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Journal articles on the topic 'Armenian genocide'
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1
Tatoyan, Robert. "The Issues of the Number of Western Armenians and Ethnic Composition of the Population of Western Armenia at Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920)." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 6, no. 1 (November 13, 2021): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0015.
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References to the issues of the number of Western Armenians and the ratio of Armenians to other ethnic groups in Western Armenia on the eve of the Armenian Genocide occupy a special place in the context of processes related to drafting a peace agreement with the Ottoman Empire and Armenia’s delineation after WWI. These issues were tackled by diverse Armenian official and non-official organizations struggling for the formation of an integral Armenian state, as well as Turkish authorities manipulating, inter alia, also demographic arguments against the Armenian claim for Western Armenia and the Entente Powers (particularly the United States of America and Great Britain) needing statistical data for deciding the fate of the Ottoman Empire. In the post-war processes the long-distance controversy of the Armenian and Turkish sides over the issues in question can be figuratively characterized as one of the stages – “battles” of the “statistical war” that emerged after 1878, i.e. following the entry of the Armenian Question into the international diplomatic agenda. This article aims to present and analyse the statistics on the number of Western Armenians and the ratio of Armenians in Western Armenia to other ethnic groups on the eve of the Armenian Genocide presented by Armenian and Turkish delegations at Paris Peace Conference, as well as data circulated by the US and British diplomacy. It will try to explain the connection between the delineation of Armenia and the number of Western Armenians, the demographic composition of Western Armenia on the eve of the Armenian Genocide. The calculations of the number of Western Armenians have had a certain effect on deliberations around demarcation of the border between the Republic of Armenia and the Ottoman Empire in the context of post-war world regulation.
2
Papazian, Sabrina. "The Cost of Memorializing: Analyzing Armenian Genocide Memorials and Commemorations in the Republic of Armenia and in the Diaspora." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 7, no. 1 (November 2, 2019): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.534.
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In April of 1965 thousands of Armenians gathered in Yerevan and Los Angeles, demanding global recognition of and remembrance for the Armenian Genocide after fifty years of silence. Since then, over 200 memorials have been built around the world commemorating the victims of the Genocide and have been the centre of hundreds of marches, vigils and commemorative events. This article analyzes the visual forms and semiotic natures of three Armenian Genocide memorials in Armenia, France and the United States and the commemoration practices that surround them to compare and contrast how the Genocide is being memorialized in different Armenian communities. In doing so, this article questions the long-term effects commemorations have on an overall transnational Armenian community. Ultimately, it appears that calls for Armenian Genocide recognition unwittingly categorize the global Armenian community as eternal victims, impeding the development of both the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian diaspora.
3
Geukjian, Ohannes. "The Politicization of the Environmental Issue in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh's Nationalist Movement in the South Caucasus 1985–1991." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (May 2007): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254334.
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This research examines and analyzes how the politicization of the environmental issue in Armenia led to the emergence of the Nagorno-Karabakh (N-K) nationalist movement in Azerbaijan as the USSR went into terminal decline in 1991. It is important to stress that the Karabakh movement that emerged in Armenia in February 1988 with a clear agenda on serious ecological problems escalated quickly in the subsequent weeks and months to demand the preservation of the cultural identity of Karabakh Armenians in Azerbaijan. Air pollution of Yerevan, Ashdarag, Yegheknatsor, and later Sdepanavan and Ghapan was a significant threat to the existence of the Armenian people. For the Armenians, air pollution was ecological genocide, and cultural discrimination against Karabakh Armenians was cultural genocide. The Armenians associated ecological and cultural genocides with the 1915 genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire against the Armenian nation. This study shows that initially the Karabakh movement did not have political goals. However, as it intensified with an enormous consciousness it transformed to a nationalist movement with a political and ecological agenda. This study also analyzes ethnic mobilization by activists in Armenia and the emergence of the N-K nationalist movement from 1985 to 1991 in light of Soviet nationalities policy and the window of opportunity caused by the political transformation at the center (Moscow). The activists of the environmental and nationalist movements were the same.
4
Goekjian, Gregory F. "Diaspora and Denial: The Holocaust and the “Question” of the Armenian Genocide." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 1 (March 1998): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.1.3.
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The Holocaust and the Armenian Genocide have been considered comparable events ever since the term “genocide,” coined by Raphael Lemkin in 1944, was used at Nuremberg. The comparison leads to the recognition of differences between the two genocides, differences often used by revisionist historians to deny the very substance of genocide to the Armenian case. I want to argue that these differences are real, but that they are structural, not substantive, and that the impact of structural difference may be understood through an examination of the relationship among modern historiography, genocide, and diasporization. Put simply, the Holocaust constituted a symbolic end to the Jewish diaspora, whereas the Genocide is the symbolic origin of the Armenian diaspora. In actuality, of course, an enormous and powerful Jewish diaspora remains after the Holocaust, and Armenia had a significant diaspora for centuries before the Genocide. But whereas the Holocaust resulted in the creation of a concentrated, modern center for Jewish historical discourse, the Armenian Genocide erased that center, creating a “nation” that has had to exist in exile and memory—in diaspora
5
Gzoyan, Edita. "The League of Nations and Armenian Refugees. The Formation of the Armenian Diaspora in Syria." Central Eastern European Review 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/caeer-2014-0004.
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Abstract The League of Nations played an important role in securing the Armenian community after the 1915 genocide of Armenians in Ottoman Turkey. Nonetheless, the Armenian Question, which had a definite political accent during the First and Second Assembly of the League of Nations, remained unresolved. Afterwards, the League reformulated its policy towards the Armenian case, which involved an explicit shift from a political to a humanitarian point of view. The humanitarian actions had a number of different aspects: the liberation of the Armenian Genocide survivors from Turkish and Islamic institutions, the provision of Nansen passports to Armenian refugees, the settlement of Armenian refugees in Soviet Armenia and the establishment of Armenian communities in Syria and Lebanon. This article touches upon these initiatives, concentrating on the settlement of the Armenians in Syria. The League of Nations elaborated a massive program for the settlement of Armenian refugees there, which laid a foundation for the establishment of the huge Armenian diaspora in that country.
6
Marsoobian, Armen T. "Genocide by Other Means: Heritage Destruction, National Narratives, and the Azeri Assault on the Indigenous Armenians of Karabakh." Genocide Studies International 15, no. 1 (August 1, 2023): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi-2023-0009.
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The propaganda efforts of the authoritarian Aliyev regime in Baku and the general Western ignorance of the history of the South Caucasus have contributed to the lack of meaningful response to the genocidal aggression that Azerbaijan has inflicted on the indigenous Armenians of Artsakh, known to many as Nagorno-Karabakh. The humanitarian crisis created by the Azeri blockade of the Lachin Corridor is only the most recent step in a process of cleansing the region of its Armenian population, a process that began in the early years of the twentieth century. The Ottoman Turkish genocide of Armenians in 1915–1923 is not a distinct event of the past but a process whose ideology is central to the Azeri-Turkish genocidal violence perpetrated against Armenians in the present. An integral component of the processes of genocide is cultural heritage destruction as noted by Raphael Lemkin. The erasure of most signs of the indigenous Armenian presence on its historic homeland was particularly pronounced in the decades following the Armenian Genocide and continues today. Cultural erasure went hand in hand with Turkish state genocide denial and the rewriting and mythologizing of its national narrative. Azerbaijan has been following a similar playbook since the collapse of the Soviet Union. These genocidal processes of denial, heritage destruction, and the rewriting of history are what I describe as “genocide by other means.”
7
I, Aram. "The Armenian Genocide: From Recognition to Reparations." International Criminal Law Review 14, no. 2 (March 13, 2014): 233–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01401001.
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For centuries prior to the Armenian Genocide the Armenian Church was the spiritual, cultural, and social center of Armenian life in the Ottoman Empire. The genocide attacked the Church in order to destroy the broader community. The Church suffered greatly in the Genocide. Still of major concern today, is the expropriation and neglect of the Church’s extensive property in modern-day Turkey. The churches, other buildings and the lands on which they sit have tremendous importance to Armenians around the world. They are necessary to the functioning and recovery of the Armenian Church that is central to Armenian life and identity. As part of a reparations process for Armenians, the return of Church properties is crucial and is justified.
8
Yonucu, Deniz, and Talin Suciyan. "From the Ottoman Empire to Post-1923." Critical Times 3, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 300–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8517751.
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Abstract The author of The Armenians in Modern Turkey, historian Talin Suciyan, puts the Armenian genocide survivors at the center of her research to provide a new perspective on the history of the Turkish Republic. Suciyan analyzes the experiences and lives of its Armenian population several decades after the genocide. In this interview, Deniz Yonucu speaks with Suciyan on her research and innovative anthrohistorical approach to understanding the paths that led to the annihilation of Armenians, the effects of the genocide in modern Turkey, and the importance of focusing attention on the experiences of survivors after catastrophic experiences of genocides. The survivor as described in this interview is neither a wretched of the earth, who is forced to live a tortured life, nor a subaltern whose voice cannot acquire speech. The survivor instead is an existence whose past, present and future is constantly denied, and therefore robbed from her.
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Poghosyan, Narek. "Eliticide: The Main Examples." Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, no. 1 (May 20, 2022): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0026.
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The issue of the annihilation of the elite and the intelligentsia plays an important role in the context of genocides, massacres, as well as the deprivation and control of the intellectual potential of a given nation or state. There have been cases throughout history, when elites have been deliberately targeted in order to exterminate different racial, ethnic, religious groups or commit cultural genocide. Due to this circumstance the topic received the attention of the author of the term “Genocide” Raphael Lemkin, who considered the destruction of the intelligentsia and the elite from the social, physical and cultural aspects of genocide. However, it is interesting, that the destruction of the intelligentsia and the elite did not receive a specific definition for a long time until the term “eliticide” or “elitocide” was introduced in 1992. And since the phenomenon of eliticide is comparatively little studied, in this article we tried to present and to analyze its most obvious examples – the destruction of the elite of the Armenian intelligentsia during the Armenian Genocide, the eliticide carried out by Nazi Germany in Poland, as well as cases of eliticide in Tibet, Cambodia, Burundi, Bangladesh, Bosnia. The extermination of the elite during the Armenian Genocide was widespread, although the most famous is the arrest and murder of Armenian intellectuals in Constantinople on April 24 1915. And the peculiarity of this genocide is that the eliticide was an integral part of the extermination of Armenians on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, therefore it is considered as a separate stage of the genocide. And unlike the eliticide committed during the Armenian Genocide, the extermination of the elite in Poland, Tibet, Burundi, Bangladesh and Bosnia was not in the context of the complete annihilation of the targeted ethnic or religious group, but in the context of erasing the identity of the group and cultural genocide. And the extermination of the intelligentsia during the Cambodian genocide was more in the context of the anti-intellectual campaign.
10
Gasparyan, Naira. "Armenian Genocide Prerequisites in Travel Memoirs (With special reference to Noel Buxton and Harold Buxton’s accounts)." Armenian Folia Anglistika 13, no. 1-2 (17) (October 16, 2017): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2017.13.1-2.187.
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The findings of our linguocognitive research on a sound historical perspective establish a number of undeniable facts which will elucidate the situation of Armenians in Western Armenia in the pre-genocidal period.
The linguistic material of Noel and Harold Buxtons’ accounts for the British Parliament, Travel and Politics in Armenia, published in 1914, has been studied with the application of a set of methods and approaches: the cognitive method of investigation combined with those of linguostylistic and linguocultural analyses on the extralinguistic basis and the method of purposive sampling. The book is an undeniable source of eyewitness facts which confirm the existing prerequisites for the 1915 Armenian genocide.
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Gasparyan, David. "Reflection of the Genocide in the Fiction." Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, no. 1 (May 20, 2022): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0029.
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A huge amount of fiction has been created, starting from 1915 to the present day, by writers who became victims of the genocide themselves, devoted to the Armenian Genocide. The material in this article is presented from three points of view, considering: (a) the first decades of Soviet rule; (b) the return to their roots of Armenian writers who left their homeland because of the genocide and became foreign writers; and (c) foreign writers, in this case the position of a Turkish writer from within Turkey. In the first decades of the Soviet Union’s existence, the view of the historical past, in this case of the genocide, was assessed by official critics not as patriotism, but as nationalism. Under these conditions, the publication of Charents’ novel “Yerkir Nairi” was a serious achievement. Covering the national tragedy with a veil of satire, he portrayed Armenian life as it was between 1914 and 1920. His goal was to bring the remnants of the generation that survived the massacres back to life. The influence of this novel on 20th century Armenian literature is very great and had, at one time, two Armenian and four Russian translation editions. Many writers of Armenian origin have switched to foreign languages, starting with William Saroyan. Among such writers, this article presents the book “Towards Ararat” by Michael Arlen Jr. and the memoir “The Black Dog of Fate” by Peter Balakian. They were written in English, have autobiographical content and been translated into Armenian. This article shows how the authors, who were in a foreign language environment, realised that and looked for their Armenian roots. Among foreign writers, the Turkish writer Kemal Yalcin’s novel “My soul is full of you” is presented in this article. To become acquainted with the life of his Armenian teacher who had been subjected to the Genocide, the author travelled to historical Armenia and became acquainted with Armenians who, out of fear, had hidden their nationality and faith. He found out that the life of each of them was a novel. Fiction from the very beginning fought against genocide, initially revealing its essence, which consists of the destruction of homeland, civilisation, language, nationality, people and humanity in general.
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Artinian, Juan Pablo. "Between The Local and the Global South: Diaspora’s Politics for the Recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Argentina 1965-2015." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0025.
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Historiography has analyzed the recognition of the Armenian genocide using cultural and geopolitical coordinates belonging to both Western and Non-Western societies. However, the North-South dimension of this event and its effect on the diaspora has been neglected by most of the approaches taken by Armenian studies. In this article, I will analyze how the Armenian diaspora in Argentina advocated for recognition of the Armenian genocide from 1965 to 2015. This community is not only significant in terms of population – it is the largest in the Global South – but also because its contribution to the struggle for remembrance and recognition of the Armenian genocide is unique. Argentina is one of the few countries in which the genocide has been recognized by the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. In this article, I will analyze the specific dynamics of the Armenian-Argentine community’s local activism and its contribution to the global recognition of the genocide.1 The commemoration on April 24 in the official Argentine calendar, the recognition of the extermination of Armenians as genocide by Francis I, Roman Catholicism’s first Argentinean Pope, demonstrate the importance of the interaction between the local and global.
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Krzysztan, Bartłomiej. "O polskiej historiografii ludobójstwa Ormian. Perspektywa krytyczna w świetle międzynarodowego stanu badań. Część II." Studia Polityczne 51, no. 2 (July 20, 2023): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2023.51.2.03.
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The Armenian Genocide (1915–1917) is one of the crucial events defining the character of the final period of the Ottoman Empire existence and the southern front of World War I. It is also a core identity reference for Armenians and a matter of memory dispute with the Turkish Republic. Since the 1970s it has been a relevant research space for historians. Surprisingly, in Polish historiography, the subject is addressed only marginally, and its bibliography is puzzlingly limited. The article aims to discuss the genocide’s Polish historiography in the broader context of world research. The description of the number of Polish inputs devoted to it provides background for the main research problem – a reflection on the shape of genocide narratives created by Polish historians. This makes it possible to indicate the discursive structures determining the historical narratives on the Armenian Genocide. Hypothetically, they are the result of both the issue of the time of their creation and the axiology and worldview of the authors. In the second part of this article, quasi-historical narratives are described in order to indicate broadly how the narrative of the Armenian Genocide in Poland is shaped. There is also a critical look at the only text describing the historiography of the genocide in Poland. Most importantly, there is a critical look at the historiography of genocide, combined with an attempt to place it in the typologies created for the world’s research output. The whole concludes with a single summary and bibliography.
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Pereira, Deize Crespim. "O genocídio armênio e seus reflexos na literatura." Revista de Estudos Orientais, no. 8 (December 31, 2010): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2763-650x.i8p91-105.
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The history of Armenia in the 20th century is marked by a tragedy: the genocide of approximately 1,500.000 inhabitants of Turkish Armenia by the Ottoman Empire. The goal of this paper is to analyze two main consequences of the Armenian genocide in Armenian literature, namely, the transition from modern (1850-1915) to contemporary literature (1915-), and the formation of Armenian contemporary literature in Diaspora. While Armenian modern literature is largely characterized by militant engagement, aiming to instruct the popular masses so that they could fight for political and social justice and forindependence, Armenian contemporary literature produced in Diaspora deals mainly with questions concerning cultural identity of Armenian descendants that were born in Diaspora. We exemplify these trends with excerpts from texts written by two modern authors (Raffi and Daniel Varujan) and two contemporary ones (William Saroyan and Michael J. Arlen).
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Osorio, James Carl. "Variations on a Dirge of Extermination: “Der Zor Çölünde” and the Armenian Genocide." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0044.
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In one of his lectures at Northwestern University, Eli Wiesel (1977) stressed that “if the Greeks invented tragedy, the Romans the epistle, and the Renaissance the sonnet, our generation invented a new literature, that of testimony.” However, Wiesel suggested the generation of the Holocaust and most likely have forgotten the eyewitness survivors of the Armenian Genocide. In this article, I focus on a specific kind of testimony that emerged amongst the survivors of the Armenian Genocide: the song-testimony. Thinking about music and sound is important as the experience of genocide stretches far beyond the visual-oriented notions of such tragedy. It is in this spirit that I write this essay to investigate “Der Zor Çölünde,” a series of song-testimonies that musically charts the experience of Armenians during the Genocide of 1915–1923. I primarily argue that Armenian deportees appropriated the musical and lyrical template of “Der Zor Çölünde” by creating new verses. In doing so, Armenians illustrated and immortalized what they saw, felt, and experienced during the deportations and forced marches. Considering the multifaceted nature of “Der Zor Çölünde,” this essay reimagines the Armenian Genocide experience through the voice(s) of its protagonists. Furthermore, I emphasize the importance and implication of listening to the performances of “Der Zor Çölünde” against the official narratives of genocide denial.
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Madoyan, Arpineh. "THE MEMORY OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE. P. BALAKIAN’S “BLACK DOG OF FATE”." Armenian Folia Anglistika 19, no. 2 (28) (December 23, 2023): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2023.19.2.187.
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The present article touches upon the mnemonic functions of literature in terms of shaping collective memory. P. Balakian’s novel “Black Dog of Fate” recounts family history of the Armenian Genocide survivors. In the novel the author constructs the narrative of memory via portraying the sufferings and pain of people who firsthand suffered the atrocities committed by Turks. The author with retrospection recollects his experience as a third generation of Genocide survivor. Various recurrent concepts like “old country”, Western Armenian food, the etymology of personal names are constant reminders of unbearable trauma and pain that Diaspora Armenians feel for their lost homeland. Even the title of the novel represents one of the underlying topics of the novel i.e. the fate (pakht) of Armenians is different from everyone else’s as the Genocide has left an indelible trace on each and every survivor of the Armenian Genocide. The novel also dwells on the issue of the identity crisis, since when the country that you come from is lost forever, any Armenian from the Diaspora doesn’t seem to have a sense of belonging. The main characters of the novel are Balakian’s family who suffer the trauma in their own way. Balakian’s narrative is constructed in a way that family history helps the readers understand the history in general. Each survivor’s story is part of a jigsaw puzzle at the end of which the reader envisages all the horrors of the Armenian Genocide.
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Dolbee, Samuel. "The Desert at the End of Empire: An Environmental History of the Armenian Genocide*." Past & Present 247, no. 1 (March 4, 2020): 197–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz055.
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Abstract In the contentious historiography of the Armenian genocide, the desert has been acknowledged by almost everyone as the endpoint of the deportations of hundreds of thousands of Ottoman Armenian citizens in 1915 and the years that followed. Those who use the term ‘genocide’ suggest that this action was tantamount to a death sentence, while those who oppose the term claim that the desert exculpates the Ottoman state. This article unpacks the meaning of the Jazira region — one of the arid regions to which Armenians were sent — and suggests how Ottoman officials used the desert to kill and Armenians used it to survive, mostly as part of nomadic groups among whom they were somewhere between slaves and family members. The desert even came to shape the humanitarian rescue campaign in the wake of the genocide and World War I, as organizations worked to remove Armenian children from the desert and, subsequently, to transform the desert itself by establishing Armenian agricultural colonies. Yet some Armenians stayed, and remain to this day in the Jazira calling themselves Armenian Muslims in honor of their heritage. The desert not only shaped Armenian suffering and survival. The marginal environment also incubated a population of imperial survivors, whose existence did not fit comfortably with post-Ottoman national divisions, or the historiographies influenced by them.
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Parsamyan, Seda. "Mass Destruction of Armenian Cultural Heritage during the Hamidian Massacres (1894-1896)." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0043.
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The policy of destruction of the Armenian cultural heritage in the Ottoman Empire began with the conquest of Western Armenia and has continued until the present day. Over the centuries, Armenian culture, as part of the Empire’s Christian culture, has either been destroyed spontaneously, in vast swathes or undergone various manifestations of neutralisationby various Turkish regimes. The first part of this article will outline the approaches made by Genocide study theorists concerning the origin and definition of the term “cultural genocide” existing until today, including the attempts at revising or even re-naming it. The second part outlines the chronology of Armenian cultural heritage destruction. A detailed description of the policy of demolition of the Armenian cultural heritage during Hamidian massacres as a manifestation of vandalism or cultural genocide will also be presented.
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Nuriyeva, Irada. "31 March Genocide Committed by the “Oppressed Armenian People” Against Azerbaijanis on the Way of Realizing the Dream of “Great Armenia”." Metafizika Journal 7, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33864/2617-751x.2024.v7.i1.132-147.
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The policy of genocide carried out by Armenian nationalists against Azerbaijanis has a history of more than 200 years. The goal of this insidious policy was the expulsion of Azerbaijani people from their historical lands and the creation of a mythical state of “Great Armenia” in these territories. On March 31, 1918, under the leadership of the Dashnaktsutyun party with the help of the Red Army of Soviet Russia, the Azerbaijani population of Baku was subjected to genocide. The corpses of 57 Muslim women, whose ears and noses were cut off, and their bellies were torn open, were found in one of the neighborhoods in Baku. Armenians threw people alive into water wells, burning ovens, and oil wells, ripped apart pregnant women's bellies with bayonets, killed children with bayonets, nailed babies to walls, raped women, young girls, and old women. They hung men upside down by their legs, cut them in half with swords, crucified some of them on wooden beds, wrapped them in carpets and rugs and burned them alive, cut off people's hands and feet, and forced them to eat their own flesh under bayonets. Wild Armenian gangs burned Muslim clerics in the fire of bonfires lit from the Koran, the holy book of Islam. This was the true face of the Armenian nationalists who loudly shouted about “self-determination”, “autonomy” and “genocide”. The cruelty of Andranik, who made “necklaces” from children’s eyes, and other Armenians, knew no bounds. In March 1918, up to 20 thousand Azerbaijanians in Baku, and in 1917-1920 on the territory of Azerbaijan, more than 400 thousand Azerbaijani people were subjected to “genocide” by the Armenians. As the world ignores these atrocities, they are increasing.
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Gasparyan, Seda. "The Theory of Frame in Rejecting the Rejectionists’ Position on the Armenian Genocide." Armenian Folia Anglistika 11, no. 1 (13) (April 15, 2015): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2015.11.1.167.
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The focus of the present article is the fabricated nature of some rejectionists’ interpretations of the Armenian Genocide brought out by the theory of frame – a reliable instrument widely applicable in cognitive linguistics. Referring to the information accumulated and stored in the memory of humanity and actually reflected in different dictionaries, literary works, official correspondence and documents, the author draws the readers’ attention to the background significance of the concepts Armenian and Turk in the cognizance and evaluation of the genocidal events in Western Armenia at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Gasparyan, Naira. "Analysis and Interpretation of Genocide Related Terms." Armenian Folia Anglistika 12, no. 2 (16) (October 17, 2016): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2016.12.2.139.
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The present article seeks to establish the cognitive value and the communicative message of genocide related terms with the account of the extra-linguistic factors. Terms like slaughter, massacre, ethnic cleansing, physical annihilation, killings, deportations are used to present and discuss both pro-Turkish attitudes of and neutral or pro-Armenian standpoints of great humanists and friends of Armenians. Still another intent of ours is to show that the terms genocide and democide which realize a specifically highlighted cognitive function, are the most appropriate ones to best define the disastrous events of 1915 on the territory of West (Turkish) Armenia.
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HARUTYUNIAN, SHAHEN. "IDEOLOGICAL TENDENCIES OF DISSENT IN SOVIET ARMENIA IN THE 1960S AND 1980S." Scientific bulletin 1, no. 46 (April 26, 2024): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/scientific.v1i46.135.
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There were three primary ideological paths followed by the dissident movements in Soviet Armenia that originated in the USSR in the 1960s of the 20th century. In Soviet Armenia, dissent was primarily organized around national issues such as the mention of the Armenian Genocide, the demands for the reunification of Karabakh and Nakhichevan to the motherland, preservation of the Armenian language, restoration of Armenia's independence, and defense of human rights. Objectives and plans of covert groups established in Soviet Armenia bore the ideological imprint of these movements. The fight to restore Armenia's independence was of utmost significance in Soviet Armenia. The purpose of this article is to present the ideological directions of Armenian dissent and their manifestations. In order to realize the goal, the task was set to research and discuss the dissident organizations founded in Soviet Armenia and the individual approaches that integrated all the ideological directions of the Armenian dissident in their programs and activities. Historical and comparative methods were used. Content analysis of state and personal archival materials, interviews, and memoirs was carried out. It has been established that the dissident manifestations in Soviet Armenia had three key ideological directions, which had different priorities in different periods.
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Manukyan, Suren. "On the Academic Classifications of Genocides." Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 9, no. 2 (February 12, 2022): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0021.
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Discussion continues over the subject of genocide, the boundaries of the crime, as genocide scholars debate its key concept, the term genocide. Some of them have contributed their own definitions of the phenomenon, which cannot have legal force. Disputes continue over whether the massacres can be considered genocide or not. It can be summed up that most scholars are in the middle ground between the two farthest approaches (if some argue for the uniqueness of the Holocaust, then the other camp offers a broad, almost universal inclusion of mass murder cases under the definition of genocide). There is almost complete consensus on the four major genocides: the Armenian Genocide, the Holocaust, the Cambodian Genocide, and the Rwandan Genocide. But many more other cases are the subject of academic and often political debate. To clarify this debate, comparative genocide studies and the classification of genocides can be helpful. The classification of Vahakn Dadrian is essential for us. He divided genocidal cases into four groups: Cultural, Latent, Retributive, Utilitarian and Optimal genocide, based on the outcome of the genocide. In parallel with this process, several terms continue to be used that do not correspond with genocide, but help explain related issues: politicide, gendercide, eliticide. However, we should remember that genocide is a legal term; the others are not.
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Krzysztan, Bartłomiej. "O polskiej historiografii ludobójstwa Ormian. Perspektywa krytyczna w świetle międzynarodowego stanu badań. Część I." Studia Polityczne 51, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2023.51.1.08.
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The Armenian Genocide, which took place from 1915 to 1917, is one of the most crucial events defining the character of both the final period of the Ottoman Empire and the southern front of World War I. It is also a core identity reference for Armenians and a matter of memory dispute with the Turkish Republic. Since the 1970s, it has been a relevant research space for historians. Surprisingly, in Polish historiography, the subject is only marginally addressed, and its bibliography is puzzlingly limited. The article aims to discuss the Polish historiography of the Armenian Genocide in the broader context of world research. The description of the number of Polish inputs devoted to the Armenian Genocide provides background for the main research problem – a reflection on the shape of genocide narratives created by Polish historians. This makes it possible to indicate the discursive structures that determine the historical narratives on the Armenian Genocide. Hypothetically, they result from both the time in which they were created and the authors’ axiology and worldview. The article is divided into two parts. The first, in addition to the introduction and description of the state of research, focuses on the interpretation of all Polish historical texts concerning the issue of the Armenian Genocide. A critical analysis is devoted to both compact monographs and broader historical works in which reference is made to the issue of the genocide, above all in the context of the historiography of the declining period of the Ottoman Empire.
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Souleimanov, Emil, Maya Ehrmann, and Vincenc Kopeček. "Uznání genocidy Arménů jako téma politického diskursu Arménie, Turecka a vybraných zemí EU." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 15, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2013.4.247.
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The issue whether to legally recognize the tragic events of 1915 in Eastern Anatolia as a genocide remains a key political issue which drives an edge between Armenia and the Republic of Turkey. Through their European diaspora communities, the issue has also entered the domain of the European Union (EU), becoming even more controversial as Turkey is in the process of hotly contested EU accession talks. The present article uses the instruments of discourse analysis to focus on the current perceptions of the Armenian genocide in the various countries involved, specifically within the EU, Armenia and Turkey, in order to explore the political rationale behind the commitment of various states to recognize or deny the aforementioned historical events as an act of genocide. After providing a brief historical overview of the 1915 events, we analyse internal EU perceptions of the “reality” of the Armenian genocide recognition, primarily in relation to Turkey's accession efforts. We then focus on the domestic discourses in Armenia and Turkey, with the goal of shedding light on the rationale behind both Yerevan's encouragement of genocide recognition and Ankara's unwillingness to recognize the genocide, as well as on the political implications of recognition and denial.
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Grigoryan, Hasmik. "Food Procurement Methods during the Armenian Genocide as Expressions of “Unarmed Resistance”: Children’s Experiences." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0022.
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The main objective of the article is to discuss whether food procurement methods during the Armenian Genocide could be considered as unarmed resistance. For this purpose, the first part of the article touched upon some scientific questions and the formation of the concept of unarmed resistance in the context of the Holocaust. Such scientific interest was inspired by the fact that though there had been instances of armed resistance during the Armenian Genocide, fights in self-defense, including those with victorious outcomes, as in Van, nonetheless there existed an opinion that the Armenians were to be blamed, to some extent, to have been “slaughtered like sheep,” i.e. without resistance. For that very reason, the purpose of this article was to offer a scholarly assessment of the concept of “resistance” by suggesting its subcategories as subjects for separate research. Indeed, it is impossible to cover all the viewpoints on the problem and all the forms of resistance within one article; however, this article was an attempt to formulate new queries. In the second section of the article, an attempt is made to group food procurement methods during the Armenian Genocide and consider them in the context of the concept of unarmed resistance. Special attention is paid to the experiences of children, trying also to identify the types of activities that the social groups were involved in and the extent of involvement. Food acquisition methods that were part of the daily life during the Armenian Genocide are discussed as expressions of conscious and unconscious struggle against the genocidal policy of condemning people to starvation. The article is based on published memoires and oral histories of the Armenian Genocide survivors.1 Although food procurement methods were diverse, the article offers the most common forms: feeding on wild grass, collecting fruits, berries, and nuts, begging, often referred to by the survivors as life and death struggle.
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Karamanian, Susan L. "Economic-Legal Perspectives on the Armenian Genocide." International Criminal Law Review 14, no. 2 (March 13, 2014): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01401008.
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The Armenian Genocide of 1915, while causing substantial loss of life, also had enormous economic consequences. Important new scholarship has established that depriving Armenians of their homes, businesses, and personal effects was a means of ensuring their removal from Turkey. The findings establish that Armenian property was then misappropriated to benefit Turkey. The economic harm continues today, largely unmitigated. Mere economic loss due to State action, alone, is difficult to fit within the accepted definition of genocide. Yet, the mass killings and deportations surrounding the property losses make the economic harm legally relevant. Further, the economic dimension has significance, the genocide aside. Claims for reparation, which arise out of contract and property law, are the most viable legal option for many of the heirs of the Armenians. Pursuing claims, however, is costly and time-consuming. Ideally, the significance of the claims and the difficulties of a piece-meal approach to resolving them could lead to an international claims settlement process for the benefit of the affected Armenians.
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Marutyan, Harutyun. "The Motto “I Remember and Demand” and the Challenges of Transmitting the Memory of the Armenian Genocide in the 21st Century." Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 9, no. 2 (February 12, 2022): 9–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0020.
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The Pan-Armenian Declaration, adopted on January 29, 2015 at the meeting of the State Commission on Coordination of the events for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, notes that it “considers the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide an important milestone on the ongoing struggle for historical justice under the motto “I remember and I demand.”” Thus, it was proposed to consider this motto as a short formulation of the policy of memory of Armenians. This raises questions related to the components of this motto and requiring clarification in the context of conveying the memory of the Genocide in the 21st century: Who do I remember? What do I remember? How do I remember? What do I demand? From whom do I demand? How do I demand? The article proposes and justifies the answers to these questions. In particular, on the first issue, it is proposed to compile an electronic database of victims and survivors of the Genocide, their memories, video and audio recordings. The necessity of reformulating the name of the day of commemoration of the victims of the Genocide is substantiated. Answering the question “what do I remember?,” it is proposed to remember also the self-defense battles during the Genocide; the humanitarian assistance of Armenian and foreign benefactors; humanitarian resistance to the perpetrators of the genocide; mutual assistance of family members, relatives, friends; moral victories; the struggle to stay alive. In answer to the question “how do I remember?” talks about the problems of mourning and worthy memory; commemorative processions; the construction of monuments (khachkars); the introduction of the “Park of Memory” culture; forms of using the memory of the Genocide as a means of strengthening the Armenian Diaspora communities; the need to organize exhibitions; highlighting specific people and organizations from the collective image of the victims of the Genocide processions with their portraits; creation of methods of teaching genocide and other problems. In connection with the question “what do I demand?” talks about various manifestations of Armenian demands (land, financial, moral), the question of the need to form a state approach to the problem is raised. Touching upon the question “from whom do I demand?,” the views prevailing in the society (from the world, from Turkey, from the Armenians, etc.) are considered. When discussing the question “how do I demand?” we are talking about the creation of such structures, similar to which were formed in due time to solve analogous problems and successfully passed the exam for decades, and have an experience, knowledge of which will also be useful for Armenians (for example, the “Conference on Jewish material claims against Germany”).
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Tatoyan, Robert. "British Diplomat and Spy Major Noel’s Report on the Extermination of Armenians and Assyrians in Diarbekir Province during the Armenian Genocide." Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, no. 1 (May 20, 2022): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0028.
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This publication presents the report by Major Edward William Noel, British diplomat and spy, regarding the extermination of Armenians and Assyrians in Diarbekır province during the Armenian Genocide. The document, entitled “Christian Massacres of 1915 in Diarbekir Vilayat,” has been compiled in April, 1919 in the city of Mardin, where the author was on a fact-finding mission, so most of the massacre cases presented there refer to the mentioned locality. Attached to Noel’s report, as an appendix, we present the letter of Arthur Calthorpe, British High Commissioner in Constantinople, to British Foreign Minister Lord George Curzon, dated July 2, 1919, in which he transmits Major Noel’s estimate of populations of Diarbekir vilayet before and after the First World War. Major Noel has been characterized by researchers as “an expert on Kurdistan and the Kurds”, and as “the main British agent in Kurdistan, both in Anatolia and in Iraq, from 1919 to 1922,” so these documents published in Armenian translation, as well as other papers related to his mission in 1919 are very remarkable from the point of view of studying the demography of the southern regions of Western Armenia, the course of the Armenian Genocide, as well as of the history of ArmenianKurdish, Armenian-Turkish, Turkish-Kurdish relationships after the First World War.
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Erysian, Barbara. "Why the Armenian Genocide Lives in Me." Genealogy 2, no. 4 (November 21, 2018): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy2040050.
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Little has been taught about the Armenian Genocide of 1915 when approximately 1.5 million Armenians were brutally slaughtered. Moreover, the events are still being denied today. Community College Math Professor Barbara Erysian, an unlikely candidate to tell the story, carries the memories and sorrow of her people. She has dedicated herself to telling the story of how her grandmother survived the genocide. The story, repeatedly told to her as a child, is very much a part of her identity. Her essay describes some of the terrors of 1915. She believes the memory and pain of the Armenian Genocide must be told so that these crimes are never forgotten.
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Zekiyan, Boghos Levon. "Armenian-Turkish Relations in the Framework of Turkish and Armenian Scholarships." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190386.
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AbstractUsually, the Armenian-Turkish relations are taken into consideration as they developed in the most recent and most tragic phase of their history—in the aftermath of 1915, the emblematic year of the Armenian Genocide under the last Ottoman rule. In all this phase those relations were branded by the awful shock of the Genocide. Notwithstanding these tremendous developments of the recent history, one cannot, however, ignore that Turks and Armenians had a long common history for nearly one millennium. It is not the aim of this study to draft a historical outline of the Armenian-Turkish relations. Such a task would require a collection of data and analyses going far beyond the limits of this paper. The author tries to give a more careful insight into the Armenian-Turkish relations, pointing at some of the major obstacles hindering a balanced and critically dialectical approach of them, free from passionate, biased, and stereotyped views and attitudes; the latter, in most cases, being the consequence of the bleeding trauma of the Armenians, and of the self-justificatory strategy of the Turks, which is also the result of a deep trauma even if due to different reasons than that of the Armenians.
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Hakhoyan, Vazgen. "Mass Killings Implemented by the Kemalists in Pambak Area (Shirak province) according to the Family Memories of Eyewitness-Survivors (1920 - 1921)." Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 9, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 83–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0018.
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In 1920, the operations of Kemalist troops in the Pambak area until the outlined “neutral zone” of the Turkish-Armenian troops were true genocidal action, similar to the genocide implemented by Young Turks in the Western Armenia. Not only had the local residents fell victim to the Turkish sword, but also thousands of exiled from Kars province and refugees from Shirak. The article is largely based on the reproduction of the memories of eyewitnesses and their descendants. Ethnographic research, collection of oral accounts, land clearing works and observations, as well as archival studies have been carried out. The studies demonstrate the process of actions, the forms of organizing the massacres and the pursued goals of the genocidal acts of the Kemalists against the peaceful Armenian population.
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Dixon, Jennifer M. "Norms, Narratives, and Scholarship on the Armenian Genocide." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 4 (October 14, 2015): 796–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001002.
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Analyzing the politics of the past in the context of the Armenian Genocide reveals an evolving interplay between international norms, official narratives, and broader discourses. This short essay explores three aspects of these interrelationships. First, I draw on my own research to highlight the ways in which changes in Turkey's narrative of the genocide—typically referred to in official discourse assözde Ermeni sorunu(the so-called Armenian question), or more recently as1915 olayları(the events of 1915)—have to some extent paralleled shifts in the meaning and salience of the norm against genocide. Second, I note key ways in which the Turkish state's official discourse has shaped public understandings—within and, to a lesser extent, outside Turkey—of the nature of the violence against Ottoman Armenians. Third, I suggest that in influencing public understandings of the relationship between this event and the concept of genocide, Turkey's official narrative has the potential to affect understandings of the meaning of genocide more generally.
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Jokic, Vukan, and Maria Armoudian. "Familiar Yet Foreign: Armenians in the New Zealand Imagination before the Armenian Genocide." Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies 27, no. 1 (August 25, 2020): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26670038-12342702.
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Abstract This study of New Zealand newspapers explores the portrayals of Armenia and Armenians from relatively frequent media coverage dating from 1842 and leading up to the beginning of the 1915 Genocide. In this article, we analyze a sample of more than 35,000 archived news articles and discover recurring tropes about Armenians in both local and national publications. This article breaks new ground in the field of Armenian studies by shedding light on these narratives present in New Zealand. Furthermore, this article serves as an aide-mémoire of a special relationship between New Zealanders and Armenians, which has been lost in the reframing of history.
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Korkmaz, Ayşenur. "At ‘Home’ Away from ‘Home’: The ex-Ottoman Armenian Refugees and the Limits of Belonging in Soviet Armenia." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601008.
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This article explores spatial attachments among the ex-Ottoman Armenians who survived the Armenian Genocide and settled in their ‘new homeland’, Soviet Armenia. It addresses the question of how the refugees dealt with loss and displacement and reflected on their former hometowns, referred to as ‘Ergir’, a spatial construct denoting a symbolic ‘Armenian homeland’ or a ‘local homeland’ in Anatolia. I argue that the refugees conceptualised Ergir not only in relation to their expulsion but also the socio-political factors that influenced them in Soviet Armenia in three periods. The first era of reflection on Ergir was the 1920s and 1930s, replete with nostalgic sentiments. The second was the suppression of the theme of Ergir, between 1936–1960, particularly during political crackdowns in Stalin’s era. The third period saw the revival of Ergir and marked a new phase in the conceptualisations of ‘homeland’ in which the displacement from Anatolia in 1915–1916 and the Stalinist purges were enmeshed into one tragedy of the ex-Ottoman Armenians.
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Phillips, David L. "Watershed moment in US-Turkey relations." Commentaries 1, no. 1 (November 27, 2021): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tc.v1i1.1993.
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President Joe Biden recognized atrocities committed against Armenians as the Armenian Genocide in his statement on Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day (24 April 2021). The statement represents a watershed moment in US-Turkey relations. President Tayyip Erdogan can address US and international concerns prior to the Biden-Erdogan summit on the margin of June’s NATO meeting, or he can double down and intensify repression against Turkey’s ethnic and religious minorities. Erdogan’s course will define international relations prior to the centennial of the founding of the Turkish republic in 2023.
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Adak, Hülya. "Teaching the Armenian Genocide in Turkey: Curriculum, Methods, and Sources." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 5 (October 2016): 1515–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.5.1515.
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Since 2001, I Have Been Teaching Courses in Cultural Studies, European and Turkish Literature, Modern Drama, and Gender and sexuality studies at Sabancı University in Istanbul. During my fifteen years of teaching undergraduate and graduate students, the Armenian genocide was a particularly challenging theme to bring into the classroom. Even at Sabancı University, one of the rare liberal universities in Turkey to offer courses that challenge Turkish national myths, most students, including those who graduated from “liberal” high schools, had received a nationalist education and came to college either not knowing anything about the Armenian genocide or denying it altogether. Denial of the Armenian genocide is still pervasive in Turkey; 1915 is identified in history textbooks as the year of the Battle of Gallipoli, the most important Ottoman victory against the British and French naval forces during World War I. For most of the twentieth century and up until 2005, when the seminal Ottoman Armenians Conference opened a public discussion of the topic, silence regarding the deportation and genocide of the Ottoman Armenians prevailed. If denialist myths in Turkey acknowledge the deaths of the Ottoman Armenians, they justify such deaths as “retaliation” for the deaths of Turkish Muslims during the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 or equate the massacres of Armenians with Turkish casualties of war from the same period. For instance, Talat Paşa, the mastermind behind the deportations and massacres of roughly one million Armenians in 1915-16, argues in his memoirs that an equal number of Turks were killed by Armenians during World War I and in its aftermath (51-56).
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Ferri, Enrico. "The Armenian Diaspora in Italy." Oriente Moderno 95, no. 1-2 (August 7, 2015): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340082.
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Taking inspiration from some analytical paths in a recent book by Agop Manoukian—Presenza Armena in Italia. 1915-2000, Milano, Guerini e Associati, 2014)—the author traces some significant moments of the Armenian diaspora in Italy during the 20th century including its complex relations with socio-political Italy, in context with Middle Eastern and international relations, which during the World Wars also involves the United States. In particular, the author considers the relations of the Italian Armenian diaspora with the kingdom of Italy in the first instance and then with the fascist regime, during the period when racial laws involved the small Armenian community. Then the author focuses on the new realities of Republican Italy and the Socialist Republic of Armenia and the debate that developed during the second half of last century, between those who believed it possible to preserve the Armenian identity and those in the diaspora who supported a political initiative in favour of the re-conquest of Armenia’s historic lands. Particular attention is reserved for the genocide of 1915 and the new entity of the Republic of Armenia.
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Gzoyan, Edita, Regina Galustyan, and Shushan Khachatryan. "Reclaiming Children after the Armenian Genocide: Neutral House in Istanbul." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 33, no. 3 (2019): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcz044.
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Abstract During the Armenian Genocide the Turkish Government forcibly converted and assimilated Armenian children. The defeat of the Ottoman Empire in WWI brought the opportunity to retrieve such children, whose identities and future became a battleground between Armenians and Turks. This article addresses the fate of these child-survivors, many of whom, after being rescued, continued to deny their Armenian identities. The article presents a history of Neutral House, a unique organization established in Istanbul to return these children to their nation.
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Gea, Lenggo Anastasia Brilliant, and Michelle Sharon Anastasia Matakupan. "The Crime of the Armenian Genocide from an International Law Perspective." QISTINA: Jurnal Multidisiplin Indonesia 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2024): 616–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.57235/qistina.v3i1.2352.
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Genocide, or in Indonesian, Genosida, is a form of crime that attacks humanity by ruthlessly eliminating a group for the personal interests of the perpetrators themselves. Various acts of genocide include slaughtering a targeted group, which then physically and mentally assaults the victims. One example of genocide is the Armenian Genocide that occurred in the 20th century and lasted for 8 years. This action was focused on annihilating unarmed people, women, and children in Armenia according to the orders of the Ottoman Emperor at that time.
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Sharueva, Marina V. "THE MAIN “PUSH FACTORS” BEHIND MIGRATORY MOVEMENT OF THE ARMENIANS TO RUSSIA IN THE NEW AND MODERN TIMES." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-3-110-121.
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The article presents the main milestones in the history of the Armenians’ migration to the territory of Russia in the modern and postmodern era. Stating that the main migration causes were of a military-political and economic nature, the author analyzes the events that make up the migration history of the Armenian people in the New and Modern times from a legal point of view. The author pays special attention to the repatriation institution in the context of the “Armenian dispersion” history, including in the Soviet period (the second half of the 1940s – early 1950s). The history of the Armenian resettlement to Russia and the formation of the Armenian Diaspora here is reconstructed in close connection with the analysis of such Russian historical plots fundamental to the fate of Armenia as the wars for Transcaucasia, Russia’s patronage of the same-religion people and its resettlement policy, the work of Russian diplomacy in Transcaucasia in the 19th century, the Armenian Genocide of 1915, etc. The author considers the relationship between Armenians and their neighbors in the region who profess Islam to be the key plot of the study. The author attempts to identify the main causes of the centuries-old tragic conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis, while the author places that conflict in a migration historical context.
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Panossian, Razmik. "Between Ambivalence and Intrusion: Politics and Identity in Armenia-Diaspora Relations." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 149–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.2.149.
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The irony of this poem is that it was not written in the diaspora, but in the “homeland” of Soviet Armenia, by one of its most prominent poets. And yet, he is still haunted by the uncertainty of being a “tourist” in his “own land” and by the rootlessness of being part of “a landless people.” The poet, living in the Soviet Armenian republic, is nevertheless drawn to the lost lands beyond the borders of his country, to the heartland of historic Armenia, presently located in Turkey, which was emptied of its indigenous Armenian population through the 1915 Genocide. Emin captures the ambiguity in the question “where is my homeland?”—a question much more commonly posed by diasporic people. The answer is difficult because of the variations and overlap in the very definitions of “homeland” and of “Armenianness” in both the diaspora and the homeland. For the past eighty years, Armenians have been arguing, sometimes vehemently, over homeland-diaspora relations. Consequently, the essential division within the Armenian nation, and within its major diaspora communities, has been, and still is, over the question of how to relate to (formerly Soviet) Armenia, the surviving “kin-state” of the much broader and ambiguous notion of the “Armenian homeland.”
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Balashov, Y. A., and S. E. Davtyan. "Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora under the conditions of Armenian-Turkish rapprochement." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 130 (2010): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1030089b.
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The Armenian Diaspora (Spyurq) is one of the oldest and skilled diasporas in the world. Armenian communities are present in practically all the corners of the globe and are distinguished both by uncommon abilities of adaptation and the preservation of their cultural specificity. Due to these features, Armenian diasporic communities possess solid development potential, ensuring their high status through an active penetration of Armenians into the elite of the accepting society and a stable character of their communal institutes. Recent Armenian-Turkish rapprochement to some extent brings into question the traditional unity of the Armenian Diaspora and its close relationship with the Republic of Armenia. Representatives of the Spyurq with a negative attitude towards rapprochement between Armenia and Turkey on existing terms can be conditionally divided into three categories: Romanticists (represented mainly by the Union of Armenians of Russia) believe in a certain 'mission' of the Armenian nation and the 'superiority' of Armenians over the Turkic nations. The Armenian people are, thus, viewed as an integral whole which is not divided into citizens of Armenia and representatives of the Diaspora. Therefore, the government in Yerevan has only a symbolic meaning and has no right to make any crucial decision on all-Armenian issues, in particular in the domain of relations between the Armenian and the Turkish people. Nationalists (mainly supporters of the Dashnaktsutyun party, from the USA and Lebanon, as well as natives of Nagorno-Karabakh and descendants of natives of Western Armenia, which is now Turkish territory) consider the rapprochement of the RA with Turkey as an actual rejection of the struggle for Turkish recognition of the Armenian Genocide, as well as a 'betrayal' of Nagorno-Karabakh's independence. Pragmatists understand international law, political science and history but, in their opinion, the signed Zurich protocols contain weakly reasoned formulations which are not in accordance with the interests of the RA and are, therefore, inefficient. These formulations 1. do not contain any guarantees of the protocols' observance on the part of Turkey, 2. recognize the existing configuration of the Armenian-Turkish borders, i.e. symbolize the refusal to return Western Armenia to the Armenian state, and 3. recognize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the existing states, which translates into a withholding of support for Nagorno-Karabakh, which was a part of AzSSR during the period of the USSR. Besides, Armenian-Turkish rapprochement is interpreted by members of this category as a result of external pressure on Armenia on the part of Russia and the USA. In signing the Zurich protocols, the leadership of the RA was guided, first of all, by the state interests of the RA. The Diaspora factor was in this case secondary, although it was taken into consideration. The split in the Armenian Diaspora, in the authors' opinion, will be short-lived, because, in the end, pragmatism will prevail. .
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Chubaryan, Siranush. "Genocide and Holocaust Education at Secondary Schools in Armenia." Armenian Folia Anglistika 7, no. 1 (8) (April 15, 2011): 150–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2011.7.1.150.
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The article refers to the organization of Genocide and Holocaust Education at secondary schools in Armenia. The survey and investigation indicate the key direction of the reforms in the national program of education. Special attention is paid to reforms in the fields of social sciences, as well as human rights (including the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust) at the secondary schools in Armenia which significantly contribute to the establishment of civil society in our country.
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Antonovych, Myroslava. "The Hegemony of a Ruling Party as a Common Element in the Armenian Genocide, the Holodomor and the Holocaust." NaUKMA Research Papers. Law 11 (October 26, 2023): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-2607.2023.11.40-46.
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With the development of comparative genocide as the second generation of genocide studies over the last decades it became important to examine the Holodomor as a crime of genocide committed by the Communist party of the Soviet Union in comparative perspective with other genocides. In this article, the author offers a comparative analysis of the Holodomor with cases of genocide in the first half of the 20th century – namely, the Armenian genocide of the Ottoman Empire and the Holocaust of Nazi Germany – from the perspective of perpetrators (organizers). The author compares the three genocides as crimes under international law in terms of one of the mental elements of genocide that characterizes each of them, noting the similarities in ruling political parties as organizers of those crimes who exercised the collective intent in each of the case of genocide under analyses. The author argues that hegemony of a ruling party: the Ittihadists, the Communists, and the Nazis which substituted the state organization was a common element in the genocides perpetrated in the Ottoman Empire, the Soviet Union, and the Third Reich. Moreover, in the ongoing Russian genocide against the Ukrainian nation with culmination since 24 February 2022, it is again the ruling party – Yedinaya Rosiya (Single Russia) which is the foundation of Russian totalitarian regime that organized this crime of genocide.
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Abrahamyan, Lusine. "In Preparation for the Armenian Genocide in Trapizon: Early Phase and Activation." Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, no. 2 (October 28, 2022): 26–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0032.
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The article examines the anti-Armenian policy of the Young Turks’ government in the province of Trapizon after the 1908 revolution. A series of anti-Armenian activities and anti-Armenian propaganda were carried out by the government and local Muslim fanatics, that had a negative impact on both the social and economic life of Trapizon Armenians. Based on the primary sources, the paper discusses some elements of persecutions against the Armenian population of Trapizon, those related to planning, organization, implementation, and the involvement of the state. The Armenian Genocide was the logical continuation of that policy, which entered the activation phase when Behaeddin Shakir, a member of the Central Committee of the Young Turks’ party, the president of the Special Organization, arrived in Trapizon.
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Seppälä, Serafim. "The 'Temple of Non-Being' at Tsitsernakaberd and remembrance of the Armenian genocide: an interpretation." Approaching Religion 6, no. 2 (December 14, 2016): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67589.
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This paper discusses and analyses the memorial complex of Tsitsernakaberd in Yerevan as an architectural and symbolic entity in relation to Armenian national identity in the aftermath of the Armenian genocide of 1915. How does this Soviet-era structure fulfil its role as a genocide memorial today, including its function as a forced substitute for the hundreds of holy places and the culture and life connected with them? On the one hand, this is only a small inquiry into the function of one building complex. Yet on the other hand, the topic is more essential than perhaps anything in history: the genocide memorial crystallises a set of profound questions, serious problems and agonising processes. An entire national existence can be crushed in a genocide and subsequently debased through its denial, resulting in existential problems such as, on the one hand, a pressure of assimilation for the diaspora, and on the other, severe socio-economic and geopolitical-military crises in present-day Armenia.
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Romanenko, Elena A. "Genocide of the Armenians as a Crime That Violates International Law Provisions (a Historical and Legal Aspect)." International criminal law and international justice 1 (February 22, 2024): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2071-1190-2024-1-24-27.
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The purpose of the study is to substantiate the fact that political genocide is one of the most serious crimes throughout the entire path of human development. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following task – to present and analyze the stages and manifestations of the policy of cultural genocide carried out by the Young Turks in Western Armenia and other Armenian-populated areas of the Ottoman Empire, and then by the Kemals in the Republic of Armenia.
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Krzysztan, Bartłomiej. "Historical Analogy and Political Continuity as Technologies of Power. The Armenian Genocide and Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Interrelation in the Contemporary Armenian Politics." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 6, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 6–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0021.
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Analyses of the transformation and political change in Armenia pays noticeable attention to the dominant role of discourses of the Armenian Genocide and the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh for nation and state-building processes. At the same time, the two issues usually are investigated separately. Attempts are rarely made to interpret the interrelation and connection between the two narratives. Nevertheless, the trauma-based discourse of memory is linking the two narratives as technology of power through discursive structures/mechanisms of analogy and continuity. Methods of discourse analysis combined with expert interviews, internet questionnaires and ethnographic field research aim to analyse the crucial discursive patterns and mechanisms. Hypothetically, instrumentalized and ideological usage of combined narratives are impacting the political changes, in Post-Soviet Armenia. The article touches upon only one aspect of the discursive interrelation between the Armenian Genocide and the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Thus, the subject under the question is the impact of theusage of historical analogy and the idea of continuity understand as technologies on contemporary Armenian politics of memory.
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Theriault, Henry C. "Reparations for Genocide: Group Harm and the Limits of Liberal Individualism." International Criminal Law Review 14, no. 2 (March 13, 2014): 441–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01401015.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, there has been a handful of lawsuits billed as attempts to gain reparations for the Armenian Genocide. These suits, however, have concerned only ancillary wrongs done to individuals, not the culpable harm done to the Armenian group as a whole through genocide. As such, these suits do not actually pursue reparations for the Armenian Genocide. Not only do awarded or negotiated reparations not function to address the damage done by the Armenian Genocide as a force of group destruction – a force whose consequences remain debilitating today politically, economically, culturally, and socially – but the basis of the cases is not the genocide. In fact, misrepresented as genocide reparations cases, they displace genuine reparation claims. The focus on individual suits and exclusion of genuine group reparations are a function of the limits of the Western liberal individual intellectual and political system that grounds international law. Only through fundamental changes in the guiding assumptions of that system will adequate, that is, true group reparations become viable.