanders of armed groups. Their participation in armed conflict generates a fleeting and false sense of material security and belongingness in a group. Second, many Somali children were born in an environment of existential violence and ma
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Curtis, Devon E. A., and Gyda M. Sindre. "Transforming State Visions: Ideology and Ideas in Armed Groups Turned Political Parties – Introduction to Special Issue." Government and Opposition 54, no. 3 (2019): 387–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.51.

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How do the visions of the state articulated by armed movements during conflict change when they become political parties after war? We show that ideas about the state are often central to the strategies and direction of these new parties, but there is variation in the extent to which these ideas have changed. The first part of this article shows why a focus on former rebel parties provides valuable insights into the role of ideas in post-war politics. The second part draws on the literatures on civil wars and political parties to highlight their relevance for former rebel parties. The third pa
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Van Acker, Tomas. "Exploring the Legacies of Armed Rebellion in Burundi'sMaquis par Excellence." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (2016): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100202.

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This contribution explores the legacies of armed rebellion in post-war Burundi, where two of the main political parties, the ruling CNDD-FDD and the FNL, are former rebel movements. It aims to add a micro-political perspective to the discussion on the transformation of rebel groups into political parties, and bring some nuance to the normative underpinnings of this debate. Based on observations of the role of local leaders with an FNL past, and of retrospective popular appreciation for wartime governance by the FNL in its stronghold of Bujumbura Rural, the paper argues that beyond the symptoms
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Berti, Benedetta. "Rebel Groups between Adaptation and Ideological Continuity: The Impact of Sustained Political Participation." Government and Opposition 54, no. 3 (2018): 513–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.44.

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The question of how involvement in institutional politics and governance affects rebel groups’ behaviour is pertinent when studying violent non-state actors, both during and in the aftermath of conflict. This is especially the case when participation in the political system becomes sustained over time. The interactions between the political and governance practices of a rebel group and its overall ideological orientation and state-building aspirations are not sufficiently analysed in the literature, especially in the context of hybrid armed-political organizations operating in latent, frozen o
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Walch, Colin. "Weakened by the storm." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 3 (2018): 336–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317741535.

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How do natural disasters affect rebel group recruitment? Some influential research to date suggests that natural disasters – by lowering the opportunity cost of joining an armed movement – are likely to facilitate rebel group recruitment. In contrast, this study argues that natural disasters can negatively affect rebel organization and their recruitment efforts. It posits that natural disasters may weaken rebel groups in two main interrelated ways: (1) by leading to acute scarcity for rebel combatants and supporters, weakening the rebel group’s organizational structure and supply lines, and (2
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Cederman, Lars-Erik, Andreas Wimmer, and Brian Min. "Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel? New Data and Analysis." World Politics 62, no. 1 (2009): 87–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887109990219.

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Much of the quantitative literature on civil wars and ethnic conflict ignores the role of the state or treats it as a mere arena for political competition among ethnic groups. Other studies analyze how the state grants or withholds minority rights and faces ethnic protest and rebellion accordingly, while largely overlooking the ethnic power configurations at the state's center. Drawing on a new data set on Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) that identifies all politically relevant ethnic groups and their access to central state power around the world from 1946 through 2005, the authors analyze outbr
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Doctor, Austin C. "A Motion of No Confidence: Leadership and Rebel Fragmentation." Journal of Global Security Studies 5, no. 4 (2020): 598–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz060.

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Abstract Why do rebel organizations splinter into competing factions during civil war? To explain this outcome, I leverage variation in rebel leadership. I argue that rebel leaders draw on their pre-war experiences—i.e., their military and political experiences—to manage their organizations during conflict. These experiences bear unique patterns of rebel management and, thus, corresponding risks of fragmentation. Empirical evidence comes from a two-stage research design and original data featuring over 200 rebel leaders from 1989 to 2014. In the first stage, I estimate the probability of group
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Denisova, T. S., and S. V. Kostelyanets. "Warlords to Politicians: The Transformation of Rebel Leaders in Africa (on the Example of Sierra Leone)." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 3 (2020): 214–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-3-12.

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The paper analyzes the processes of transformation of leaders of rebel movements and tribal militias (warlords) into leaders of political parties and senior government officials after the end of the Civil War (1991‑2002) in Sierra Leone. It is argued that the opportunities for an anti‑government (or, on the contrary, pro‑government) armed group to become an officially recognized political organization, and for erstwhile field commanders to become its leaders, emerge either in the event of a rebel victory or after the signing of a peace agreement (as it happened in Sierra Leone) and the beginni
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Asal, Victor, Michael Findley, James A. Piazza, and James Igoe Walsh. "Political Exclusion, Oil, and Ethnic Armed Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 60, no. 8 (2016): 1343–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714567948.

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Why do members of some ethnic groups rebel against the state? One approach holds that groups subject to exclusion from national politics engage in armed conflict. We theorize that the presence of resource wealth moderates the effect of political exclusion. Ethnic groups subject to exclusion whose settlement area includes oil wealth are more likely to experience the onset of armed conflict than groups experiencing exclusion alone. We depart from the convention of cross-national analysis to examine subnational, geocoded units of analysis—ethnic group settlement areas—to better capture the impact
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Sundberg, Ralph, Kristine Eck, and Joakim Kreutz. "Introducing the UCDP Non-State Conflict Dataset." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 2 (2012): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311431598.

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This article extends the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) by presenting new global data on non-state conflict, or armed conflict between two groups, neither of which is the state. The dataset includes conflicts between rebel groups and other organized militias, and thus serves as a complement to existing datasets on armed conflict which have either ignored this kind of violence or aggregated it into civil war. The dataset also includes cases of fighting between supporters of different political parties as well as cases of communal conflict, that is, conflict between two social groups, usua
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COHEN, DARA KAY. "Explaining Rape during Civil War: Cross-National Evidence (1980–2009)." American Political Science Review 107, no. 3 (2013): 461–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000221.

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Why do some armed groups commit massive wartime rape, whereas others never do? Using an original dataset, I describe the substantial variation in rape by armed actors during recent civil wars and test a series of competing causal explanations. I find evidence that the recruitment mechanism is associated with the occurrence of wartime rape. Specifically, the findings support an argument about wartime rape as a method of socialization, in which armed groups that recruit by force—through abduction or pressganging—use rape to create unit cohesion. State weakness and insurgent contraband funding ar
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Janssens, Pauline Charlotte. "Internal legitimacy as a benchmark criterion for the inclusion of NSAGs in the making of IHL." Military Law and the Law of War Review 62, no. 1 (2024): 2–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.2024.01.01.

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Currently, non-state armed groups (NSAGs) are bound by customary international humanitarian law (IHL) without their consent or inclusion in its making. On the one hand, NSAGs’ inclusion in law-making would make IHL more adapted to situations of rebel governance, the capabilities of NSAGs, and could result in a compliance pull vis-à-vis NSAGs. On the other hand, such inclusion might be undesirable, unreasonable, and unfeasible. Nevertheless, all arguments pro and contra NSAGs’ inclusion do not necessarily apply to all types of NSAGs. However, scholarship lacks a convincing criterion to decide w
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Sopacua, Mitsel, Johanis Steny Franco Peilouw, and Veriena Josepha Batseba Rehatta. "Pengaturan Tentang Milisi Dalam Hukum Humaniter Internasional." TATOHI: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 3, no. 3 (2023): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/tatohi.v3i3.1587.

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Introduction: Militia, also know as savage troop groups, are groups of civilians that can function as a supplement to the regular military or as a challenger to counter military coups. The process of forming the militia occurred because of a conflict between a group and the state central government which resulted in conflict resulting in rebel groups being named militia or illegal troop groups.Purposes of the Research: To know about the arrangement of militias in armed conflict of a non-interntional nature. Methods of the Research: The research method used is normative research. This type of r
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Karlén, Niklas. "The legacy of foreign patrons." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 4 (2017): 499–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317700465.

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Why do some armed conflicts that have ended experience renewed fighting while others do not? Previous research on conflict recurrence has approached this question by looking at domestic factors such as how the war was fought, how it ended or factors associated with its aftermath. With the exception of the literature on third-party security guarantees, the influence of outside actors has often been overlooked. This article explores the role of external states and suggests when and how their involvement is likely to affect the probability of renewed warfare. The main argument is that the legacy
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Denisova, Tatyana, and Sergey Kostelyanets. "West Africa: The evolution of traditional institutions of power. Africa: occult practices in civil wars and conflicts." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 5-1 (2021): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202105statyi19.

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The paper considers the influence of traditional beliefs on political processes and the nature of military operations during armed conflicts in contemporary Africa. The authors’ attention is focused on the administration of magic rituals and rites of initiation and immunization to members of tribal militias and rebel groups, aimed at maintaining their cohesion, commitment, fearlessness and, ultimately, achieving military success.
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Ide, Tobias. "Climate, Women, and Conflict: Rebel Groups’ Armed Activities after Major Disasters." Global Studies Quarterly 3, no. 3 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isagsq/ksad039.

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Abstract This study builds long-anticipated bridges between the literature on (i) climate/disaster security, (ii) women, peace, and security, and (iii) rebel group behavior. Specifically, I analyze how rebel groups react to disasters (like droughts, earthquakes, floods, or storms) by intensifying or reducing their armed activities. This addresses a crucial knowledge gap: While a large literature is dealing with the impacts of climate change and disasters on armed conflict onset or incidence, knowledge on how environmental factors shape the behavior of particular conflict actors remains scarce.
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Spadaro, Alessandra. "From Outlaws to Judges: Armed Groups and The Administration of Justice." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies, August 22, 2022, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10052.

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Abstract René Provost’s latest book, Rebel Courts: The Administration of Justice by Armed Insurgents, collects an impressive amount of practice of organized armed groups concerning the administration of justice in armed conflicts, and offers a detailed analysis of the legal issues surrounding the creation and functioning of insurgent courts. Drawing from field work and adopting a legal pluralistic methodology, Provost offers a comprehensive overview of how the rebel administration of justice functions in practice and of how international law regulates its different aspects, including the legal
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Newman, Edward, Jaideep Saikia, and Alex Waterman. "The Impact of COVID-19 on Insurgency and Rebel Governance: Lessons from India's Northeast." Journal of Global Security Studies 8, no. 2 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogad006.

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Abstract Emerging research has suggested that the COVID-19 pandemic has generally favored rebel organizations—rather than states—in situations of intrastate conflict. This article challenges this perspective by analyzing the pandemic's impact on three dimensions of rebel activity—armed activity, popular support and recruitment, and rebel governance. It does so by using illustrative evidence from long-running insurgencies in Northeast India, characterized by long-term rebel weakness and minimal, if any, territorial control. The article finds that during the early, acute phase of the pandemic in
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Piccolino, Giulia. "Civilian Agency and Service Provision Under Rebel Rule: Evidence from Côte d'Ivoire." Africa Spectrum, July 21, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00020397241260742.

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In rebel-held territories, public services often continue to be delivered, although rebels rarely have the administrative capacities to provide them. Although the literature on rebel governance has emphasised rebel-led institution building, many rebel groups rely on existing institutions or establish collaborative arrangements with civilian actors, who often play a key role in revitalising public services. Drawing from extensive research in formerly rebel-held Côte d'Ivoire, I argue that the availability of services provided by pre-existing institutions, the strength of civilian demands for pu
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Huang, Reyko, and Patricia L. Sullivan. "Arms for education? External support and rebel social services." Journal of Peace Research, September 29, 2020, 002234332094074. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343320940749.

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How does foreign support for rebel groups affect rebel governance of civilians during armed conflict? Existing studies primarily examine the local and domestic politics of rebel rule, leaving the effects of foreign intervention on rebel governance underexplored. Focusing on rebel provision of social services, this study considers two competing arguments. The first suggests that foreign sponsorship reduces rebels’ need to rely on local civilians for resources and hence decreases rebels’ incentives to provide services. The second anticipates that by augmenting rebels’ resources and military capa
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Gilmore, Elisabeth, Kathleen Cunningham, Leonardo Gentil-Fernandes, Reyko Huang, Danielle F. Jung, and Cyanne E. Loyle. "Armed rebel groups engage in climate governance." Climatic Change 178, no. 3 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-025-03893-9.

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Abstract An estimated two billion people live in areas presently affected by fragility, armed conflict, and violence. In many of these locations armed non-state actors (e.g. rebel groups) rather than the state are the primary governors (Word Bank 2024). An estimated 66 million live under the direct rule of armed non-state actors (Breslawski in J Glob Secur Stud 7(1):ogab017 2022). With the growing severity of climate impacts, armed non-state actors are increasingly engaging in governing over many aspects of climate change, including adaptation, displacement assistance, and the management of na
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Topal, Sedef A. "Pathways to Cooperation: A Relational Theory of Rebel Alliance Formation." Journal of Conflict Resolution, February 12, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220027241232955.

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Why do some rebel organizations form a united front when others confine themselves to a loose partnership? Existing research on rebel movements reveals that insurgents should quickly leave cooperative agreements if doing so will provide particular advantages in a post-conflict setting. Still, rebel groups may build diverse alliances, from joint attacks to shared command structures. If rebels are indeed purely pragmatic, why would they tie themselves to partnerships that hinder their ability to defect easily? In this article, I argue that three relational factors shape how armed groups cooperat
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Sarwari, Mehwish. "Impact of Rebel Group Ideology on Wartime Sexual Violence." Journal of Global Security Studies, September 12, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogaa040.

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Abstract Does rebel group ideology influence variation in wartime sexual violence? While existing studies have explored country-level and conflict-specific factors to explain wartime sexual violence, it is important to recognize that rebels vary in their characteristics and sexual violence behavior. Specifically, rebel groups differ in their values regarding gender equality. I argue that the ideological preferences held by rebels and their foreign supporters can influence sexual violence during armed conflict. Particularly, I make the claim that rebels influenced by a leftist ideology are less
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Myers, Emily. "Insurgent Conscription for Capacity and Control: State Violence and Coerced Recruitment in Civil War." Journal of Conflict Resolution, August 12, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220027241269952.

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Though previous research has recognized that armed groups do not always recruit fighters on a voluntary basis, varieties and determinants of insurgent forced recruitment are still poorly understood. What drives armed groups to employ certain methods of coercive recruitment? This article conceptualizes and studies a particular form of coerced recruitment—insurgent conscription—whereby rebel groups rely on their administrative capacity to compel civilians to fight. Building on scholarship that highlights the impact of state violence on rebel recruitment, I theorize that state violence incentiviz
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Soules, Michael J. "Rebels With Too Many Causes: Diverse Recruitment Appeals and the Intractability of Civil Conflicts." Political Research Quarterly, July 19, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/10659129251362118.

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Do rebel groups benefit from attempting to appeal to larger segments of society by mobilizing around more diverse ideologies? Prior work has examined a variety of dimensions of ideological recruitment in civil wars but has tended to overlook the ways in which the breadth of recruitment appeals made by rebels matters. I argue that rebel organizations suffer from attempts to appeal to a diversity of ideological issues. When rebel organizations represent diverse identities and ideological interests, internal fractionalization and credible commitment problems are exacerbated. These issues complica
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Akcinaroglu, Seden, Jeremy Berkowitz, Carlos E. Moreno Leon, Sema Hande Ogutcu-Fu, Evgeny Sedashov, and Efe Tokdemir. "Unique offerings: Ideological competition and rebel governance." Conflict Management and Peace Science, January 23, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/07388942241303397.

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This study examines the factors influencing non-state armed actors’ (NSAAs) ability and willingness to implement rebel governance, with a focus on the group's ideological distinction from adversaries and the government. We argue that a unique ideology acts as an effective branding tool, enhancing governance success as constituents recognize and align with it. This ideology allows NSAAs to offer a distinct social contract to their followers with minimal risk, fostering strong relationships with their constituents, and hence benefits from such governance. We propose that rebel governance increas
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