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1

Tatoyan, Robert. "The Issues of the Number of Western Armenians and Ethnic Composition of the Population of Western Armenia at Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920)." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 6, no. 1 (November 13, 2021): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0015.

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References to the issues of the number of Western Armenians and the ratio of Armenians to other ethnic groups in Western Armenia on the eve of the Armenian Genocide occupy a special place in the context of processes related to drafting a peace agreement with the Ottoman Empire and Armenia’s delineation after WWI. These issues were tackled by diverse Armenian official and non-official organizations struggling for the formation of an integral Armenian state, as well as Turkish authorities manipulating, inter alia, also demographic arguments against the Armenian claim for Western Armenia and the Entente Powers (particularly the United States of America and Great Britain) needing statistical data for deciding the fate of the Ottoman Empire. In the post-war processes the long-distance controversy of the Armenian and Turkish sides over the issues in question can be figuratively characterized as one of the stages – “battles” of the “statistical war” that emerged after 1878, i.e. following the entry of the Armenian Question into the international diplomatic agenda. This article aims to present and analyse the statistics on the number of Western Armenians and the ratio of Armenians in Western Armenia to other ethnic groups on the eve of the Armenian Genocide presented by Armenian and Turkish delegations at Paris Peace Conference, as well as data circulated by the US and British diplomacy. It will try to explain the connection between the delineation of Armenia and the number of Western Armenians, the demographic composition of Western Armenia on the eve of the Armenian Genocide. The calculations of the number of Western Armenians have had a certain effect on deliberations around demarcation of the border between the Republic of Armenia and the Ottoman Empire in the context of post-war world regulation.
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2

Sarkisian, Vahan. "Elementos vascos en la obra de Hrachia Adjarian." Fontes Linguae Vasconum, no. 82 (December 31, 1999): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/flv82.1.

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En la herencia lingüística del gran filólogo armenio Hrachia Adjarian (1876-1953) el material vasco ocupa un lugar importante. Este lingüista fue el primero en los círculos armenios en dar la descripción general del vasco, basándose en los datos de su época. En su Diccionario completo de la lengua armenia: en comparación con 562 lenguas Adjarian ha incluido muchos elementos vascos, indicando las coincidencias con las formas correspondientes armenias en algunos casos. En su Diccionario de raíces armenias tenemos 46 aproximaciones lexicales vasco-armenias, sacadas de las obras de otros investigadores. Es muy importante la aproximación de vasc. buru ‘cabeza’ - arm. poyr (pur) ‘cabeza’, señalada por Adjarian mismo. Siendo un gran defensor de la teoría del origen indoeuropeo del armenio, Adjarian ha excluido la evidencia de cualquier comparación vasco-armenia. A pesar de esto, las ideas vascológicas de Hrachia Adjarian tienen gran importancia para los estudios vasco-armenios.
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3

Stroganov, Mikhail V. "ARMENIA AND ARMENIANS IN GRIBOEDOV’S MIND." Culture and Text, no. 46 (2021): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2305-4077-2021-3-42-59.

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A systematic analysis of all the contexts from A. S. Griboyedov’s works in which the words Armenia, Armenians and Armenian are used allows us to consider them as a single narrative describing the history of Griboedov’s attitude to Armenia and the Armenians. At the beginning of his diplomatic career (the turn of the 1810-1820s) Griboyedov treated modern Armenians quite indifferently, without any personal interest. For Griboyedov, Armenia did not exist as a state entity but rather as a historical and cultural phenomenon, and his statements about the Armenian statehood are explained either by the ignorance of historical facts or by his poetic passion. However, Griboyedov knew the history of the forced resettlement of the Armenian people from the places of traditional habitation (Great Surgun). In the late 1820s, in connection with the mass immigration of Armenians to his historical homeland, Griboedov appeared to have reconsidered his attitude to the fate of modern Armenia, although his assistance to the Armenian people can be interpreted either as a state official fulfilling his duties, or as an interested assistance to the suffering people.
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4

HARUTYUNIAN, SHAHEN. "IDEOLOGICAL TENDENCIES OF DISSENT IN SOVIET ARMENIA IN THE 1960S AND 1980S." Scientific bulletin 1, no. 46 (April 26, 2024): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/scientific.v1i46.135.

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There were three primary ideological paths followed by the dissident movements in Soviet Armenia that originated in the USSR in the 1960s of the 20th century. In Soviet Armenia, dissent was primarily organized around national issues such as the mention of the Armenian Genocide, the demands for the reunification of Karabakh and Nakhichevan to the motherland, preservation of the Armenian language, restoration of Armenia's independence, and defense of human rights. Objectives and plans of covert groups established in Soviet Armenia bore the ideological imprint of these movements. The fight to restore Armenia's independence was of utmost significance in Soviet Armenia. The purpose of this article is to present the ideological directions of Armenian dissent and their manifestations. In order to realize the goal, the task was set to research and discuss the dissident organizations founded in Soviet Armenia and the individual approaches that integrated all the ideological directions of the Armenian dissident in their programs and activities. Historical and comparative methods were used. Content analysis of state and personal archival materials, interviews, and memoirs was carried out. It has been established that the dissident manifestations in Soviet Armenia had three key ideological directions, which had different priorities in different periods.
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5

SHIRINYAN, LEVON. "ARMENIA AS A SACRED LAND RUBEN’S VISION (1906)." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 6, no. 3 (December 18, 2014): 130–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v6i3.213.

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The fact that Armenia is the cradle of all Armenians is clear to the world from ancient times. Armenia is also the homeland of Armenians where the country’s cultural and geographical data are identified. From that very identification a new vision of the sacred homeland is originated. The vision is fixed in the imagination of Ruben, 20th century outstanding Armenian military and political figure. Hence, the article covers Ruben’s vision of the sacred land Armenia.
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6

Kéfélian, Anahide. "Armenia and Armenians in Roman Numismatics." Electrum 28 (2021): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.009.13367.

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Ancient Armenian sources are very scarce and do not permit a thorough understanding of Ancient Armenia. For this reason, all available sources relevant to Armenia need to be consid­ered and studied. This is notably the case for Roman Coinage, where issues related to Armenia were struck over the course of 200 years. This paper examines how Roman coinage is able to in­fluence our understanding of Roman, Armenian and Parthian relationships. The study begins with the analysis of the monetary iconography of Armenia and Armenians on Roman coinage through their attributes and postures. Following the first part, the study questions the Roman coinage as a source of ideological representations of the events. Indeed, the issues do not reflect the intricate relationships of the Romans, Armenians and Parthians, but rather highlight Roman victories and the image of the Emperor. Despite this Roman prism, the last part of the article shows that it is possible to use the coinage as a source for Roman, Armenian and Parthian reationship studies.
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7

Ferri, Enrico. "The Armenian Diaspora in Italy." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (August 7, 2015): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340082.

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Taking inspiration from some analytical paths in a recent book by Agop Manoukian—Presenza Armena in Italia. 1915-2000, Milano, Guerini e Associati, 2014)—the author traces some significant moments of the Armenian diaspora in Italy during the 20th century including its complex relations with socio-political Italy, in context with Middle Eastern and international relations, which during the World Wars also involves the United States. In particular, the author considers the relations of the Italian Armenian diaspora with the kingdom of Italy in the first instance and then with the fascist regime, during the period when racial laws involved the small Armenian community. Then the author focuses on the new realities of Republican Italy and the Socialist Republic of Armenia and the debate that developed during the second half of last century, between those who believed it possible to preserve the Armenian identity and those in the diaspora who supported a political initiative in favour of the re-conquest of Armenia’s historic lands. Particular attention is reserved for the genocide of 1915 and the new entity of the Republic of Armenia.
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8

Gafarov, Vasif. "Territorial Claims of Armenia Against Azerbaijan and Karabagh Issue in Regional Political Processes (June-October, 1918)." Metafizika Journal 7, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 10–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33864/2617-751x.2024.v7.i1.10-40.

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This article deals with the territorial claims of Armenia against Azerbaijan and the diplomatic struggle among related parties after the establishment of independent states in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijani and Armenian delegations at the Istanbul conference on Armenia's territorial claims, and at the same time, details of the negotiations between the diplomatic representatives of the two countries in Tbilisi have been illustrated according to the documents of the archives of Azerbaijan and Turkey and materials from the Istanbul press in 1918. The scale of the territorial claims of Armenia and the arguments referenced by Armenians have been identified. Also, contrary arguments made by the Azerbaijani side against these allegations have been interpreted. Archival documents, notes, and statements of the parties presented on the problem were brought into scientific circulation for the first time. It was concluded that the total territory of Armenia, whose independence was declared on May 30, 1918, was only 9000 km2. This territory was also given to Armenia under a number of conditions. After the declaration of independence, Armenia made territorial claims against all states with which it has a territorial border. The total volume of Armenia's territorial claims is 43500 km2, of which 17600 km2 is directed against Turkey, 16500 km2 against Azerbaijan, and 9400 km2 against Georgia. Armenia referred to racial-national principles, Azerbaijan to ethnic-religious and geographical principles, and Georgia to historical principles to resolve disputed territorial-border issues between South Caucasus republics. The position and behavior of Armenia did not allow to resolve the disputed territorial and border issues between the South Caucasus republics.
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9

Vahan, Vahan. "Edward Spencer Dodgson y la problemática vasco-armenia." Fontes Linguae Vasconum, no. 86 (April 30, 2001): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/flv86.2.

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En este trabajo el autor analiza el artículo del vascólogo inglés Edward Spencer Dodgson “Les mots basques en Armenien”, publicado en la revista Euskera en 1894. Tras un estudio minucioso de cada comparación vasco-armenia, el autor llega a la conclusión de que de las 49 ecuaciones armenio-vascas de Dodgson 15 son inadmisibles, 34 son aceptables y 18 son exclusivamente vasco-armenias. Se destaca la importancia de muchas voces coincidentes en ambas lenguas, como por ejemplo: arm. anti “de allí” - vasc. anti “id”, arm. herru “lejos” - vasc. urru “id”, arm. tsaval “ancho” - vasc. zabal “id”, arm. txar “mal” - vasc. txar “id”, etcétera.
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10

Nalbantian, Tsolin. "“A ‘Little Armenia’ In The Caribbean”: The Armenian Heritage Cruise As A Simulacrum." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 198–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.23.1.198.

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First held in 1998 with only a couple of hundred Armenians in attendance, in its last incarnation in 2020, the Armenian Heritage Cruise (AHC)— the “Original Armenian Cruise” —hosted over 1,000 participants coming from over ten countries including the United States, Canada, Argentina, Venezuela, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, France, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Australia, and Armenia. Based on on-site participant observation and twenty open-ended interviews with cruise attendees between 2007–2015 and the chair of AHC committee in 2018, in addition to the analysis of the AHC promotional and published material (2007–2020), this article argues that the annual AHC is a simulacrum of the organizers’ and participants’ fantasies of Armenia ( Baudrillard 1994 , 6). The simulacrum, an exclusive and serviced tropical fantasy in the middle of the Caribbean, catered to passengers with buying power who consumed the messages of an idealized, “better” Armenia. It likewise “freed” Armenians from a marginalization they claimed to experience in the communities where they usually live, even as these places were also a source of pride, had established Armenian institutions, or were even in the “real” Armenia.
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11

Hovhannisyan, Gegham. "The Armenian Nationalist-Liberal (Reorganiazed Hunchakian) Party In 1917-1921." Fundamental Armenology 1 (July 14, 2022): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54503/1829-4618-2022.1(15)-6.

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The international and political situation that came into existence after World War I dictated to the Armenian political forces to reconsider their programs and practices. The Reorganized Hunchakian Party, which was dedicated to the liberation of Western Armenians and advocated liberal ideas, adopted the name “Nationalist-Liberal”. The Liberals believed that the Armenian state that would unite the Republic of Armenia, Western Armenia and Cilicia, should have a presidential system of government and temporarily accept the patronage of a great power. The party played a significant role in Armenian social and political life in 1917-1921. After the establishment of the Soviet regime in Armenia, the ideological differences between the Liberals and the Soviet government did not disappear, however, the party’s priority became to help Armenia, which continued after the unification of the Liberals and the Ramgavars.
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12

Davtyan, Vahe. "The Armenian nuclear power plant: problems of electricity export." MATEC Web of Conferences 212 (2018): 02010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201821202010.

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The prerequisites for the development of Armenia’s nuclear power industry are indicated. The main geopolitical problems of operation of the Armenian NPP are revealed through studying the electric power market of the South Caucasus with the definition of the export opportunities of Armenia. The main problems of nuclear fuel supplies to the Armenian NPP are studied. Recommendations are given on the long-term development of nuclear energy in Armenia.
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13

Davtyan, Vahe. "Armenia’s transport security within the framework of ITC TRACECA and “North-South”." MATEC Web of Conferences 212 (2018): 05004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201821205004.

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The issues of transport policy of Armenia in the context of integration into the international corridors (ITC) TRACECA and the "North-South" are considered. The key geopolitical factors impeding the integration process are identified. The basic threats to Armenia’s transport safety as an important component of national security are determined. The potential role of Armenia in the implementation of the TRACECA transport corridor at the opening of the Armenian-Turkish border is identified. The possibility of Armenia’s integration into the international transport corridor "North-South" through the implementation of the project of construction of Iran-Armenia is revealed.
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14

Kosyan, Aram. "Writing The Armenian History." Fundamental Armenology 1 (July 14, 2022): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54503/1829-4618-2022.1(15)-15.

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In academic studies and textbooks, the history of Armenia is entitled the "History of Armenians" or the "History of Armenian people". Like other modern nations such attitude could better fit those ethnic groups who never had statehood during their history. In the case of Armenia everything is turned upside down.
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15

Balashov, Y. A., and S. E. Davtyan. "Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora under the conditions of Armenian-Turkish rapprochement." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 130 (2010): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1030089b.

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The Armenian Diaspora (Spyurq) is one of the oldest and skilled diasporas in the world. Armenian communities are present in practically all the corners of the globe and are distinguished both by uncommon abilities of adaptation and the preservation of their cultural specificity. Due to these features, Armenian diasporic communities possess solid development potential, ensuring their high status through an active penetration of Armenians into the elite of the accepting society and a stable character of their communal institutes. Recent Armenian-Turkish rapprochement to some extent brings into question the traditional unity of the Armenian Diaspora and its close relationship with the Republic of Armenia. Representatives of the Spyurq with a negative attitude towards rapprochement between Armenia and Turkey on existing terms can be conditionally divided into three categories: Romanticists (represented mainly by the Union of Armenians of Russia) believe in a certain 'mission' of the Armenian nation and the 'superiority' of Armenians over the Turkic nations. The Armenian people are, thus, viewed as an integral whole which is not divided into citizens of Armenia and representatives of the Diaspora. Therefore, the government in Yerevan has only a symbolic meaning and has no right to make any crucial decision on all-Armenian issues, in particular in the domain of relations between the Armenian and the Turkish people. Nationalists (mainly supporters of the Dashnaktsutyun party, from the USA and Lebanon, as well as natives of Nagorno-Karabakh and descendants of natives of Western Armenia, which is now Turkish territory) consider the rapprochement of the RA with Turkey as an actual rejection of the struggle for Turkish recognition of the Armenian Genocide, as well as a 'betrayal' of Nagorno-Karabakh's independence. Pragmatists understand international law, political science and history but, in their opinion, the signed Zurich protocols contain weakly reasoned formulations which are not in accordance with the interests of the RA and are, therefore, inefficient. These formulations 1. do not contain any guarantees of the protocols' observance on the part of Turkey, 2. recognize the existing configuration of the Armenian-Turkish borders, i.e. symbolize the refusal to return Western Armenia to the Armenian state, and 3. recognize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the existing states, which translates into a withholding of support for Nagorno-Karabakh, which was a part of AzSSR during the period of the USSR. Besides, Armenian-Turkish rapprochement is interpreted by members of this category as a result of external pressure on Armenia on the part of Russia and the USA. In signing the Zurich protocols, the leadership of the RA was guided, first of all, by the state interests of the RA. The Diaspora factor was in this case secondary, although it was taken into consideration. The split in the Armenian Diaspora, in the authors' opinion, will be short-lived, because, in the end, pragmatism will prevail. .
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Aleksanyan, Yeva. "Identity, Diaspora and Development." Diaspora Studies 15, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 52–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/09763457-20221001.

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Abstract The Armenian diaspora started about two millennia ago. Today’s Armenian diaspora, largely formed during and after World War I, plays a prominent role in the country’s international relations, attracting foreign direct investments, sending remittances and boosting domestic demand. It has been argued that Armenians living abroad invest in Armenia, cooperate with Armenia-based businesses or send remittances because of their ethnic identity and their altruism towards family and friends. This paper discusses how Armenia can harness its diaspora’s potential through the cultivation of identity, development of certain institutions, financial tools and digital platforms. It looks at the avenues of diaspora–homeland cooperation and the critical role that the diaspora can play in the homeland’s development.
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17

Zakharova, Natal’ya V. "SMALL AND MEDIUM ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN ARMENIA. BASIC FEATURES AND THE ROLE OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA." Science and art of management / Bulletin of the Institute of Economics, Management and Law of the Russian State University for the Humanities, no. 1 (2023): 110–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2782-2222-2023-1-110-125.

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The article provides an analysis of the role of small and mediumsized enterprises in Armenia. It reveals the specifics of such entrepreneurship in Armenia and its scale. The analysis of the development of small and mediumsized enterprises in Armenia is given against the background of a detailed description of the state of the country’s economy. Thereupon features of the Armenian economy, its strengths and weaknesses are discovered. The spheres of the economy where small and medium-sized enterprises are particularly effective are noted, as well as its geography in certain regions of Armenia. The impact of such entrepreneurship on the competitiveness of Armenia is also disclosed. The article studies in detail the role of individual methods of financial support for small and medium-sized enterprises, reveals more successful and less successful methods for Armenia. Particular attention is paid to Armenia’s economic development in 2022 in general, and Armenia’s relations with the Russian Federation in particular. The author showed that soon after a slight decline in mutual trade and economic ties in the spring of 2022, the intensification of the Armenia-Russia dialogue began quickly. In turn, that had a very positive impact on economic growth in Armenia in 2022. According to the author’s forecasts, Armenia and Russia have a very good potential for cooperation, which will be mutually beneficial for both countries.
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18

Osiecki, Jakub. "Towarzystwo Polsko-Ormiańskie we Lwowie (1920-1922)." Lehahayer 7 (March 15, 2021): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lh.07.2020.07.05.

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Polish-Armenian Society in Lwów (1920-1922) Using Armenian and Polish sources, the author analyses the activities ofthe Polish-Armenian Society (Towarzystwo Polsko-Ormiańskie) founded in Lwów(Poland) on June 15, 1920. This organization focused on building relations betweenPoland and Armenia. Its leaders, Jan Grzegorzewski, Garabed Keuprulian and AugustTeodorowicz established cooperation with the Armenian National Delegationin Paris, chaired by Boghos Nubar Pasha, and with its branch in Berlin. They alsoundertook the difficult mission of lobbying for the Armenian case in Warsaw. In thefirst phase of its activity, the Society planned to relocate Polish Armenians (officialsand intelligentsia) to the territories of Western Armenia; due to the deteriorating internationalsituation, the idea was abandoned. Subsequently, efforts were focused onhelping Armenian refugees from Turkey in the Caucasus; on this matter, the Societymade an appeal to the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Konstanty Skirmunt.The suspension of the Society’s activity was related to the deterioration of Armenia’ssituation on the international arena. With the abandonment of the Armenianquestion by France and Great Britain, the exchange of letters with activists in Parisalso stopped. The author compares the Society with its counterpart in London – theBritish Armenian Committee, emphasizing the organization of Polish Armenianswas truly exceptional because it was the first one of its kind, and also because itfocused not on the problems of the local diaspora, but on the issue of Armenia’s independence.
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Shafranskaya, Eleonora F. "Drevin and Slutsky: The Context of One Poem." Polylinguality and Transcultural Practices 21, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2618-897x-2024-21-1-144-153.

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The study presents one of the analytical fragments of the Armenian text of Russian poetry. The corpus of “Armenian” texts includes the poem “The Builder of Paradise, the painter Drevin” by Boris Slutsky, which is outwardly unrelated to Armenia. The purpose of the article is to analyze the semantics of the poem’s context, in particular, its indirect connection with Armenia. The author solves a number of problems: characterizing the artistic work of Alexander Drevin and the role of Armenia in it, including writing an essay about the tragic biography of the artist; designation of Armenia’s place on the scale of values in the poetry of Boris Slutsky; characteristics of the Soviet image of paradise and its embodiment in art and literature. Using historical, cultural and biographical methods, the study reveals the Armenian subtext in the “non-Armenian” poem “The Builder of Paradise, the painter Drevin” based on the poems of Boris Slutsky and the archival file on charges of counter-revolutionary activities against Alexander Drevin (GA RF).
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Davtyan, V., and S. Khachikyan. "Armenian NPP in Focus of Geopolitical Interests in South Caucasus." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 8 (2023): 121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-8-121-128.

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The present research paper studies the impact of geopolitical processes on the development of Armenian “peaceful atom”. Nuclear energy has a key role in diversifying the energy system and ensuring the energy security of Armenia. The presence of nuclear capacities in the territory of Armenia is a strategic priority, taking into account the complex interstate relations in the South Caucasus and the danger of Armenia’s involvement in regional conflicts. However, at present stage of development of nuclear energy, Armenia faces certain challenges. On the way to answering these challenges Armenia deals with complex geopolitical processes and regional trends in the development of nuclear energy. The results of the study show the impact of geopolitical processes and regional transformations on the development of Armenian “peaceful atom”. At present, all states of the region, except for Georgia, are implementing or planning national programs for the development of “peaceful atom”. Plans and actions aimed at the development of nuclear energy in the South Caucasus necessitate the importance of further development of Armenian “peaceful atom” in order to maintain the country’s competitiveness at regional level. At the same time, nuclear energy in Armenia becomes a place for the clash of interests of certain geopolitical actors and an area for their competition. While the Russian participation is of decisive importance for the functioning and the development of nuclear energy in Armenia, the USA and the EU try to weaken the Russian participation in this area by providing their vision for the the development of the industry and implementing their own projects in the Armenian energy sector. Тhe integration processes in the EAEU and the EU, in turn, create certain obstacles, opportunities and prospects for nuclear energy in Armenia and lead to the cooperation with international structures, regional and geopolitical actors.
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21

Atanesyan, Arthur V. "“Relocated Russians” In Perceptions of Armenian Youth." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 6 (2023): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250026383-4.

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Since February 2022, many citizens of Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus have fled their countries to escape the risks of being involved in intensive military clashes in Ukraine. As a result, tens of thousands of Russians, as well as Ukrainians and Belorussians moved to Armenia, considering it a temporary endpoint and a transit country, preferring Armenia because of its visa-free and easy immigration regulations, flexible banking system, Russian language practiced after native Armenian, as well as possibility to further move to the European neighborhood, Georgia, Turkey, and other destinations. In this study, we tried to reveal the public image of those relocated to Armenia, their integration modes, and possible changes in economic and social life in Armenia caused by Russian-speaking newcomers, as perceived by Armenian youth. We applied focus-group discussions with representatives of the Armenian youth in addition to the involved observations. In October-November 2022, we conducted 24 focus-group discussions with young locals in the capital of Armenia, Yerevan, and the other ten regions proportionally. Speaking about those who moved to Armenia from Russia, Ukraine, and Belorussia, most young Armenians preferred to call them Russians partly because of a stereotypical image of them as «representatives of one nation» (this stereotype has been actively disseminated in the Western societies while depicting all Soviets too), and partly using their own experience of communicating with newcomers, among which Russian citizens make up the statistical majority. The self-name of the relocated as Relocants did not take root among Armenian youth, while identifying newcomers as IT specialists, is quite popular because of young age and their working for international (including IT) companies. The study reveals the main social, economic, cultural, and communicative changes which occurred with the relocated Russians as seen by Armenian youth.
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22

Bakhchinyan, Artsvi. "Armenia And Finland: Early Contacts." Journal of Armenian studies, no. 1 (2022): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.54503/1829-4073-2022.1.66-81.

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Finland unlike many other Western nations does not have longtime relations with the Armenian people. Nevertheless, it is more than 300 years that the Finns and Armenians know each other to a certain extent; moreover, some Finnish scholars have been interested in various fields of the Armenian reality . Over centuries the Armenians had only sporadic historical and cultural contacts with the Nordic states of Norway, Denmark, Sweden and Finland. Interestingly, in the 19th century, both Finland and Eastern Armenia, geographically so far from each other, were parts of the Russian Empire, thus, the two peoples were in the same administrative system for over a hundred years.
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23

Bais, Marco. "Armenia and Armenians In Het‘um’s Flos Historiarum Terre Orientis." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 2-3 (July 2, 2015): 214–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342192.

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In 1307 Het‘um of Koṙikos, a close relative of the Armenian king of Cilicia, composed and presented to Pope Clement V an account on the geography and history of Asian lands, the Flos historiarum terre Orientis. This work was intended as a project for a new crusade, aimed at recovering the Holy Land with the help of Cilician Armenians and the military support of the Mongols. In Het‘um’s view, Armenians are central to this plan, since they are on good terms with the Mongols and they know how to negotiate with them. Het‘um’s representation of Armenia and Armenians aims at showing this pivotal role to his European audience. The Armenia mentioned in the first two books of the Flos historiarum is Greater Armenia, and it is portrayed as the place where the Mongols’ homeland (Asya Profunda) meets the Christian Near East (Asya Major), while Cilician Armenians are not only the mediators between Mongols and the Christian West, but also between Western and Eastern Christianity.
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Ovanesyan, S. G. "Magda Janpoladyan. ‘In the whole world, there’s only one Armenia…’." Voprosy literatury, no. 4 (August 10, 2023): 198–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2023-4-198-203.

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The review is concerned with the book ‘In the Whole World, There’s Only One Armenia…’ [‘Na svete lish odna Armeniya…’] — a collection of scholarly and critical articles by the renowned scholar of Russian-Armenian literary connections Magda Janpoladyan. In focus of the book are works by those Russian poets who visited Armenia and, having fallen in love with the country, decided to spend the rest of their lives in close contact with this region and its culture and literature. With the help of the poets’ epistolary legacy, reminiscences, and literary output, as well as other sources, the author creates a unique overview of Russian-Armenian cultural ties. The book names V. Bryusov, O. Mandelstam, S. Gorodetsky, S. Marshak, V. Zvyagintsev, M. Petrovykh, E. Nikolayevskaya, M. Matusovsky, M. Dudin, A. Gitovich, S. Lipkin, A. Tarkovsky, B. Chichibabin and others as poets whose life and work reveal a profound impact from an unforgettable encounter with Armenia.
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25

van Lint, Theo Maarten. "The Formation of Armenian Identity in the First Millenium." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x407925.

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AbstractIn tracing three possible answers to the question what the 'first millennium' might be for the Armenians, various layers of the Armenian tradition constitutive of the formation of Armenian identity are presented. Three periods are distinguished: the Nairian-Urartian stretching from about 1200 bce to the conquest of the Armenian plateau by the Achaemenids; followed by the Zoroastrian phase, in which political, religious, social, and cultural institutions in Armenia were closely related to Iranian ones, lasting until the adoption of Christianity as state religion in Armenia at the beginning of the fourth century. This heralds the third and last phase considered in this contribution, concluding with the cornerstone of Armenian identity formation in the direction given to Armenia and its Church by Yovhannēs Ōjnec'i (John of Odzun, d. 728), who opted for a moderate form of Miaphysitism after the rejection of the Council of Chalcedon. The developments in each of the three periods are measured against the criteria Smith considered central for the presence of an ethnie, while attention is given to the Iranian aspects of Armenian society, the presence of a Hellenistic strand in its culture, and its western turn upon the adoption of Christianity.
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Hakobyan, Zaruhi A., and Ioane A. Kazaryan. "Catholicos Nerses III the Builder: a Historical Portrait." GRAPHOSPHAERA Writing and Written Practices 3, no. 2 (2023): 95–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2782-5272-2023-3-2-95-133.

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The personality of Catholicos Nerses III the Builder (641–661) is characterized by Armenian chronicles variously. As an active conductor of the Byzantine policy and Orthodoxy in Arme-nia, Nerses tried in all possible ways to strengthen the political and ecclesiastical ties of Ar-menians and Romans, and this resulted in the treaty of 652. Both, Armenians-Monophisites and Armenians-Chalcedonians fought for the welfare and development of the Armenian state. The difference was only in the details of the political vision of the latter during the 7th century. The Armenian-Byzantine alliance became evident already in the 9th century, when Armenia established new relations with Byzantium, as well as in the 10th–11th and 13th centuries, when the Orthodox community and culture reached their heyday in Armenia. Nerses III was the initiator and patron of a number of wonderful church buildings, which largely determined the architectural and artistic image of the epoch. Catholicos Nerses re-built the cathedral in Dvin, erected the churches in Khor Virap, the Holy Zion in Garni, the Holy Sign near the mountain Varaga, as well as the churches in Bagavan and Vagharshakert (Valarshakert). The most outstanding building of Catholicos Nerses is Zvartnots, or the church of the Vigilant Power, which had its replicas in the architecture of Armenia and South Caucasus. Nerses paid much attention to the Christianization of Armenia. All his buildings were some-how connected with this historical event. Moreover, he implemented the program of hieroto-pia – the transferring of the topography of the Holy Land to Armenia: Zvartnots repeated the form of the Holy Sepulcher, the cathedral in Dvin reproduced the composition of the Ba-silica of the Nativity in Bethlehem, the small church in Khor Virap interpreted one of the Palestine Shrines. Nerses III repeated his grandiose idea in his birthplace, in Tayk, erected the churches in Ishkhan, Banak and Oltu (Ukhteats). The historical portrait of Catholicos Nerses III perfectly reflected his era, very bright and unprecedented in the context of the history of medieval Armenia.
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Papazian, Sabrina. "The Cost of Memorializing: Analyzing Armenian Genocide Memorials and Commemorations in the Republic of Armenia and in the Diaspora." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 7, no. 1 (November 2, 2019): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.534.

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In April of 1965 thousands of Armenians gathered in Yerevan and Los Angeles, demanding global recognition of and remembrance for the Armenian Genocide after fifty years of silence. Since then, over 200 memorials have been built around the world commemorating the victims of the Genocide and have been the centre of hundreds of marches, vigils and commemorative events. This article analyzes the visual forms and semiotic natures of three Armenian Genocide memorials in Armenia, France and the United States and the commemoration practices that surround them to compare and contrast how the Genocide is being memorialized in different Armenian communities. In doing so, this article questions the long-term effects commemorations have on an overall transnational Armenian community. Ultimately, it appears that calls for Armenian Genocide recognition unwittingly categorize the global Armenian community as eternal victims, impeding the development of both the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian diaspora.
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28

Geukjian, Ohannes. "The Politicization of the Environmental Issue in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh's Nationalist Movement in the South Caucasus 1985–1991." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254334.

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This research examines and analyzes how the politicization of the environmental issue in Armenia led to the emergence of the Nagorno-Karabakh (N-K) nationalist movement in Azerbaijan as the USSR went into terminal decline in 1991. It is important to stress that the Karabakh movement that emerged in Armenia in February 1988 with a clear agenda on serious ecological problems escalated quickly in the subsequent weeks and months to demand the preservation of the cultural identity of Karabakh Armenians in Azerbaijan. Air pollution of Yerevan, Ashdarag, Yegheknatsor, and later Sdepanavan and Ghapan was a significant threat to the existence of the Armenian people. For the Armenians, air pollution was ecological genocide, and cultural discrimination against Karabakh Armenians was cultural genocide. The Armenians associated ecological and cultural genocides with the 1915 genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire against the Armenian nation. This study shows that initially the Karabakh movement did not have political goals. However, as it intensified with an enormous consciousness it transformed to a nationalist movement with a political and ecological agenda. This study also analyzes ethnic mobilization by activists in Armenia and the emergence of the N-K nationalist movement from 1985 to 1991 in light of Soviet nationalities policy and the window of opportunity caused by the political transformation at the center (Moscow). The activists of the environmental and nationalist movements were the same.
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Chavdarian, Charles G., Smbat Davtyan, and Samvel Shahinyan. "Exploring the Caves of Armenia by the First Official U.S. Caving Expedition (2007-2013)." Journal of Architectural and Engineering Research 4 (June 9, 2023): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54338/27382656-2023.4-004.

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The first U.S. caving expedition to Armenia, the South Caucasus, by NSS cavers took place in August 2007. Subsequent expeditions took place in 2010, 2011, and 2013, with additional trips planned for the future. The goal is the exploration and photo-documentation of the caves of Armenia, and to increase awareness of its underground realms. Although, in the past, there had been a few known caving expeditions to Armenia, overall little information existed. In addition, Armenia’s local caving community is small in number. As a result, this topic was studied and the first official US caving expedition to Armenia was organized in 2007. During the first expedition, four of Armenia’s significant natural caves were explored in the province of Vayots Dzor: Mozrov Cave, Arjeri Cave (Cave of the Bears), Mageli Cave, and Karmir Cave (Red Cave). Man-made caves were also visited. Subsequent trips to Armenia in 2010, 2011, and 2013 included (1) further exploration of Mozrov, Arjeri, and Mageli caves, (2) a cave trip to the neighboring independent Armenian Republic of Nagorno-Karabagh to explore Azokh Cave, and (3) the exploration of several caves in the northeast Armenian provinces of Tavush and Lori. Natural caves consisting of limestone, conglomerate, and lava were explored during these expeditions. Also, a number of man-made caves were visited, some of which were used as churches in centuries past. This article summarizes the four expeditions and discusses both the natural and man-made caves of Armenia. I beleive the article will be interesting to builders, gas pipelines and road engineers. In practice, it can be used by travel agencies and individual tourists, as well as by all lovers of underground monuments of nature and culture.
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Rinna, Anthony. "Yerevan’s Choice: Armenia and its Integration into the Eurasian Customs Union." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 18, no. 4 (December 6, 2014): 395–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20140407.

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In the fall of 2013, Armenia made the decision to accede to the Customs Union of Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia. Prior to this, the country had been involved in negotiations with the European Union regarding Armenian participation in a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement. While many were quick to assert that Armenia’s decision was based primarily on Russian pressure, closer analysis shows that Armenia’s decision to join the Eurasian Customs Union was taken based in large part on considerations such as the direct investment Armenia would receive from Russia, as well as strategic considerations involving Armenia’s neighbours in the South Caucasus and the Middle East. Armenia’s integration into Russia’s economic fold appears to be set for the foreseeable future.
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31

Krylov, A. "Armenia: Abandonment of the Trinity of the Nation and Search for New Guidelines." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2024): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-1-113-131.

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The formula of the trinity of the Armenian nation was declared in September 1999 at the first All-Armenian Congress “Armenia–Diaspora”. Subsequently, the leaders of Armenia constantly emphasized their commitment to the trinity of Armenia – Artsakh – Diaspora, and a fair solution to the Armenian issue (Armenia within the “Wilson borders” or more extensive). After the defeat in the Second Karabakh War, the Armenian government abandoned the formula of the trinity of the nation. N.Pashinyan declared his commitment exclusively to the state interests of the Republic of Armenia within the borders of the former Armenian SSR. The Armenian opposition, the church and the Diaspora assessed N.Pashinyan’s policy as a national betrayal and remained committed to the trinity of the nation. The inability of the opposition to develop a new pan-Armenian strategy and remove N.Pashinyan from power is explained both by its fragmentation and by the disoriented and apathetic state of society. The constitutional reform planned by N.Pashinyan will make it possible to legislate the Armenian state’s refusal of the trinity formula and the principles contained in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of Armenia.
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Sukhodolskaya, Elena Sergeevna. "Armenia in the conditions of Byzantine–Sasanian War of 571-591." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.5.32789.

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This article examines the position of Armenia in the conditions of Byzantine–Sasanian War of 571-591. On the example of activity of Armenian dukes, the author trace the stance of Armenians on the developed conflicts, defines the role and degree of participation of Armenians in military expeditions on the side of belligerent powers. The subject of this research is activity of the representatives of Armenian ducal families in the conditions of Byzantine–Sasanian conflict. The object is the records of the Syriac historian of the VI century John of Ephesus, Armenian historical of the VII century Sebeos, and Byzantine historical of the late VIII century Theophanes the Confessor. The main conclusion of the conducted research consists in inability of Armenian Nakharar to create an independent Armenian Kingdom. Despite the favorable external conditions, caused by the Byzantine–Sasanian War, there were multiple contradictions between the Nakharar that impeded the achievement of common goal. Byzantine emperors and Persian monarchs use the lack of unity between the Armenian dukes for reaching the own goals and retention of leading positions in the region. The scientific novelty consist in comprehensive analysis of the activity of Nakharars in Western and Eastern Armenia based on the Byzantine and Armenian sources.
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Moreva, G. I., and G. M. Kurdoglyan. "Peculiarities of national identity of Armenians living in Russia and Armenia." Social Psychology and Society 10, no. 3 (2019): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2019100305.

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The article presents the results of the study of the national characteristics of Armenians living in Armenia and Russia (Tyumen) as one of the most common diasporas in Russia. Based on the analysis of theoretical and practical studies, hypotheses were expressed that Armenians living and born in Russia integrate the features of the image of their national identity and the features of the image of the national identity of Armenians living and born in Armenia. The study involved 95 people (free sample). Semantic differential was used as a research method. On the basis of the obtained results, it is concluded that there is a connection between the objects “I am Armenian”, “Armenians living in Russia” and “Armenians living in Armenia”, which means the preservation of their national identity. Another important conclusion is the close connection between the objects “Armenians living in Russia” and “Citizen of Russia”. Armenians feel like citizens of Russia, which allows us to conclude that migrants demonstrate such a strategy of acculturation as integration, which allows them not only to be effective, but also to preserve ethnic identity. The characteristics that allow migrants to successfully integrate into society, according to Armenians born and living in Russia, can be: the desire to help others, caring, sociability, willingness to help, sensitivity to others.
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Krylov, A. "Armenian Borders in the XX–XXI Centuries." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2022): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-1-86-101.

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The proclamation of the independence of Armenia in 1918 symbolized for the Armenians the restoration of national statehood. The idea of having its own historical territory, which in the past was divided by the borders of different states, but should be united in the future, is of fundamental importance for the Armenian nation. The first attempt to implement it in practice was made in the process of changing the borders after the First World War. According to the Treaty of Sevres in 1920 and the arbitration decision of US President Wilson, a united Armenia was created with an area of about 160 thousand square kilometers. In 1923, the Entente states renounced the Treaty of Sevres and concluded the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey. After the establishment of Soviet power in Transcaucasia, border agreements were concluded between the USSR and Turkey. In Armenia, the Treaty of Sevres continues to be considered valid, the majority of political parties are in favor of resolving territorial disputes on its basis. After the unsuccessful Second Karabakh War for Armenia, N.Pashinyan took steps to normalize relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Russia expressed its readiness to guarantee security and assist in the delimitation and demarcation of the borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Further prospects for the development of the situation in the region largely depend on whether the Armenian leadership manages to develop a foreign policy course that will allow normalizing relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey, but at the same time will not cause a sharp reaction of rejection in the Armenian society.
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Giovannini, Ortensia. "“I go. I return. I am confused”: Reflections on Armenian Music Ideas in Multi-sited Research." European Journal of Musicology 20, no. 1 (April 10, 2022): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5450/ejm.20.1.2021.6.

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Doing ethnomusicological research about diaspora and music means travelling. Travelling back and forth to Armenian groups in Italy and France and being in the Republic of Armenia to understand and interpret, using the dialogical approach, the musical knowledge of particular individuals of communities and their self-identification as Armenians through music. By sharing and pondering opinions and experiences in different situations, the article discusses ‘Armenianness’ in the music of the protagonists of Milan’s musical practices comparing their discourses with those of other Armenians in Paris and Yerevan. It analyses how perceptions formed in Milan were a conditioning factor at the beginning of the research. It discusses also how the researcher had to adjust her understanding after discovering other musical identities in Armenian groups in France and Armenia and how coming back to Milan with a renewed awareness was pivotal in reflecting the diverse and divergent ways of being Armenian in music. Music can accommodate and direct shifting senses of self. Discovering several Armenian musical identities has revealed a reality where music expresses a will to remember history and at the same time an increasingly multiethnic, globalised Armenian culture, rather than a monolithic musical culture.
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Speidel, Michael Alexander. "Provincia Armenia in the Light of the Epigraphic Evidence." Electrum 28 (2021): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.010.13368.

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One very prominent context of the Pre-Christian history of Armenia of course lies with its relations with the great neighbouring empires of Parthia and Rome. These relations were mainly the result of Armenia’s geopolitical location between the two empires, its natural resources and its control of strategic long-distance routes. From a Roman point of view, Armenia certainly was the most important geopolitical concern in the East. Roman-Armenian relations therefore are a vast and complex subject, and their history extends over many centuries. In the years between 114 and 117 AD these relations assumed an extraordinary albeit short-lived condition when the kingdom of Greater Armenia became a Roman province. The present contribution reviews the Roman inscriptions that can be dated to this period, as well as the historical evidence they provide for the history of Greater Armenia as a Roman province.
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Bakczynian, Arcwi. "Ազգային հիշողությունը՝ ուծացած հայերի սերունդների մեջ." Lehahayer 10 (December 19, 2023): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lh.10.2023.10.09.

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NATIONAL MEMORY, ASSIMILATED IN GENERATIONS OF ARMENIANS Assimilation and national acculturation are inevitable phenomena to which every ethnic community separated from its native environment is vulnerable. The ways and degrees of its manifestation vary, but the direction is the same: moving away from the native national profile and assimilating characteristics typical of the nation and culture of the country of residence. Cases of assimilation also occur to a lesser extent when a nation becomes a minority in its own homeland or when its native environment is absorbed by an empire. The article analyzes such situations among Armenians, specifically in Armenian diasporas. It concludes that the pace of assimilative changes depends on various factors, including maintaining formal points of contact with Armenia (citizenship, organizational ties, owning a house in Armenia, etc.), and a measured and consistent policy of the Armenian state towards the diaspora.
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Sahakyan, Naira. "Searching for Democracy, Finding Nationalism." Caucasus Survey 10, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23761202-20220008.

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Abstract In May 2018 a democratic breakthrough occurred in Armenia known as the Velvet Revolution. The leader of the protests was Nikol Pashinyan, who after the resignation of Serzh Sargsyan became the prime minister of Armenia. Pashinyan’s coming to power coincidentally overlapped with the celebrations of the centennial of the First Republic of Armenia, which, particularly in the post-Soviet era, is largely considered to be the point marking the revival of Armenian statehood. Based on the congratulatory remarks and speeches by Pashinyan, this article argues that the leader of the Velvet Revolution used a language that united the principles of the First Republic with the ‘Velvet’ ideas. By drawing links between 1918 and 2018, Pashinyan claimed that the post-Velvet Armenia was regenerating the democratic values inherent to the pre-Soviet spirit of the Armenian people. This was a convenient strategy for Pashinyan for avoiding the image of the Revolution as an anti-Russian step supported by the West. Thus, during the celebrations of the First Republic, Pashinyan linked the idea of democracy to the First Republic of Armenia and represented the Velvet Revolution as a revival of the values that were suppressed during the Soviet era and the first decades of post-Soviet Armenia. However, by giving a narrow focus to the discourse of democracy which dominated the whole Caucasus region after the collapse of the Russian Empire, by representing Armenians as an elemental source of democracy and by linking their democratic breakthroughs with the notion of survival, Pashinyan elaborated a nationalist narrative rather than a democratic one.
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SARGSYAN, HOVHANNES. "THE WORK ,,AYRARAT. NATURE OF ARMENIA” BY GHEVOND ALISHAN, ARAGATSOTN REGION AND MOVSES KHORENATSI." JOURNAL FOR ARMENIAN STUDIES 1, no. 64 (June 13, 2024): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/journalforarmenianstudies.v1i64.92.

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“Ayrarat. nature of Armenia” is one of the masterpieces of the great work conceived by Ghevond Alishan. Father Alishan set himself the goal of subjecting information about all 15 provinces of Historical Armenia to historical and geographical expertise, writing works, presenting them separately in 20-22 large volumes. In 1855, in the published work “Topography of the Armenians”, he presented the provinces of historical Armenia, essentially gave the corresponding scientific and geographical characteristics. In 1881, a work dedicated to one of the provinces of the Ayrarat province, Shirak, was placed on the reader's desk, in 1885 - "Sisuan", dedicated to Cilician Armenia. "Ayrarat" was printed in Venice in 1890 in the printing house of St. Lazarus. Ghevond Alishan's book presents a historical and geographical description of all the provinces, cities, towns and villages of the historical Ayrarat province of Armenia using various sources. Among them, a prominent place is occupied by the Father of Armenian historiography, Movses Khorenatsi, especially his work “History of Armenian”, to which the author turned when explaining various issues. In this article, we reviewed the book "Ayrarat.. the nature of Armenia." Our task is to present Movses Khorenatsi in the mentioned work, to separate from the comprehensive study conducted by Alishan, information regarding Aragatsotn, the largest region in the Ayrarat province, especially those settlements that are still part of the Aragatsotn region according to the administrative-territorial division, and to show how great is the legacy left by Khorenatsi for the writing of this book by the tireless Armenologist of the 19th century.
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40

Galstyan, Anahit, and Hayk Galstyan. "A Sociolinguistic Approach to the Problem of Anglicisms in Armenian." Armenian Folia Anglistika 7, no. 2 (9) (October 17, 2011): 165–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2011.7.2.165.

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A sociolinguistic analysis has been conducted among Armenians living in the USA and the Republic of Armenia with an aim to find out the attitude of the Armenian-speaking community to the use of English words and expressions in Armenian written and oral speeches. Two methods have been applied – an interview and questionnaires. 320 Armenians living in the USA and 564 Armenian citizens have participated in the experiment. The findings obtained demonstrate the following: Armenians who were born in a foreign country are more inclined to struggle to keep the language unaffected by foreign borrowings than Armenian citizens and the Armenians who have emigrated to the USA. The latter are more concerned about learning English than preserving the Armenian language and culture pure.
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41

Panossian, Razmik. "Between Ambivalence and Intrusion: Politics and Identity in Armenia-Diaspora Relations." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 149–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.2.149.

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The irony of this poem is that it was not written in the diaspora, but in the “homeland” of Soviet Armenia, by one of its most prominent poets. And yet, he is still haunted by the uncertainty of being a “tourist” in his “own land” and by the rootlessness of being part of “a landless people.” The poet, living in the Soviet Armenian republic, is nevertheless drawn to the lost lands beyond the borders of his country, to the heartland of historic Armenia, presently located in Turkey, which was emptied of its indigenous Armenian population through the 1915 Genocide. Emin captures the ambiguity in the question “where is my homeland?”—a question much more commonly posed by diasporic people. The answer is difficult because of the variations and overlap in the very definitions of “homeland” and of “Armenianness” in both the diaspora and the homeland. For the past eighty years, Armenians have been arguing, sometimes vehemently, over homeland-diaspora relations. Consequently, the essential division within the Armenian nation, and within its major diaspora communities, has been, and still is, over the question of how to relate to (formerly Soviet) Armenia, the surviving “kin-state” of the much broader and ambiguous notion of the “Armenian homeland.”
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42

Harutyunyan, Hakob. "The Question of Byzantine Armenia in “Ancient Armenian Geography” (or “Ashkharatsuyts”)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.15.

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Introduction. Until now, the issue of four Byzantine (Justinian) Armenias in historiography has been considered according to the data of the Byzantine historian of the 6th century Procopius of Caesarea, which does not give grounds for a final answer to the questions posed. Analysis. When comparing the data of Procopius with the information of “Ashkharatsuyts” (“Ancient Armenian Geography”), we find many discrepancies (especially when considering the contour of the borders of I, II and III Armenias). According to the “Ancient Armenian Geography”, the territory of I Armenia was expanded both at the expense of the other two, and at the expense of Cilicia and northwestern Syria. Results. So, under Emperor Justinian, a new defensive line was created, which we for the first time in historiography called the “Mamikonyan line”. One can rely on the information of Ashkharatsuyts almost without hesitation, since this work was written in the 5th – 7th centuries, and the lion’s share of the information was supplemented by the second author of the work, Anania Shirakatsi (it is convincingly proven that the first author was the father of Armenian historiography, Movses Khorenatsi). Justinian trusted the Mamikonyan family, being convinced that they had previously faithfully served the kings of Greater Armenia, the Arshakids, and was practically not mistaken in his calculations.
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43

Torres, Ricardo. "Reflexiones sobre Armenia hoy. Una visita a Ereván." CUPEA Cuadernos de Política Exterior Argentina, no. 126 (May 28, 2020): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/cc.vi126.47.

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Extracto de texto:"En la segunda mitad de septiembre de 2017, volví a Ereván, capital de Armenia, donde había estado en 2003 para realizar entrevistas para mi tesis doctoral sobre el conflicto de Nagorno-Karabagh -que los armenios mantienen con Azerbaiyán- y sus consecuencias sobre el nacionalismo armenio (1998-2016)..."
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Redgate, Anne Elizabeth. "Vernacular Liturgy in England and Armenia from the Fifth to the Eleventh Centuries." Armenian Folia Anglistika 3, no. 2 (4) (October 15, 2007): 144–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2007.3.2.144.

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The article examines the language of liturgies in England and Armenia from the fifth to the eleventh centuries. Drawing parallels between the Armenian and English histories the author points out that unlike Armenians who performed the liturgy in Armenian, the language of the liturgy in England was Latin. The author tries to analyze the extralinguistic factors which conditioned the situation of the period.
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45

Petrs-Bartsumian, А. "The image of Yerevan in the context of postcolonial discourse in Yuri Karabchievsky's “Yearning for Armenia”." Urbis et Orbis Microhistory and Semiotics of the City 4, no. 1 (2024): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.34680/urbis-2024-4(1)-78-92.

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Armenia has been incorporated into Russia or under its “protectorate” for two centuries. Throughout this period, a substantial body of texts about Armenia has emerged in prose and poetry, highlighting the distinctive “Armenian text” as a metatext with In Russian literature. However, Yuri Karabchievsky’s novella “Longing for Armenia” (1978), which could not be published in Russia until the times of Perestroika, is considered the first work to explore Armenia's colonial status and contain key motifs of post-colonial text: loss of territories, loss of history and culture, language, etc. The impact of Armenization is evident, notably in the capital city, Yerevan, portrayed as a space marked by impermanence, foreignness, contradiction, and negligence. An analysis of the novella’s central themes, characters, thoughts, and emotions related to Yerevan leads to the conclusion that Yerevan is inherently “non-Armenian,” bearing a profound colonial imprint in organizational structure and spatial symbolism, primarily in its architectural aspect. Furthermore, this article places significant emphasis on Soviet symbols and presence in Yerevan, as well as the role of the Armenian language in the city’s culture and space. Yerevan emerges as a city harboring a melancholy for a lost and estranged ancient past, whose specifics remain elusive, partly due to the suppression of the language of that past. It also yearns for a present and future in which Armenia has not forfeited its culture and history. Despite Yerevan’s failure to conform to the status of the capital of an ancient nation, the changes occurring in the city during the protagonist's lifetime in Karabchievsky’s novella offer hope for the revival of such a Yerevan and Armenia – longed for by the novella’s main characters and cherished by many.
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46

Košťálová, Petra. "Návrat „domů“: přistěhovalecké vlny do Arménie po druhé světové válce." HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 15, no. 1 (May 24, 2023): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2023.5.

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The paper deals with the repatriation wave of Armenians from the Diaspora to Soviet Armenia in the years 1946–1948. It was the largest targeted and systematic immigration back to the Republic of Armenia, perceived primarily as a motherland and Promised Land; the migration wave and its impact could be considered in the frame of Hebrew aliyahs, or “ascension upward” (toward the Holy City). Returning from exile is called nergaghth in Armenian. The collective memory of Soviet Armenia has usually depicted this immigration as a success, a rescue of a nation threatened by genocide and an afflux of “new blood”; however, the repatriation was perceived as disappointment and historical injustice by repatriates and considered one of the reasons for tensions between the Diaspora and its motherland. After 1956, the majority of repatriates returned to their original host countries; those who remained in Armenia are (even after several generations) called by the pejorative term akhpar.
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47

Atanesyan, Arthur, and Artur Mkrtichyan. "Youth Perceptions of the War in Ukraine and its Possible Consequences (On the Case of Armenian Youth in Yerevan)." Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of Yerevan University 14, no. 1 (37) (June 30, 2023): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/bysu:f/2023.14.1.007.

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To discover the geopolitical orientation and opinions of the Armenia’s youth regarding Russia’s war in Ukraine in the context of regional security issues, a sociological study was conducted in Yerevan and Armenia’s provinces in 2022. It was carried out by specialists from the Faculty of Sociology of the Yerevan State University, in cooperation with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation office in Armenia, and Socies expert center. The study aimed to discover the youth’s perceptions of the reasons for Russia’s war in Ukraine, which started on February 24, 2022, including its possible impact on the region. The research was carried out from October 22, 2022 to November 22, 2022 with youth (18-35 age group) residing in Yerevan (the capital of Armenia) and all provinces of Armenia, using the focus group discussion method. In this paper, we discuss conclusions drawn from focus group discussions with Yerevan residents. The perceptions of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict by Armenia’s youth refers to its geopolitical nature, to the interests of Russia, NATO, EU, USA, Turkey in the post-Soviet space, as well as to personal qualities, approaches, and issues of the leaders of Russia and Ukraine. In general, according to Armenian young people, Armenia should remain as neutral as possible in its position on the war in Ukraine, taking no side in this conflict.
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48

Korkmaz, Ayşenur. "At ‘Home’ Away from ‘Home’: The ex-Ottoman Armenian Refugees and the Limits of Belonging in Soviet Armenia." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601008.

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This article explores spatial attachments among the ex-Ottoman Armenians who survived the Armenian Genocide and settled in their ‘new homeland’, Soviet Armenia. It addresses the question of how the refugees dealt with loss and displacement and reflected on their former hometowns, referred to as ‘Ergir’, a spatial construct denoting a symbolic ‘Armenian homeland’ or a ‘local homeland’ in Anatolia. I argue that the refugees conceptualised Ergir not only in relation to their expulsion but also the socio-political factors that influenced them in Soviet Armenia in three periods. The first era of reflection on Ergir was the 1920s and 1930s, replete with nostalgic sentiments. The second was the suppression of the theme of Ergir, between 1936–1960, particularly during political crackdowns in Stalin’s era. The third period saw the revival of Ergir and marked a new phase in the conceptualisations of ‘homeland’ in which the displacement from Anatolia in 1915–1916 and the Stalinist purges were enmeshed into one tragedy of the ex-Ottoman Armenians.
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Mikayelyan, Gor A., Sona V. Farmanyan, and Areg M. Mickaelian. "Armenian Astronomical Heritage and Big Data." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 15, S367 (December 2019): 269–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174392132100048x.

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AbstractAstronomy in Armenia was popular since ancient times and Armenia is rich in its astronomical heritage, such as ancient and medieval Armenian calendars, records of astronomical events by ancient Armenians, the astronomical heritage of the Armenian medieval great thinker Anania Shirakatsi, etc. Armenian astronomical archives have accumulated vast number of photographic plates, films and other careers of observational data. The Digitized Markarian Survey or the First Byurakan Survey, is the most important low-dispersion spectroscopic database. It is one of the rare science items included in UNESCO “Memory of the World” Documentary Heritage list. The Byurakan Astrophysical Observatory (BAO) Plate Archive Project (2015–2021) will result in digitization and storage of some 37,000 astronomical plates and films and in creation of an Electronic Database for further research projects. Based on these data and archives and development of their interoperability, the Armenian Virtual Observatory was created and joined the International Virtual Observatory Alliance.
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Petrosyan, Gegham. "Historical Rethinking of Relations with the First Republic of Armenia and the United States of America: The Dilemma of Orientation and Expectations." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 2, no. 2(5) (September 29, 2023): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2023.2.5.076.

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This article examines the features of relations with the First Republic of Armenia and the United States of America in the context of the dilemma of orientation and expectations of the Armenian political elite and society. The purpose of this study is to determine the characteristics of the influence of interethnic conflicts on the Armenian population and political elite after the February Revolution of 1917 on the territory of the Russian Empire. The main attention is paid to identifying general and specific elements in the process of restoring independent Armenian statehood at the end of May 1918. The scientific novelty lies in the study of transformative processes and the long break of independent Armenian statehood, the people’s and liberation struggle, as well as the geopolitical developments in the region in the context of the clash of both diplomatic and military, political and economic interests. As a result, after lengthy negotiations, on February 25, 1919, the assembly was presented with a single demand of the Armenians for recognition of the Armenian state. The characteristic features of such decisions are highlighted and described, on the basis of which it was proposed to transfer Armenia under the guardianship of the Entente and transfer its mandate to one of the countries for at least twenty years. It is emphasized that the Armenian delegations expressed their desire to transfer the patronage (mandate) of a united, independent and free Armenia to the United States of America or the newly formed League of Nations.
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