Relevant bibliographies by topics / Armenian Coins

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Academic literature on the topic 'Armenian Coins'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Armenian Coins"

1

Akopyan, Alexander V. "Coinage of Davit Bek, Leader of the Armenian Army in Kapan (1722-1728)." Iran and the Caucasus 24, no. 4 (2020): 394–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20200405.

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This article is devoted to the Iranian copper coins of the 17th-18th centuries with the countermark “saber” (shamshīr) that were recently found in Armenia. Numismatic analysis shows that their production was carried out by Davit Bek, the leader of the Armenian army in Kapan in 1722-1728, after 1725 or 1726, when he received the right of anonymous coinage from Shah Ṭahmāsp II. The symbolism of the image chosen for overstriking Iranian coins is also discussed.
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Akopyan, Alexander V. "Ideas, Coins and Painters: Drawing of Coins and Seals in the Armenian Manuscripts of the 13th–16th centuries." GRAPHOSPHAERA Writing and Written Practices 3, no. 2 (2023): 218–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2782-5272-2023-3-2-218-260.

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A systematic study of the Armenian manuscripts allowed us to identify in twelve Gospels created in the scriptoria of Cilician Armenia, Siwnik‘ and Vaspurakan from the mid-13th c. to 1592, images of gold coins and state seals. As prototypes for coin images, only gold coins from circulation were used — these were the Byzantine solidus of mid-10th — mid-11th cc., the dinar of Sultan Kay-Khusraw II, the Florentine florin, the dinars of Abu Sa‘id Ilkhanid and the Venetian ducat; but in Vaspurakan, lacking gold coins in monetary circulation during the 14th-15th cc., the images of gold coins were replaced by drawings of state Mongolian seals. The appearance of gold coins in the most important places of the Gospels is explained in Mkhit‘ar Gosh’s Lawcode (completed after 1184), in which gold coins, due to their pure nature, are interpreted in neoplatonical sense as a symbols of Christ’s divinity. A review of the discovered artistic tradition and its comparisons with synchronous traditions of illuminations allows us to indicate that it was in Cilician Armenia that real coins were first depicted, moreover, with such a degree of detail, which makes it possible to unambiguously determine their type. The identification of this artistic tradition significantly expands our understanding of the symbolic role of coins in medieval society.
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MARTIROSYAN, MADONA. "THE CHARACTER OF TIGRAN THE GREAT IN COINS AND SCULPTURE." Scientific bulletin 1, no. 44 (2023): 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/scientific.v1i44.54.

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The well-known image of Tigran the Great of modern drams occupies a central place in monumental sculpture as well as high-sculpture iconography. While creating round statues, sculptors-engravers depicted Tigran the Great in their own way, dressing him in imitation of the clothes of the famous Roman rulers of the time. The sculptors did not even protect the well-known portrait from the dram: they were guided by their own ideas. In that sense, the episodes are more conservative. In their high sculptures, Tigran the Great has a recognizable image and repeats the image on the drams. Among the Armenian artists, the statues of Tigran the Great were created by the Tokmajian family. In their works, the image of the king is more symbolic than concrete.
 The statue "Tigran, King of Armenia" created by Matteos Lespagnandelli (17th century), differs in form and content.
 The high-value sculptures of the Armenian king depicted on the obverse of Tigran the Great drams are original works of art.
 The article discusses the image of Tigran the Great in sculptural art. Based on the historical and chronological comparative analysis of the works, an attempt was made to understand the features of the works depicting Tigran the Great.
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Zohrabyan, Armine, Boris Gasparyan та Roberto Dan. "A Sasanian coin of Khosrow I and an Abbasid coin of Al-Manṣur from the Areni-1 Cave, Armenia". ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 12, № 2 (2018): 182–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v12i2.911.

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This article concerns the presentation of two unpublished coins discovered in the cave of Areni-1 (the Birds’ Cave). The Areni-1 cave is a particularly important site (Figure 1) mainly thanks to its very well preserved Late Chalcolithic sequence (4.300–3.400 Cal BC). In addition, important medieval (4th–18th centuries AD) occupations were found.
 The coins were discovered in July 2010, during the fifth season of excavations, inside the cave in Trench 2A in Gallery no. 1, in the lower level of the Late Medieval pit area (Figure 2). The coins were probably part of a hoard disturbed by excavation activities in the Late Medieval period. One coin dates to the Sasanian period and may be attributed to Khosrow I Anōšīravān. The beginning of the Sasanian domination of the Armenian highlands started in 428 AD with the investiture of Veh Mihr Shapur (428-442 AD) as marzbān by Bahrām V Gōr (406-438 AD). These years correspond to the earlier phase of the Early Medieval period in the regional chronology, a period of important socio-economic and cultural changes for Armenia. The second coin is of the Abbasid Caliph Abū Jaʿfar Abd Allāh ibn Muḥammad al-Manṣūr. In this period Armenia, then called Arminiya or the Emirate of Armenia, was part of the Abbasid Caliphate. During this time, al-Manṣūr revoked the privileges and subsidies of the local rulers (naxarar) and imposed harsh taxation. This situation led to a major rebellion in 774 AD. The revolt was suppressed by the Battle of Bagrevand in 25 April 775 AD.
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5

Vardanyan, Ruben. "Inaccuracies enrooted in the attribution and classification of coins of the Cilician Armenian Kingdom Part II Revisiting the copper coinage of Levon IV." ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 13, no. 1 (2019): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v13i1.955.

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At present, seven groups of copper coins are attributed to Levon IV (1320-1342), the king of Cilician Armenia. However, iconographic, stylistic and metrological differences have been observed in these coins that make the possibility of attributing them all to the same king doubtful. A comparative study shows that only two of these groups can be attributed with confidence to Levon IV. These are the small copper coins (Group VI, Figure 22 and Group VII, Figure 23), which are a coherent continuations of Oshin’s copper coinage. The minting of such small copper coins continued under the two kings who followed Levon IV: Ki (Guy) and Kostandin III (Figure 35).As for the other groups, two of them (Groups I and II, Figures 17 and 18) belong to Levon III as they are closely linked to Kostandin I’s coins by iconography and style. Preliminary observations were made on the other three groups. Issues of their dating and attribution will be further examined in one of the following articles in this series.
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Vardanyan, Ruben. "Corrections to deep-rooted errors in the attribution and classification of coins of the Cilician Armenian kingdom." ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 12, no. 1 (2018): 129–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v12i1.897.

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A cursory overview of the coinage of the Cilician Armenian kings clearly shows that most of the coins of the early and middle periods are of better quality and artistic design, struck with more care, and have higher weights and silver contents. These characteristics began to deteriorate over the course of the last decades of the kingdom’s existence. This general trend in the process of Cilician coin minting has been mentioned and discussed by practically all the scholars who studied this series. According to the current classification, the entire numismatic output of that kingdom is divided between fourteen kings, beginning with Levon I (1198-1219) and ending with Levon V (1374-1375), each of them being attributed certain groups of coins.
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Gurzadyan, V. G., and R. Vardanyan. "Halley's comet of 87 BC on the coins of Armenian king Tigranes?" Astronomy and Geophysics 45, no. 4 (2004): 4.06. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1468-4004.2003.45406.x.

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8

Akopyan, Alexander V. "Revisiting the Question of the Time and Place of Writing of the Caucasian Albanian Palimpsest According to Numismatic Data (Part I)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016817-5.

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This article concerns the dating of the Caucasian Albanian palimpsest (Gospel of John) on the basis of a refined interpretation of the monetary term **zaizowzńa. In the first part of paper is offered and justified the etymology of the word **zaizowzńa, that derived from the Sasanian monetary term zūzā ‘dirham’. The Albanian umbrella term **zaizowzńa indicated a general concept of a ‘zuza-like (coin)’, which unified wide range of various imitations of Hormizd IV’s silver coins (or ZWZWN, as they named in Pahlavi on coins), struck in the end of the 6th century after defeating of Varhrān Čōbīn in 592 as payment to the Byzantine army, as well as typologically close to them pre-reform Islamic coins of the Sasanian type struck in the 7th – beginning of 8th centuries (so-called Arab-Sasanian coins). In the Caucasian Albanian Gospel of John the word **zaizowzńa was used to translate the Greek δηναρίων, but in the corresponding places of Armenian or Georgian translations were used another words — dahekan/drahkani, denar or satiri/statiri (etymology of these words also discussed and shown that they are not related to Sasanian zūzā). Thus, the use of a special term for Greek δηναρίων is not associated with the established translation tradition and unequivocally indicates its local, Caucasian Albanian origin. The period of time when **zaizowzńa coins were used in the Transcaucasia is outlined, and it is shown that the Sinai edition of the Albanian Gospel of John was completed between the beginning of the 6th century and the beginning of the 10th century.
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Chahinian, Talar. "Zabel Yesayan: The Myth of the Armenian Transnational Moment." Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 28, no. 2 (2022): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26670038-12342767.

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Abstract The collection of pieces that follow intersect with what I refer to in this essay as the dual performative acts of iconification and translation that frame our approach to Zabel Yesayan over the last few decades. Maral Aktokmakyan’s critical essay, “So Did We Really Find Yesayan?: Notes on ‘Yesayan Studies’ and Beyond” coins the author’s recent iconification as “Yesayan fever” and warns us that the emergent sub-field of Yesayan Studies may be overly reliant on translations and thus endangering the integrity of the author’s original literary voice in Armenian. Meriam Belli and Elyse Semerdjian offer us two translations from French, of a speech and a report drafted by Yesayan in Paris, in 1919. Belli’s “Chronicle: The Role of Armenian Women during the War” and Semerdjian’s “The Liberation of non-Muslim Women and Children in Turkey: Notes on the question of the abduction of non-Muslim women and children by the Turks, retained until today by Muslims” give us a glimpse of Yesayan’s work as an activist and capture the author’s haunting style of testimonial writing. As Semerdjian notes in her subsequent analytical discussion of the translation, Yesayan’s report not only reveals the gendered mode of the Armenian genocide and women’s victimhood within it, but it also calls for political action in addressing the plight of Armenian women and highlights their capacity for resistance. Together, this collection of think-pieces and translations contributes to the ongoing debates of searching for Yesayan’s elusive figure and understanding Yesayan the writer, but it ultimately guides the reader back to her own words.
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Margaryan, Hasmik. "The titles of King Artashes I according to the Aramaic inscriptions on boundary stones." ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 11, no. 1-2 (2017): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v11i1-2.881.

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The titles of Armenian kings of the Artaxiad (Artashesian) dynasty are known mainly owing to coin legends and rather scanty data of ancient historiographers. Artaxiads were usually represented by a short title of ‘king’ or ‘great king’. We see different variants of short titles in Greek: ‘king’, ‘great king’ and the title ‘king of kings’ on the coins of Tigran II (95-55 BC). The same titles were inherited by his son Artavazd II (55-34 BC). The only exception was the coin of Tigran III (20-8 BC) with the legend reading ‘Great king Tigran, Philhellenos and Philopatoros’. These epithets were adopted by him as a sign of his pro-Parthian orientation and anti-Roman stance.
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Books on the topic "Armenian Coins"

1

Nercessian, Y. T. Armenian coins and their values. Armenian Numismatic Society, 1995.

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Tōnapetean, Aspet H. M. Ējer Hay dramagitutʻean patmutʻenēn. M.A.H.A.E. miutʻean hratarakchʻakan graseneak, 2006.

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Hovsēpean, Shahēn. Kilikiayi haykakan dramner. [s.n.], 2008.

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Z, Bedoukian Paul, ed. A hoard of copper coins of Tigranes the Great; and, A hoard of Artaxiad coins. Armenian Numismatic Society, 1991.

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Mousheghian, Anahit. Hellenistic and Roman Armenian coinage (1st. c. BC - 1 st. c. AD). Moneta, 1999.

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6

A, Musheghean Kh, ed. History and coin finds in Armenia. Moneta, 2000.

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A, Musheghean Kh. History and coin finds in Armenia: Antiquity. Moneta, 2000.

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Khurshudian, Eduard. Sassanian coins of Armenia. [Desht-i Qypchaq], 2002.

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9

Tʻangaran, Hayastani Patmutʻyan. Silloge hṛomeakan dramneri Hayastan: Sylloge nummorum romanorum Armenia. Hayastani Patmutʻyan Tʻangaran, 2011.

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A, Musheghean Kh, ed. History and coin finds in Armenia. Moneta, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Armenian Coins"

1

Ruffilli, Marco. "L’icona miracolosa del principe Ašot II Bagratuni." In Eurasiatica. Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-211-6/005.

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The Armenian prince Ašot II Bagratuni (685/686-688/689 d.C.) placed in the church he himself founded in the village of Daroynkʽ a Byzantine icon mentioned in the Armenian historical sources as an image of the «Incarnation of Christ», coming from «the West». The years of the principate of Ašot partly coincide with those of the first of the two reigns of Justinian II, the emperor who for the first time issued monetary coins with the image of Christ impressed, and presided in 692 d.C. the Quinisext Council ‘in Trullo’, whose canon no. LXXXII dealt with the representation of the Saviour’s body. The case of Ašot is an example of the worship of icons in the late 7th century Armenia, and contributes to witnes both the circulation of this kind of artifacts in the armenian territories, and the the impact of the contemporary reflections about the Incarnation of Christ and the sacred images; in agreement, moreover, with the condemnation of the iconoclastic theses expressed in the Armenian treatise attributed to Vrtʽanēs Kʽertʽoł.
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KOZBE, Gülriz. "ŞANLIURFA KALESİ KAZILARI." In CUMHURIYETIN BIRINCI YÜZYILINDA ANADOLU’DA TÜRK DÖNEMI ARKEOLOJI ÇALISMALARI. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-61-0.ch24.

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Excavations at Şanlıurfa Castle are carried out with the permit of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and Museums under the presidency of Prof.Dr. Gülriz Kozbe (Batman University) since 2020. Şanlıurfa Castle is situated on Dambak Hill just south of Balıklıgöl (Pool of Abraham), in the city center. The castle is surrounded by the fortification walls built with cut limestone block stones having the same characteristics with the limestone bedrock on which it was built. Since Şanlıurfa Castle has been excavated for only four years, the knowledge about its foundation and historical sequence are mainly based on Latin, Armenian, Syriac and Arabic written sources. After the death of Alexander the Great, the Seleucid Kingdom (312 BC-63 BC), including Urfa region founded by Seleucus I Nicator, one of his generals during Hellenistic period. He had built a new city on the ruins of the old settlement and named the city as “Edessa”. As a result of the weakening of the Seleucids, the Syriacs declared the Kingdom of Osrhoene (Edess) under the leadership of Aryu (Leo) in132 BC. Thus, it’s the first independent local kingdom seen in Urfa region. Osrhoene, which ruled for about 375 years, was become a Roman Colony in 214. On the basis of the recent archaeological evidence, the earliest data in the castle is the Monument Columns erected just behind the North Wall. Due to its Syriac inscription carved on the eastern column, they are attributed to the 3rd century. Various great or small powers, such as Arameans, Osrhoenes, Eastern Romans, Abbasids, Marwanids, Arab Emirates and Dynasties, Crusaders, Zangids, Ayyubids, Seljuks, Mongols, Mamluks, Aqqoyunlus, Qaraqoyunlus, Safavids and Ottomans wanted to take control of the city, often intervened in the castle and were implementing their own defense strategies. The 2020-2023 archaeological excavations at Şanlıurfa Castle were carried out in three different areas such as “Sector A” which covers the remains of two Monument Columns in the center of the castle adjacent to the Northern Wall; “Sector B” situated in the western part of the castle where a monumental building (mansion) with vaults and stairs exposed and the “Western Towers Sector” where three towers appear at the far west of the castle. There is no doubt that the historical and cultural details of the castle will gain more meaning when the architectural remains are evaluated together with the artifacts such as pottery assemblages, weapons, tools, coins, and etc. For more detailed information, please refer to the Extended Abstract at the end of the text
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"work elsewhere sent back or took back to their home villages a considerable part of what they earned. The money saved was either hoarded until required, or was lent out in diminutive loans at high rates of interest but doubtless often on very dubious security. Much of it was in due course literally carried back to the East by men returning temporarily or permanently to their villages. Hamlin's Kurds, dressed as beggars so as to avoid unwelcome attention, wore concealed leather girdles in which to hide the gold coins they were taking home. But it also seems that long-stay workers remitted their savings indirectly, between their home visits. The more successful and affluent may have used the sarrafs to do this but probably most entrusted their money to someone they thought they could trust who was travelling. Thus in December 1894, 15 Armenians from the Dersim who were working in Aleppo between them gave LT 90 (an average LT 6 each) to a young man who was accompanying a trading caravan." In Turkey Before and After Ataturk. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203044971-9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Armenian Coins"

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Cəfərov, Mayis. "Coin Treasure from XIII-XIV Centuries Found in South Eastern Region of Azerbaijan." In International Symposium Sheikh Zahid Gilani in the 800th Year of His Birth. Namiq Musalı, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59402/ees01201811.

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Coin treasures belonging to the Jalair State found in the South Eastern region having been investigated in this article were drawn into scientific circulation. Treasure of 17 silver coins found in the village Mahmudavar in Masalli are referred to the second Jalairi ruler Sheikh Uveys. Chronological borders of Mahmudavar treasures are related to 760-762. In that period Azerbaijan was entirely included to the Jalairlar State. The territory of the state surrounds Iraqi-Arab, Iraqi-Ajam, Georgia and Armenia provinces. Coins in the treasure found in the village Sutamurdov in Lankaran are minted in the name of Sultan Huseiyn, the ruler of Jalairi. The investigated treasure found in Lankaran is the first treasure that belongs to the Jalairlar State. The investigation of the both treasures plays the role of source in the learning of money economy and commodity-money relations of the Jalairlar State. Keywords: Numismatics, Treasure, Coin, Mint, Segment, Imitation, Nominal, Obverse, Reverse.
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