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Journal articles on the topic 'Armed resistance movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Konarski, Marcin. "Legal Aspects of Armed Resistance." Teka Komisji Prawniczej PAN Oddział w Lublinie 10 (December 31, 2017): 99–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.32084/tkp.6175.

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The aim of this article is to analyse legal aspects of armed resistance movements with a focus on the legal status of the partisan and the legal nature of a civil war. In the light of the norms of international law, both the status of a partisan and the nature of a civil war is, from the point of view of this analysis, connected with, inter alia, international recognition and military occupation, which constitute a significant part of the investigations in this article, synthetically analysing the activity of the Polish resistance movement against the illegal communist rule after 1945 (the so-

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Streikus, Arūnas. "The Church and the Armed Resistance Movement." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 2 (2025): 32–37. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.1997.204.

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The post–war years were a difficult period of many trials for the Lithuanian people and social structures, including the Church. Lithuanian society at that time was strongly religiously committed and quite homogeneous from congregation point of view, and the influence of the Catholic Church on it was enormous. Thus, the Church’s relationship with the resistance movement was an important factor in the post–war historical processes in Lithuania. On the other hand, it was challenging to the Church itself, which had a significant impact on its further development under the Soviet totalitarian syst

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Bartolomei, Enrico. "Origine, caratteri e principali correnti del pensiero palestinese di resistenza, 1967-73." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (2015): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340067.

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The 1967 defeat thoroughly discredited Arab nationalist regimes and movements that proved incapable of liberating Palestine and achieving Arab unity. This contributed to the rise of several Palestinian guerrilla groups who took up popular armed struggle as a primary means of achieving their goals. The takeover of the Palestine Liberation Organization by Fatḥ and other armed organizations in 1969 was a watershed in the history of the Palestinian struggle and marked the emergence of an independent national liberation movement. This paper focuses on the origins, the ideological developments, and

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Kuryliak, Oleksandr. "Anti-mobilization activities of armed resistance movement (part 1)." Skhid, no. 2(154) (June 5, 2018): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2018.2(154).129114.

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5

Kuryliak, Oleksandr. "Anti-mobilization activities of armed resistance movement (part 2)." Skhid, no. 4(156) (October 3, 2018): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2018.4(156).141897.

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6

Chenoweth, Erica. "The Role of Violence in Nonviolent Resistance." Annual Review of Political Science 26, no. 1 (2023): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051421-124128.

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Over the past two decades, there has been growing scholarly interest in nonviolent resistance—a method of conflict in which unarmed people mobilize collective protests, strikes, and boycotts in a coordinated way. Mass movements that rely overwhelmingly on nonviolent resistance sometimes feature unarmed collective violence, fringe violence, or even organized armed action. What do we know about the effects of violent flanks on movement outcomes? This article reviews findings on the relationships between nonviolent and unarmed resistance, violence, and the outcomes of mass mobilization, as well a

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Račkauskaitė, Živilė. "The Youth Anti-Soviet Resistance Movement in Lithuania in the Seventies and Eighties." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 4 (2025): 52–69. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.1998.203.

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The formation of a resistance movement in the totalitarian Soviet system is a unique phenomenon. In Lithuania, the resistance has never been completely absent. As the armed resistance became exhausted, a new form of resistance began to emerge in Lithuania, which many authors refer to as passive resistance. This paper examines the resistance movement of 1960s and 1970s, which included the area of active opposition, characterised by the establishment of various organisations and groups and the production of underground press. To call such a concrete, active and tangible activity as passive resis

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Thein, Kyawt Nandar Myo, Kris Nugroho, and Siti Aminah. "Revolutionary challenges of the Myanmar Generation Z students and the impact on the rapidity of the 2021 spring revolution." Jurnal Sosiologi Dialektika 18, no. 2 (2023): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jsd.v18i2.2023.124-135.

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The Generation Z student revolutions in Myanmar that fight for democracy against the military coup in 2021 present challenges that limit the rapidity of the revolution. The research aims to explore Generation Z students’ movements and challenges in anti-coup protests, armed struggle movements, and click movements as well as the impacts on the rapidity of the revolution. The study used a qualitative method by applying the social movement theory and revolutionary concept of Charles Tilly which reveal that Generation Z students are confronted with deaths triggered by violent crackdowns, illegal a

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Koefoed, Minoo. "When Doing Ethnography with Armed Movements: Participation, Rapport, Resistance – And Ethics." Journal of Resistance Studies 3, no. 2 (2025): 137. https://doi.org/10.63961/2025.082.

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In this text I discuss ethical challenges concerning ethnographic fieldworks and participant observation in resistance movements with armed branches. By so doing, my point of departure will be my own ethnographic fieldwork with the Kurdish movement in Turkey’s Southeast that I conducted between May 2015 and January 2016. More precisely, I will discuss a particular instance when I was asked to participate in an unofficial weapon production workshop with militant youth activists in an autonomous Kurdish neighborhood.

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Noormets, Tiit. "Armed Resistance Movement and Guerrilla War in Estonia in 1941." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 2 (2025): 52–55. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.1997.207.

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Partisan warfare as the highest stage of resistance in Estonia lasted only a few months in the summer of 1941, and the resistance movement began to take shape immediately after the occupation and the coup d'état on 21 June 1940. The first attempt was to create a legal opposition. In July 1940, before the election to the so–called people’s parliament, representatives of the former political parties and activists from the ethnic communities and academia organised the nomination of candidates of the ethnic forces to the parliament as a counterweight to the puppets of the new government. The cance

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11

Fathy, Rusydan. "GNPF MUI: STRATEGI PEMBINGKAIAN DAN KEBERHASILAN GERAKAN POPULIS ISLAM DI INDONESIA." ASKETIK 3, no. 1 (2019): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/ask.v3i1.1180.

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Armed with a social movement approach, this paper discusses the framing strategy in the success of the Islamic populist movement in Indonesia. Islamic populism coloring political life and democracy in Indonesia in recent years. As with other forms of populist movements, Islamic populism in Indonesia manifests itself in mass movements or actions that show protest or resistance to certain regimes and government systems. The emergence of the Gerakan Nasional Pengawal Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia (GNPF-MUI/Guard National Movement for Indonesian Religious Leader) includes the 411, 212 movement, an

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Luthfi, Muhamad, Rusydan Fathy, and Mohammad Faisal Asadi. "GNPF MUI: Strategi Pembingkaian dan Keberhasilan Gerakan Populis Islam di Indonesia." Asketik 3, no. 1 (2019): 29–45. https://doi.org/10.30762/asketik.v3i1.1180.

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Armed with a social movement approach, this paper discusses the framing strategy in the success of the Islamic populist movement in Indonesia. Islamic populism coloring political life and democracy in Indonesia in recent years. As with other forms of populist movements, Islamic populism in Indonesia manifests itself in mass movements or actions that show protest or resistance to certain regimes and government systems. The emergence of the Gerakan Nasional Pengawal Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia (GNPF-MUI/Guard National Movement for Indonesian Religious Leader) includes the 411, 212 movements, a

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DROHOBYTSKYI, Ihor. "FEATURES OF USING THE EXPERIENCE OF THE ARMED STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD, 1918-1919, IN THE CREATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL SELF-DEFENSE, 1943." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-32-40.

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The article covers some aspects of the use of military experience of Ukrainian armed groups of the period of the national liberation struggle 1917–1921 by the members of the nationalist wing of the national resistance movement during World War II. Much attention is given to measures aimed at the development of tactical units of the structure of the Ukrainian People's Self-Defense (Ukrainska Narodna Samooborona; UNS) in the second half of 1943 in Galicia. These facts are analyzed in the context of the development of a national army concept among leaders of Ukrainian nationalists at the various

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14

Reed, Roy, and Lance Hill. "The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2005): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40018572.

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15

Hughey, Matthew W. "We will shoot back: armed resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 5 (2013): 895–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.835059.

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16

Estes, Steve, and Lance Hill. "The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement." Journal of Southern History 71, no. 2 (2005): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648804.

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17

Colley, Z. A. "We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement." Journal of American History 101, no. 1 (2014): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau205.

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18

MacLeod, Jason. "Building Resilience to Repression in Nonviolent Resistance Struggles." Journal of Resistance Studies 1, no. 1 (2025): 77. https://doi.org/10.63961/2025.016.

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Nonviolent movements are more effective than violent ones and casualties will be fewer than if the resistance was waged through armed struggle. However, nonviolent movements are still not immune to repression. This article presents a new framework that orders theory and practice – how nonviolent resistance movements can effectively respond to repression by opponents – across five dimensions: strategy, tactics, organisational structure, individual activists, and advance preparation and planning. The framework is applied to the situation in West Papua, arguably an exemplar of a ‘worst case scena

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Vovk, Oleksandr. "The Latest Armed and Political Movement for the Independence of Ukraine." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 2 (2025): 7–13. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.1997.201.

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Banderites are the name given to the fighters for Ukraine’s independence in western Ukraine in 1940s and 1950s. The organised nationalist movement was so violent and numerous that the occupiers continue to this day identify every unfavourable Ukrainian with this movement. Heavy casualties and the long period of struggle show that the movement for independence and the armed resistance against the invaders in western Ukraine were massive and widely supported by Ukrainians. The memories of that armed struggle had a strong influence on the course of events in Ukraine until 1991, when the process o

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Nepstad, Sharon Erickson. "Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (2012): 993–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002617.

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Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 304p. $99.00.In recent years, social scientific research on nonviolent resistance has burgeoned. Yet many studies focus on the factors associated with nonviolent movements' success or failure. In her book, Wendy Pearlman poses different questions. Instead of asking when and how nonviolence works, she asks why some activists choose nonviolent tactics while others choose violent ones. Additionally, she asks why movements may, over time, shift between armed and unarmed stra

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21

Norbutas, Simonas. "The last phase of armed resistance ( Šiauliai region)." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 12 (2025): 209–21. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.2002.223.

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According to the MGB data, in the spring of 1952 there were still 142 partisan structures in Lithuania, with roughly 900 fighters in their ranks, although they were no longer a well–organised force they had used to be. For security reasons, partisans operated in small groups, which often lost contact not only with the command centres but also with each other at the level of their immediate subordination. Arrests and mass deportations (in the autumn of 1951 and spring of 1952, some additional 20,000 people were deported from Lithuania) led to a sharp drop in supporters. A dense network of agent

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EL AIDI, ABDELLATIF. "The Moroccan Nationalist Movement and its Anticolonial Activism from 1925 to 1944." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 9 (2021): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.9.4.

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During the latter part of the Nineteenth Century, the European colonial rivalry over Morocco intensified. The European powers targeted the North African country because of its strategic location and rich natural resources. Hence, after establishing the French and Spanish Protectorates over Morocco, the colonial powers started to implement their exploitative policies in the Sherifian Kingdom. Those policies provoked the Moroccan people, who refused any foreign presence in their country and pushed them to engage in armed resistance. However, the failure of the armed resistance to liberate Morocc

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Duclos, Nathalie. "Joining the Kosovo Liberation Army: A continuist, process-based analysis." Violence: An International Journal 1, no. 1 (2020): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2633002420904263.

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Drawing on semi-directed interviews with ex-combatants from the Kosovo Liberation Army (UÇK) and the archives of the international organization responsible for disarming and demobilizing the combatants, this article examines the process by which individuals joined the armed resistance movement in Kosovo in the 1980s and 1990s. Based on a “ground-level” approach, we emphasize the incremental nature of this mobilization and challenge the widespread understanding that Albanians in Kosovo turned suddenly to armed resistance. We also challenge strategic-political accounts of the origins of the arme

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Torkar, Blaž. "Slovenian Partisan resistance of 1941." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 206–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200206t.

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The Liberation Front of the Slovene Nation, in which the leading role was assumed by the Communist Party of Slovenia, defined armed resistance against the occupation forces in the Slovenian territory as a path towards national liberation and unification with the ethnic territories that formed a part of the German and Italian states. The first, smaller, resistance activities were recorded shortly after the occupation of Dravska Banovina, when the preparations for an uprising or its beginning sporadically sprouted both within and out of the Communist Party of Slovenia. The German attack on the S

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ALMadani, Ahmed. "The new Hamas document: An analytical reading of its development and application." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 30, no. 4 (2017): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v30i42017.406-417.

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The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) has been the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people since the creation of the Palestinian. The PLO adopted the option of armed struggle against the Israeli occupation, but ended with the signing of the Oslo accords between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel in the 1990s. The Islamic Resistance Movement in Palestine (Hamas) was established in the 1980s. Hamas developed its political ideas through a new political document resulted in a new vision to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by transforming the conflict fr

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de Cock, Wessel. "‘Wij waren nette mensen, wij gooiden geen stenen’ : De discussie over de solidariteit met gewelddadig verzet tegen apartheid in de eerste Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging: het Comité Zuid-Afrika (1960-1971)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (2020): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.004.deco.

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Abstract ‘We were fine people; we did not throw stones.’ Debates in the early Dutch anti-apartheid movement about solidarity with violent resistance to apartheid in South-AfricaIn 1956 the first Dutch anti-apartheid movement, the Comité Zuid-Afrika (CZA), was found. Following the example of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, the CZA modelled itself as a politically representative moderate movement that was based on solidarity with the oppressed black population in South-Africa. As this article shows, the meaning of this solidarity became fiercely contested within the movement after the Afric

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Jeenah, Na’eem. "Non-Violence, Armed Struggle and Politics: A Conversation with Ronnie Kasrils." Protest 1, no. 1 (2021): 186–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-01010005.

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Abstract Based on interviews with Ronnie Kasrils, a former anc military commander and former intelligence minister in South Africa, this article examines that country’s struggle against apartheid. It looks at the interplay between violent and non-violent forms of resistance, explains the reasons for the anc and other South African liberation movements adopting the armed struggle after almost half a century of commitment to non-violence, and discusses the dilemmas within the movement in trying to ensure that the military component of the struggle always remained subservient to the political. Th

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Corrêa, Marilia. "Military Resistance to the Brazilian Coup: The Fight of Officers and Soldiers against Authoritarian Rule, 1964–67." Americas 77, no. 2 (2020): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.112.

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ABSTRACTThis article traces resistance among members of the armed forces who opposed the military dictatorship in Brazil during the first four years of the regime, 1964–67. I show that despite scholars’ efforts to depict the 1964 coup as a project supported by the armed forces as a strategic and ideological unit, there were battle lines within those forces along which hard-liners and moderate interventionists battled for government control. There were, in fact, hundreds of officers and soldiers who opposed the coup and organized against it. To contain resistance efforts inside the armed forces

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Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "Political Mobilization in the Localities: The 1942 Quit India Movement in Midnapur." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 4 (1992): 791–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010076.

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Following the adoption of 8 August resolution at Gowalia tank in Bombay, Indian masses rose to revolt, which became famous as the Quit India movement. It was a call for freedom. ‘Nothing less than freedom’, to quote Gandhi. Unlike the 1920–21 Non-cooperation and 1930–32 Civil Disobedience movements which were basically peaceful campaigns against the British rule in India, the Quit India movement was the ultimatum to the British for final withdrawal, a Gandhi-led un-Gandhian way of struggle since the Mahatma exhorted the people to take up arms in self-defence, and resort to armed resistance aga

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Dreimane, Inese. "Latvian Women – Participants in the National Armed Resistance, 1940s–1950s." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 54 (2024): 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.61903/gr.2023.208.

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This article provides an insight into the participation of Latvian women in the armed national resistance movement after the Second World War. It is found that at least 414 Latvian women participated in the national partisan war of 1944–1956. Unlike men, they did not participate in military operations, but performed housekeeping work and medical duties.Women joined national partisan groups to avoid arrest because they had previously been partisan supporters. There were cases where women went to the forest because their family members were already there. In several cases, new families were also

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Vrieze, Paul. "A Broadening Resistance Coalition Challenges Myanmar’s Junta." Current History 124, no. 861 (2025): 129–35. https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.2025.124.861.129.

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The Myanmar military’s 2021 coup prompted the emergence of the Spring Revolution protest movement, which spurred widespread inter-ethnic solidarity and gave rise to armed resistance groups called People’s Defense Forces (PDFs). Four years on, these dynamics have greatly changed Myanmar’s conflict landscape. As the movement created a broad coalition comprising PDFs and four established ethnic resistance organizations that seeks to establish a federal democracy, it also fostered more informal cooperation with other ethnic resistance forces. This open cooperation strategy has overwhelmed the army

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DROHOBYTSKYI, Ihor. "UKRAINIAN PEOPLE'S SELF-DEFENSE AS A STAGE OF THE REGIONAL MANIFESTATION OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE OUN (B) MILITARY DOCTRINE (Summer–Autumn 1943)." Contemporary era 10 (2022): 191–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-191-197.

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The paper outlines a way of changing thoughts on the implementation of a national army idea among the leadership of the nationalist wing of the national Resistance movement during World War II. The theoretical and ideological basis features of their military doctrine are described. In the context of the realization of the nationalist movement's defining goal at the time – getting an independent and united Ukrainian state, an analysis of opinions on the role of the armed forces is made. Among representatives of the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera's group) were

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KRYEZIU, Veli, and Bujar DUGOLLI. "The Armed Resistance Movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 according to the Albanian press." Historia i Świat 11 (September 8, 2022): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.14.

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Political Albania continuously made efforts to help the Kachak resistance in Kosovo, which in 1918 took over through the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, this resistance Albania supported by arming, of the Albanian rebellious groups. However, this Committee, except in Kosovo, its activity extended to Albania, in the consolidation and democratization of the Albanian state. To realize the National Union Hasan Prishtina established contacts with some Italian deputies from whom he received support and secured weapons to organize an armed uprising and thus overthrow the Serbian invader

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Prilutskiy, V. V. "ARMED POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN THE SOUTHERN UNITED STATES DURING THE PRESIDENTIAL AND CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1870)." Американистика на Дальнем Востоке, no. 3 (2024): 91–97. https://doi.org/10.48344/27824152_2024_3_91.

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The article examines armed political violence in the Southern (former slave) states during the early years of Reconstruction. The Civil war in the South after 1865 did not really end, but turned into a different form: into an armed conflict of low intensity. Dissatisfied with the policies of Reconstruction, white Southerners often offered armed resistance to government officials. The Reconstruction era is similar in some ways to other difficult periods in U.S. history, in particular, to the "critical decade" of the 1960s and the modern political crisis associated with the BLM movement and Trum

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DROHOBYTSKYI, Ihor. "AN EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT OF THE DEPLOYMENT OF AN ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST THE OCCUPATION REGIMES AMONG OUN(B) (1942–1944)." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-100-107.

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The article covers the features of the military doctrine formation of the national resistance movement's nationalist wing during World War II. The gradual process of forming a conscious conviction to create its own armed forces is outlined. The specificity of the conceptual military developments of the nationalist movement's leadership in the objective circumstances of the time is emphasized. This predetermines the use of a comparative approach in the process of research. Emphasized the importance of external and internal factors in the crystallization of the idea of the national army. Ideas a

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Kofi-Ofei, Khonsura Germaareki. "Book Review: The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement." Journal of Black Studies 37, no. 1 (2006): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934705278862.

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Horton, Lynn. "Constructing Conservative Identity: Peasant Mobilization Against Revolution In Nicaragua." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 2 (2004): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.2.a73454v518238082.

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This article explores the centrality of conservative "peasant" identity in the large-scale armed mobilization of rural Nicaraguans to oppose revolutionary change in the 1980s. Drawing on fieldwork in the municipio of Quilali, an epicenter of rural resistance, I argue that the construction of a grassroots "peasant" identity, its content and boundaries, was a contested process strongly influenced by dynamics of social class and shifting concentrations of social, military, and political power. This case study also highlights tensions between goals of recognition (in identity movements) and distri

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Kripienė, Enrika. "Relationships Between Men and Women in Lithuanian Partisan Movement." Genocidas ir rezistencija 1, no. 47 (2024): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.61903/gr.2020.105.

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About postwar armed resistance in Lithuania we used to talk concentrating our attention to the proccess, it‘s development and it‘s circumstences. Most of the work about partisans are from heroic romantic historiography. Their partisans are portraid as fearless warrior, clever politics, sometime tired, making mistakes herois. However attention to the daily life is paid very little. One of those aspects of daily life - relationship between men and women. It is important, interesting, also very difficult and comlicated theme.

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Smolskutė, Žaneta. "The Participation of Women in the Armed Resistance in 1944–1953." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 20 (2025): 53–62. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.2006.203.

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This article deals with the motives behind the participation of women activists in the resistance from 1944 to 1953, their status in the partisan war, and the main features and characteristics of their activities. After archive documents about 250 active women fighters had been systematised, a preliminary chart of the changes in the participation of women in the armed resistance between 1944 and 1953 was drawn up. An analysis of statistical research made it possible to assume that in different years of the partisan war, the active participation of women in the armed resistance was different, a

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Jansons, Ritvars. "Latvian SSR MGB Special Troops and Special Agents Against National Armed Units in 1946–1953." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 2 (2025): 81–88. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.1997.211.

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To suppress the Latvian national resistance movement, the Soviet state security organs had to take special measures. It has been established that the state security organs were able to crush the national resistance movement most effectively not by direct military operations, but by using clandestine methods of operative work. From 1 March 1947, the MGB was given the task of combating the nationalist underground, for which purpose Division 2–N was set up. The operational activity of the state security organs of the Latvian SSR was impossible without an agency, and the fight against the national

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Ciobanu, Monica. "Remembering the Romanian Anti-Communist Armed Resistance: An Analysis of Local Lived Experience." Eurostudia 10, no. 1 (2015): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1033884ar.

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The anti-communist armed resistance that occurred as a disparate and heterogeneous movement in Romania from 1944 until 1962 became a highly politicized topic after 1989. Some interpreted this history as an element of the national resistance against Soviet occupation and the ensuing forced communization. Others demonized the partisans (or at least minimized their role) and presented them as outlaws, fascists, and criminals. This essay analyzes the armed resistance and its place within the politics of memory from three interrelated perspectives: 1) as lived experience in the context of post-Worl

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Strain, Christopher. "Akinyele Omowale Umoja. We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement." American Historical Review 119, no. 1 (2014): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.1.207a.

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Yar, Lucia. "KURDISH FEMALE FIGHTERS IN SYRIA DURING AND AFTER THE FIGHT AGAINST ISIS." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 20, no. 2 (2020): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.20.2020.02.019-040.

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Kurdish female fighters in Syria did not receive attention until after the Battle of Koban. This study analyzes activities during and after the struggle against ISIS, focusing on the ideological motivators that influenced their involvement in the armed insurgent movement. Through a discursive analysis of non-traditional, local sources, it concludes that the specificity of the ideological transformation of the movement, where women's emancipation came to the center of the local discourse, persisted even after the primary goal of the resistance has changed.

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Kaasik, Peeter. "Soviet Partisan Movement in Estonia 1941–1944." Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 119, no. 2 (2023): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lviz.119.02.

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Article is giving an overview of the activities of the Soviet partisans in Estonia in 1941–1944. The partisans, trained in the Soviet rear and sent to Estonia over the frontline or parachuted, were mostly recruited from among ethnic Estonians, evacuated to the Soviet rear or mobilised to the Red Army in 1941. Soviet partisans in Estonia were commanded by the Estonian Partisan Movement Headquarters that was subordinated to the Central Headquarters of the Partisan Movement of the Red Army. Most of the partisans sent to Estonia were captured soon or gave themselves up. The damage caused by the pa

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Ganie, Mohd Tahir. "Siege, Resistance, and Politics in 'New Kashmir'." Making of Contemporary Maldives: Isolation, Dictatorship and Democracy 1, no. 1 (2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52823/daro7820.

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In August 2019, the populist Modi government, after getting re-elected in a massive landslide, rescinded the semi-autonomous status (constitutionally guaranteed under Article 370) of the disputed Muslim-majority region of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) by putting its 12 million residents under an unprecedented lockdown. This article will examine the ramifications of this decision, which earned praise in mainland India but generated anger and fear among the people of J&K, especially in the Kashmir Valley, the epicenter of the Kashmiri self-determination movement? It situates the prior measures

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Kurmanalin, Samat. "THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN KAZAKHSTAN AS A UNIFIED HISTORICAL PROCESS." Батыс Қазақстан инновациялық-технологиялық университетінің Хабаршысы 34, no. 2 (2025): 13–20. https://doi.org/10.62724/202520101.

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One of the most pressing issues in the history of the Kazakh nation is the national liberation movements. It is a historical fact that the Kazakh steppe was colonized by the Russian Empire during the 18th and 19th centuries. Colonization was carried out through various methods and strategies. Alongside the Tsarist government's colonial policy, the Kazakh people continuously resisted. A distinctive feature of the national liberation movement in Kazakhstan is that the struggle for independence in the Great Steppe was unrelenting—from the very beginning of Russian colonial encroachment to the fal

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Pirjevec, Jože. "Italian occupation and the emergence of the Slovenian resistance movement in 1941." Slovenica 5 (2023): 55–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8562.2023.03.

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The article highlights the political situation in the Slovenian lands occupied by Italy during the Second World War, in the summer of 1941 – the first half of 1942. The focus of the study is the Slovenian resistance movement organized by the communists, whose center was first in Ljubljana, and then in the forests of Kočevje and other remote places. The author analyzes the features of its development in the province of Ljubljana: the creation of the Liberation Front, which managed to attract representatives of various ideological and political trends, the beginning of an armed uprising and part

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Dapkutė, Daiva. "The Role of the Resistance Union of Lithuania in the Issue of Freedom for Lithuania." Genocidas ir rezistencija 1, no. 7 (2025): 14–44. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.2000.102.

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Disagreements between Lithuanian liberals and Catholics abroad resulted in the appearance of The Resistance Union of Lithuania, a liberal, political and cultural organisation. The RUL was founded in England in 1950, and rallied round two notable liberals – Stasys Žymantas and the chief of Lithuanian diplomacy, Stasys Lozoraitis. The main objective of the organisation was to, in every possible way, maintain and support the resistance movement and liberation of Lithuania. The RUL recognised the Lithuanian Diplomatic Corps, led by Lozoraitis, a legitimate state organ as authorised to represent Li

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Koval, Andriy. "ПРАВОВІ АСПЕКТИ ЗАКОНОДАВЧОГО ВРЕГУЛЮВАННЯ МОБІЛІЗАЦІЙНИХ ЗАХОДІВ ПРАВОВОГО РЕЖИМУ ВОЄННОГО СТАНУ ЯК ОСНОВИ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОГО СПРОТИВУ, ОБОРОНИ ТА ЗАХИСТУ ТЕРИТОРІАЛЬНОЇ ЦІЛІСНОСТІ УКРАЇНИ". Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law, № 78 (20 червня 2024): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2024.78.067.

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In this article, the author analyzes the Ukrainian legislation based on the requirements of Articles 17 and 65 of the Constitution of Ukraine and reveals the peculiarities of Ukrainian legislation which allows (sometimes even obliges) Ukrainian citizens to defend the Motherland even without having acquired the status of a military servant. The peculiarities of the participation of different persons in different legal statuses allow Ukraine to achieve positive results in military operations against the aggressor state. The author investigates the mobilization movements and ways of forming a new

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Williams, Michael Vinson. "We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement by Akinyele Omowale Umoja." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 112, no. 4 (2014): 709–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/khs.2014.0155.

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