Journal articles on the topic 'Army Field Artillery Battalion'

To commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Xinghai Revolution, the government of Wuchang district in Wuhan City intends to rehabilitate rain-wind corridor, feudal pavilion and the city walls. After access to historical data, site survey, mapping, photographing and measuring, the rehabilitating engineering program of rain-wind corridor, feudal pavilion and the city walls of the Wuchang Uprising Gate is achieved. In the fourth year of Hongwu (1371), Ming dynasty, Zhou Dexing, the duke of Jiangxia, built Wuchang city on the basis of Yingzhou city of Tang dynasty. Wuchang city has large scale. In Ming and Qing dynasty, it was the legacy of county, town, city and province. Its diameter from the east to the west was of 2.5 km, with 3 km from the north to south. The thickness of wall foundation is 22.44 m, with top thickness 17.82 m. Nine gates were designed for the ancient city. The Uprising gate, one of the nine gate of the Wuchang ancient city, was opened to the south and also the busiest gate for entering the city. New Army Engineering Battalion of Hubei took the lead and fired the first shot. And then they occupied Zhonghe Gate and Chu Wangtai to welcome the South Lake artillery, Ma team and other revolutionaries.

The modern “Anti-Access/Area Denial” A2/AD systems are defined as a combination of all possible measures that can limit the ability of a potential opponent to enter and occupy a given area (operational theatre). Their action relies, among others, on radio-electronic disruption of digital guidance systems, communication, command and control systems, shooting down long-range maneuvering missiles, drones, and aircraft. The primary assumption of the anti-access concept is to deprive the enemy of the possibility of entering a given operational area (A2 – Anti-Access) through long-range destruction and depriving them of freedom of action in that theatre (AD – Area-Denial) by medium and short-range weapons. The Surface-to-Air Missiles (SAM), Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBM), and Anti-Ship Manoeuvring Cruise Missile (ASCM) are used to carry out A2/AD tasks. Field artillery has also been used recently, particularly the Long-Range Precision Fires (LRPF). The purpose of the article is to determine the chance of using field artillery against the A2/AD systems. According to the authors, the NATO forces will lose control in the air in the first period of the conventional conflict with an equivalent opponent, and its rapid recovery will be a priority. Field artillery, as a weapon with ever greater possibilities of precise and deep destruction, can become a decisive factor, allowing dominance of A2/AD systems and enabling the implementation of tasks of its air-force and army aviation, as well as ground forces.

The article states that the Crimean War of 1853–1856 showed the imperfection of the Russian army’s weapon. The growth of weapons in European countries in the post-war period urged Russia to eliminate the backlog of the Russian army in the field of weapons and to carry out fundamental reform in this field. The article considers the issues related to military reforms in Russia in the second half of the 19th century, which covered all the main areas of military construction such as recruitment and organization of troops, principles of troop management, rearmament of infantry, artillery and cavalry, a system of combat training of troops and officers. The study focuses on the fact that one of the most important and difficult problem of military reform was the rearmament of the army. The scientific novelty lies in the interdisciplinary consideration of issues related to the results of the activities of the weapons industry in manufacturing new samples of small arms and their supply to the army with the involvement of the works of domestic historians. It is concluded that although during the period of military reforms of the 1860–1870s significant success was achieved in the development of the arms industry; its production capacities were not enough to fully satisfy the army’s needs for weapons. Keywords: XIX century, Crimean war, Russian army, reforms, weapons industry, new samples of small arms, production, rearmament of the army.

Introduction. The article considers the issues related to the distribution of recruits among garrison regiments in the fortresses of northwestern Russia in 1711–1712. In Russian historiography, the history of recruitment has been repeatedly considered, although, researchers did not pay attention to the distribution of recruits among the regiments. Methods and materials. In the archives of various departments documents have been preserved that make it possible to identify some details of the direction of recruitment in 1710–1711. Most of the documents on the issue of interest to us are stored in the fund of the Office of A.D. Menshikov; important documents were also found in the archives of the Artillery and Naval Departments. Analysis. According to the data at our disposal, it was from 1711 that the practice of sending recruits to the garrison regiments began, where they underwent initial military training, and then were sent to units of the field army (and new recruits were sent to their places). The recruitments of 1711 were officially announced in connection with the war against Turkey and the Prut campaign of the Russian army. However, at the same time, there was a need to replenish garrison regiments of fortresses in the northwest of Russia, and the recruits began to be sent there. Apparently, the recruits of 1710 and the first recruitment of 1711 were used for this. At the same time, the garrisons of the Baltic fortresses (Riga and Revel) were formed from regiments fully staffed with recruits. Results. Initially, the principle of recruiting garrison regiments was established spontaneously, but later it was used, and documents found in the archives of the Artillery and Naval Departments, as well as in the fund of the Office of A.D. Menshikov, allow us to trace this.

This article is devoted to the basic principles, stages and features of the formation of a new type of armed forces in the European Union – the pan-European army of the EU. It is noted that over the entire period of its existence, the European Union has not been able to form its own army, although attempts to implement this project have been made repeatedly – in 1999, 2003, 2004, and possibly in 2018 (in connection with the implementation of the EU program of ongoing structured cooperation PESCO). Initially, the European army was supposed to be equipped with units of all combat arms (from aviation to naval ships); its number at the initial stage should have been at least 50–60 thousands military personnel (then it was planned to increase its number to one hundred and even one hundred and fifty thousand people). However, to date, all that the EU has to intervene in armed conflicts is the multinational EU rapid reaction force, consisting of several battalion tactical groups of 1,500 persons each. These forces showed themselves quite well during the EU military operations in the Balkans, the Middle East and Africa (Somalia, Mali, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Central African Republic), but they are clearly not in the full-fledged army of the European Union or even its core pulling. To compensate for these shortcomings, the PESCO program was launched in March 2018, but after two years of its implementation, the results of this program are rather modest. A good effect was achieved only in the field of «military mobility» (logistics); but on the fulfillment of a number of «obligations» of the countries participating in this program, the European Council does not even have rough information (countries refuse to give it).

The Radford Army Ammunition Plant (RAAP) produces nitrocellulose (NC) as a major ingredient in tank and artillery ammunition propellant. Through the process of NC production, wastewater is generated which contains large quantities of NC in the micron and sub-micron size range. These suspended and colloidal particles are collectively called NC fines. Under the impetus of a proposed Ammunition Procurement and Supply Agency suspended solids effluent limit of 25 mg/l and a greater emphasis on pollution prevention, significant research has been conducted into the areas of waste minimization and NC fine removal at the RAAP. One aspect of the current research involved a field study at the RAAP. The purpose of the field study was to inspect and discuss the entire NC production process with the operators, foremen, and NC production supervisor. With the information collected at the RAAP, it was possible to propose several waste minimization schemes and NC fines removal alternatives. From existing data, it was calculated that the proposed pollution prevention ideas could save the RAAP approximately $1,500,000 annually.

The article analyzes the foreign and domestic experience of combat use of Army Aviation Helicopters (AA) in modern wars and local conflicts when conducting raid operations by the units of Air Assault (Airmobile) forces, as well as the experience of transfer of the Air Assault Forces by helicopters in time of action. During a raid, air assault battalion can use combat helicopters. In this case, helicopter ambushes are most expedient to use in the ways of raising the nearest enemy reserves and in case of the enemy's mobile objects to strike suddenly, using various tactical techniques. The use of ambushes will be most effective in the area, which provides the secretive action of helicopters and the selection of enough quantity of fields. The use of Army aviation allows the airborne assault units to be transferred during a raid. Helicopters must fly at extremely low altitudes using terrain masking, individual and group means of EW. Exit of helicopters at the landing field of the air assault force is carried out suddenly and accurately in relation to place and time. AA units are widely used to evacuate units. Transport and combat helicopters provide for the admission on board and transportation of personnel, weapons, documents; conducting intelligence. At the same time combat helicopters perform the task of destroying air defense on the flight route; concealment of AA combat order from possible attacks by enemy helicopters in the air; landing and take-off of transport and combat helicopter. Commanders of air assault units must be aware of the tactics of combat, transport-combat and transport helicopters and their tactical characteristics, which will significantly improve the effectiveness of the raid and be able to apply it during the raid.

Wilayah perbatasan darat Indonesia dengan Malaysia berada di Provinsi Kalimantan Barat, Kalimantan Timur, dan Provinsi Kalimantan Utara. Wilayah ini sangat rawan terjadinya berbagai pelanggaran batas wilayah. TNI sebagai alat pertahanan negara wajib melakukan pengamanan terhadap wilayah perbatasan. Satgas Pamtas Yonif Raider 301/PKS merupakan satuan TNI AD yang diberikan tugas untuk mengamankan wilayah perbatasan darat Indonesia-Malaysia, dengan wilayah penugasan di Provinsi Kalimantan Barat, khususnya di Kabupaten Sanggau, Kabupaten Sintang, dan Kabupaten Kapuas Hulu, mulai 1 Maret 2019–30 November 2019. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis apa saja peran Satgas Pamtas Yonif Raider 301/PKS dalam mengamankan wilayah perbatasan darat Indonesia-Malaysia. Kerangka teoritis yang digunakan adalah teori peran, dimana peran terbagi menjadi peran aktif dan peran partisipatif. Penelitian dilakukan dengan metode kualitatif, melalui teknik pengumpulan data berupa wawancara, observasi, dan studi dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peran Satgas Pamtas Yonif Raider 301/PKS dalam mengamankan wilayah perbatasan darat Indonesia-Malaysia diwujudkan dengan peran aktif dan peran partisipatif. Peran aktif berupa pengamanan wilayah perbatasan dari ancaman militer dan non-militer, seperti pengamanan patok batas, pengamanan yang dilakukan satgas pamtas terhadap kejahatan transnasional, illegal logging, illegal mining, kejahatan narkoba, penyelundupan barang. Peran partisipatif berupa kegiatan sosial kemanusiaan (civic mission) yang dilakukan satgas pamtas dalam bidang pendidikan, bidang kesehatan, bidang sosial, dan bidang infrastruktur, sehingga sangat dirasakan oleh masyarakat di wilayah perbatasan.
 Kata kunci: peran, TNI, perbatasan darat, Indonesia-Malaysia
 The land border between Indonesia and Malaysia is in the Province of West Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, and North Kalimantan. This region is very prone to various violations of territorial boundaries. The Indonesian Military as a means of national defense is obliged to carry out security against border areas. The task force of Raider Infantry Battalion 301/PKS is an army unit assigned to secure the Indonesia-Malaysia land border area, with assignment areas in West Kalimantan Province, specifically in Sanggau, Sintang, and Kapuas Hulu Regencies, starting March 1, 2019-30 November 2019. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of the task force of Raider Infantry Battalion in securing the Indonesia-Malaysia land border area. The theoretical framework used is role theory, where roles are divided into active roles and participatory roles. The study was conducted using qualitative methods, through data collection techniques in the form of interviews, observation, and documentation studies. The results showed that the role of the task force of Raider Infantry Battalion 301/ PKS in securing the Indonesia-Malaysia land border area was realized with an active and participatory role. An active role in the form of securing border areas from military and non-military threats, such as security carried out by the task force for transnational crime, illegal logging, illegal mining, drug crimes, smuggling of goods. Participatory role in the form of humanitarian social activities (civic mission) carried out by the task force in the field of education, health sector, social field, and infrastructure, so it is very much felt by the people in the border areas.
 Keywords: border, Indonesian military, role, Indonesia-Malaysia

The revolutionary “spring of freedom” did not last long in the Iranian universities. The revolutionary movement had turned the universities into centers of political activity, where crowds gathered and rival political groups clashed. Control over the Tehran University soccer field for mass rallies became a sign of a political organization's power. On 11 February 1979, the first tank liberated from the Shah's army was driven to the campus of Tehran University; the Organization of the People's Mujahedin set up its headquarters in the Faculty of Sciences, and the Organization of People's Fadaʾian Guerrillas in the Faculty of Engineering. Between them, the university mosque became the headquarters for an “Imam's committee,” where fourteen- and fifteen-year-olds stored weapons captured from the Shah's artillery. When the universities reopened shortly after the February insurrection, similar divides were made within academic buildings of all universities. Various groups partitioned public areas, claimed various rooms, and even parceled out the walls for poster space. Life was as chaotic in the universities as it was outside. However, the difference was that while the Islamic Republic was gaining political hegemony in Iranian society, it was losing the ideological battle in the universities, where radical groups were recruiting and training student activists, many of whom were political organizers in factories, farms, and neighborhoods. The students and faculty who supported the Islamic regime constituted only a small minority.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> In Japan, the political system was changed greatly and new Meiji government under Meiji Emperor was born in 1868. Meiji government made great efforts to modernize Japan to hold its independence, hiring many professionals from the western advanced countries, sending many students to the western advanced countries, establishing obligatory education system, and so on.</p><p>It invited French military mission to modernize its army. The mission arrived in Japan in 1872 and stayed until 1880 changing its members. It included engineer officers as follows: Engineer captain Albert Jourdan (1872–1878), Engineer captain Ernest Vieillard (1873–1876), Engineer lieutenant captain Lucian Kreitmann (1876-1888) and two other engineer officers succeed until 1880. They worked fundamentally as the teachers of engineering including survey and mapping. Jourdan had additional works as Coast Defense plan and military construction such as Military School.</p><p> Jourdan participated in the Japan Coast Defense Planning Mission headed by French mission chief and ordered by the Army Minister,Yamagata. Coast Defense Plan maps were drawn for Kagosima Bay, Hakodate Bay, Tsuruga Bay, etc. Japanese officers of the General Staff Bureau engaged in making base maps for planning and supported the Mission in the field. The mapping technology would be transferred to the Japanese officers on the job.</p><p>The French Mission members began various military educations in 1872. TIZU SAISIKI (Map Color Rule) was published in 1873, which was translated book by Tomohiro Kosuge (later, the founder and the first director of Japan Land Survey) and others from a French map book brought by Jourdan. Jourdan and Vieillard taught military engineering, based on the textbooks 1855 for French engineer regimental schools, which were translated by T. Kosuge and others and published as KOUHEI SOUTEN (Manual for Military Engineers) including Survey Division in 1873–1875.</p><p>In 1875, Grand Military Field Exercise was held in Narashinohara near Tokyo, when the field was surveyed at 1/10,000 scale with six plane table teams including T. Kosuge directed by E. Vieillard and a map was compiled and published next year.</p><p>In 1876, the first three textbooks on mapping of the Military School were printed ; SOKUTI KOUHON (Land Survey Textbook), TIRIZUGAKU KOUHON (Topography Textbook) and SOKUTI KANHOU (Rapid Survey Method in the Military School. The former two were Kreitmann’s lecture records and the last one was translated book of a textbook of French Artillery and Engineering Application School Military Field Exercise was held in Narashinohara, when the field was surveyed with plane table method at 1/20,000 scale by the Military School pupils directed by L. Kreitmann. The compiled map was printed next year in the Military School.</p><p>In 1877, Seinan Civil War occurred in Kyushu Islan. Rapid survey maps were drawn by the members of the Survey Division of the Army Ministry. After the war, military field exercise was held in Shimoshidzu, when the field was surveyed with plane table method at 1/20,000 scale by the Military School pupils directed by L. Kreitmann. The compiled map was printed next year in the Military School.</p><p>In 1879, T. Kosuge was nominated to the head of the Survey Division, General Staff Office. He presented his second opinion, “Rapid Survey Plan of the Whole County “ without triangulation which remained as the object of study to the head of the General Staff Office and this plan was accepted.</p><p>In 1880 following the “Rapid Survey Plan”, the rapid survey began with plane table method at 1/20,000 scale in Kanto metropolitan area on a large scale.</p><p>In 1881, according the comparison of the results of the normal triangulation and the graphical triangulation on the plane table, it was concluded that the former should be adopted for the whole country control point survey and that the survey system and organization should be changed.</p><p>In 1889, Army Land Survey was founded by T. Kosuge following the model of Prussian Land Survey, Germany and the first director was T. Kosuge. However, KOUHEI SOUTEN (Manual for Military Engineers) Second Edition, Survey Division was published, translated from the textbook 1883 for the French Engineer Regimental School.</p>

Abstract During the Tokugawa bakufu, Japan’s foreign policy was under set conditions, generally known as sakoku, meaning ‘closed country’. However, the existing regime was not fully closed to the outside world. Contact with foreigners in Nagasaki, Tsushima, and Ryūkyū Islands meant that the country was not completely isolated, but rather experienced a situation in which government policy was aimed at achieving strict control over all contact with the outside world, as part of a larger strategy to monopolize all foreign relations. This paper examines the ideas of Takashima Shirōtayu Shūhan (1798–1866), one of the early Japanese reformers, who argued for the modernization of Japan. Beginning in the 1830s, a Nagasaki bakufu official, Takashima Shūhan, began importing flintlock pistols, known as gewehr rifles, from the Netherlands. Additionally, through the Dutch at Dejima, Takashima managed to obtain cannons, field guns, and mortars, in doing so highlighting the importance of the modernization of the artillery forces of the bakufu army. In September 1840, Takashima Shūhan completed his memorandum, which was sent to the bakufu top administers. On 27 June 1841, Takashima was permitted to undertake the first modern Western military demonstration in Tokumarugahara (an area north of the capital city, Edo). He was heavily criticized by many, including bugyō Torii Tadateru, Torii Tadateru 鳥居忠耀 (1796–1873), metsuke 目付 (censor or inspector) and minami machi bugyō 南町奉行 (magistrate of the southern part of Edo) in the bakufu administration, was one of most active figures during the time of the Tenpo reforms, well known for his actions against people who had a strong interest in Western culture and military arts. and was placed under investigation and house arrest on charges of subversion and conspiracy. Takashima’s memorandum requires careful study in order to discover the reasons for the bakufu’s response, which must also include a discussion of the Japanese financial situation at that time.

The article deals with the biography of the peasant Andrii Sapsai, whose life came at a time of the great turmoil in the first half of the twentieth century.On the eve of the 1917 revolution his family successfully farmed in the village Pryyut of Katerynoslav province. In the post-revolutionary years they continued to farm: they kept cattle, cultivated land. The turning point for the family was the dislocation and eviction from the village.The whole family was deported to live in the Urals at the Lisna Vovchanka station. There Andrii was sentenced under a political article. On the eve of the German-Soviet war he returned to Ukraine and settled not far from the village Pryyut.With the arrival of German troops he volunteered with the police, moved to the village Pryyut where he settled down in his house. He was responsible for sending local youth to Germany, searching the villages of those in hiding, and sending them to the collection point in the village Friesendorf, and from there escorted to the train station. Aboveall, Andrii Sapsai participated in the execution of the Jews of the village Kamyana in the Berestianabalka.In May 1942, police officers from the area were summoned to the Friesendorf meeting, for a total of 50 men arrived. The police chief Keller ordered everyone to get into two trucks and to go to the village Zlatoustovka.The policemen were brought to the Berestiana balka, which was located near the village, where a hole up to 20 m long, 2 m wide and 2 m deep had already been dug.They were informed that the Jews were going to be brought now and they would have to be shot. Those who would refuse to participate in the shooting would face severe punishment. Following the police the chief of the Friesendorf Gendarmerie, who had organized the whole process, arrived. In 1934 he left the territory of Ukraine together with some German troops, reaching Romania and leaving them there. In the summer of 1944 local authorities gathered those who had retreated with the Germans at the camp and they worked to rebuild the airfield and then they were transferred to the Soviet command. Then Andrii was called to the ranks of the Red Army by the field enlistment office. To the 4th platoon of the 1st military company, 375 special assault battalion 41 rifle regiment of the 2nd Ukrainian Front.He participated in the battles for the liberation of Hungary, in January 1944 became a German prisoner, and in May 1945 in the territory of Austria he was liberated by Soviet troops and again drafted into the army, where he served until 1946.

AbstractBackgroundThe United States Civil War (1861–1865) pitted the more populous industrialized North (Union) against the mainly agricultural slaveholding South (Confederacy). This conflict cost an enormous number of lives, with recent estimates mentioning a total mortality greater than 700,000 combatants [1]. Although sulfuric ether (ETH) and chloroform (CHL) were available since Morton’s use of the former in 1846 and the employment of the latter in 1847, and even though inhalational agents were used in Crimean war (1853–1856) and the Mexican-American War (1846–1848), the United States Civil War gave military surgeons on both sides the opportunity to experience the use of these two agents because of the large number of casualties.MethodsResearch of historic archives illustrates the dramatic control of surgical pain made possible with introduction of two general anesthetic and analgesic drugs in 1846 and 1847.ResultsAn appreciation of the importance of anesthesia during surgical procedures can be noted in the poignant and at times hair raising cases of two left arm amputations carried out under appalling circumstances during the United States Civil War. In the first-case the amputation was delayed for nearly five days after the wounding of Private Winchell who served in an elite sharpshooter brigade and was captured by the Confederate Army during battle. The amputation was performed without anesthesia and the voice of the Private himself narrates his dreadful experience. The postoperative course was incredible as he received no analgesia and survived a delirious comatose state lying on the ground in the intense summer heat.Thomas Jonathan “Stonewall” Jackson was a famous ascetic Confederate General who helped defeat the Union forces at the Battle of Chancellorsville on May 2, 1863. In the ensuing near-darkness, Jackson was fired upon by his own friendly troops where he suffered multiple gunshot wounds on his right hand as well as a ball in the upper humerus of the left arm similar to that of Private Winchell. Transported to a field hospital about thirty miles away, the evacuation was carried out under artillery fire and the General dropped from the stretcher at least twice before arriving at the field hospital. There, a team of surgeons operated on “Stonewall”, using open drop chloroform, the surgery taking 50 min, anesthesia times of one hour with General Jackson awake and speaking with clarity shortly after the termination of the anesthesia. A brief explanation of the use of anesthetics in the military environment during the Crimean, Mexican American and the United States Civil War is also presented.Conclusion and implicationsTwo case stories illustrate the profound improvement in surgical pain made possible with ether and chloroform only 160 years ago. Surgeons and patients nowadays have no ideas what these most important improvements in modern medicine means, unless “reliving” the true hell of pain surgery was before ether and chloroform.

The name of Karol Kaczkowski, one of the pioneers of Polish epidemiology of the 19th century, has been somewhat forgotten. Hence, it is worth getting acquainted with his actions that he made contributing to the effective inhibition of the spread of the cholera epidemic that hit Polish territory in the 1830s. KAROL KACZKOWSKI (1797-1867) General of Staff of the Polish Army, doctor, professor, He was born in Warsaw on 2 February 1797. In 1805 his parents moved to Krzemieniec. In 1815, he began medical studies at the University of Vilnius. He was friends with philomaths: Adam Mickiewicz and Tomasz Zan. In 1821 he obtained the degree of doctor of medicine. In the years 1824-1828 he traveled around Europe. In 1829, he was nominated the Head of the Therapeutic Clinic at the University of Warsaw. After the outbreak of the November Uprising on November 29, 1830, he joined the artillery and in 1831 was appointed chief physician of the Polish Army. He organized the command of the military health service, hospitals and field hospitals. After the battle of Grochów, he organized battalion dressing points and a cordon of doctors who provided quick help to the wounded. On February 5, 1831, Karol Kaczkowski was appointed the Chief Physician of the Polish Army. When the first cholera patients, brought in by the Russian army, arrived in Warsaw in the spring of 1831, he prepared instructions on how to detect and treat cholera. He created cholera hospitals in Mienia and Warsaw, and sanitary supervision in military units. For this he was awarded the Wirtuti Militari Gold Cross. After the fall of the uprising, he left Poland with a group of 2,000. injured. He got to Prussia, and then to Lviv. In 1854 he settled in Żytomierz. He suffered harassment from the tsarist authorities. In 1863, during the January Uprising, he was sent to the Voronezh Governorate. In 1867, he obtained a permit to travel to Kherson, where he died on September 14, 1867.

Completing meaningful and high-fidelity Collective Training during the COVID-19 pandemic presents an entirely new set of challenges to both the Chain of Command and supporting medical assets. Under Project PHOENIX, the Field Army will gradually phase the return of Collective Training, starting with Deployed Operation Force Generation. This article describes the personal experiences and challenges faced by 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards Battle Group and the Mission Training and Mobilisation Centre to enable the Operation SHADER 11 Mission Rehearsal Exercise, the first Collective Training the Field Army completed during the national lockdown.

Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) which consist of Nuclear, Biological and Chemical (NBC) are becoming prominent issue in the world, especially after biological and chemical terrorism revealed to the face. Based on the development and the use of NBC weapon, by making an NBC Unit, Indonesian Army constantly alert to the possible impact of the danger of NBC weapons. The unit is prepared well dealing with the threats. The research aims to analyse capabilities of Army NBC Unit dealing with the threats of NBC disaster and their barriers and how to improve those capabilities. This research applied qualitative method by interviews, observation, and secondary data. The results showed that the capability of Army NBC Unit is inadequate from the aspect of human resources, equipments, and budget, making its utilization not optimal. To improve the capability of Army NBC Unit takes efforts to improve human resources, equipment, infrastructure and education. The special abilities of Army NBC Unit can be utilized for disaster prevention of accidents or natural disasters. While the increasing threat of NBC disaster in peace condition, it is suggested to establish battalion-level unit supporting Army NBC unit to be able handling more than two trouble spots in the field.

The introduction of poison gases by the Germans at Ypres in April 1915 marked a new era in modern warfare. The cylinder attack of the German Army against the French and the British positions at Ypres on April 22, 1915, became the first large-scale appearance of the new kind of weapons, chemical weapons, on the battlefields of World War 1. The widespread use of chemical munitions of different types, numerous toxic agents and their delivery systems (field and heavy artillery, mortars and Livens projectors) by all the belligerents influenced military tactics and operational art at World War 1. In 1915-1916, during the period of trench warfare, the use of chemical weapons for breaking through the enemy`s first defence lines changed the structure of combat orders and led to their dispersal and the deployment in depth of the defensive zone. In 1917 chemical weapons made it possible to overcome the contradiction between the lengthy preliminary artillery bombardment and the surprise of the offensive. The unprecedented artillery chemical bombardments fired by the German Army, artillery chemical battle, resulted in the significant success of the Germans in spring offensives in 1918, when large parts of the front were given up by the retiring Allied forces. The dynamics of the growth of the chemical warfare agents` (CWA) production, the development of means and methods for delivering the agents efficiently to the target by the Allied countries allowed the authors to suggest that in case Germany had not signed the armistice of 11 November 1918 with the Allies, the large-scale battlefield use of chemical weapons could multiply both in quality and in quantity. The development of the bombardment aviation and the inability of Germany to carry out a retaliatory chemical attack, that became obvious at the end of 1918, offered a golden opportunity for the Allies to use chemical agents in 1919 without any legal or humanitarian limitation on the methods of warfare. This article is concerned also with tactical and operational objectives and targets the belligerents tried to achieve by using chemical weapons during separate battles, the evolution of chemical weapons and chemical warfare agents and their joint impact on military operations at the battlefields of World War 1.

The introduction of poison gases by the Germans at Ypres in April 1915 marked a new era in modern warfare. The cylinder attack of the German Army against the French and the British positions at Ypres on April 22, 1915, became the first large-scale appearance of the new kind of weapons, chemical weapons, on the battlefields of World War 1. The widespread use of chemical munitions of different types, numerous toxic agents and their delivery systems (field and heavy artillery, mortars and Livens projectors) by all the belligerents influenced military tactics and operational art at World War 1. In 1915-1916, during the period of trench warfare, the use of chemical weapons for breaking through the enemy`s first defence lines changed the structure of combat orders and led to their dispersal and the deployment in depth of the defensive zone. In 1917 chemical weapons made it possible to overcome the contradiction between the lengthy preliminary artillery bombardment and the surprise of the offensive. The unprecedented artillery chemical bombardments fired by the German Army, artillery chemical battle, resulted in the significant success of the Germans in spring offensives in 1918, when large parts of the front were given up by the retiring Allied forces. The dynamics of the growth of the chemical warfare agents` (CWA) production, the development of means and methods for delivering the agents efficiently to the target by the Allied countries allowed the authors to suggest that in case Germany had not signed the armistice of 11 November 1918 with the Allies, the large-scale battlefield use of chemical weapons could multiply both in quality and in quantity. The development of the bombardment aviation and the inability of Germany to carry out a retaliatory chemical attack, that became obvious at the end of 1918, offered a golden opportunity for the Allies to use chemical agents in 1919 without any legal or humanitarian limitation on the methods of warfare. This article is concerned also with tactical and operational objectives and targets the belligerents tried to achieve by using chemical weapons during separate battles, the evolution of chemical weapons and chemical warfare agents and their joint impact on military operations at the battlefields of World War 1.

The introduction of poison gases by the Germans at Ypres in April 1915 marked a new era in modern warfare. The cylinder attack of the German Army against the French and the British positions at Ypres on April 22, 1915, became the first large-scale appearance of the new kind of weapons, chemical weapons, on the battlefields of World War 1. The widespread use of chemical munitions of different types, numerous toxic agents and their delivery systems (field and heavy artillery, mortars and Livens projectors) by all the belligerents influenced military tactics and operational art at World War 1. In 1915-1916, during the period of trench warfare, the use of chemical weapons for breaking through the enemy`s first defence lines changed the structure of combat orders and led to their dispersal and the deployment in depth of the defensive zone. In 1917 chemical weapons made it possible to overcome the contradiction between the lengthy preliminary artillery bombardment and the surprise of the offensive. The unprecedented artillery chemical bombardments fired by the German Army, artillery chemical battle, resulted in the significant success of the Germans in spring offensives in 1918, when large parts of the front were given up by the retiring Allied forces. The dynamics of the growth of the chemical warfare agents` (CWA) production, the development of means and methods for delivering the agents efficiently to the target by the Allied countries allowed the authors to suggest that in case Germany had not signed the armistice of 11 November 1918 with the Allies, the large-scale battlefield use of chemical weapons could multiply both in quality and in quantity. The development of the bombardment aviation and the inability of Germany to carry out a retaliatory chemical attack, that became obvious at the end of 1918, offered a golden opportunity for the Allies to use chemical agents in 1919 without any legal or humanitarian limitation on the methods of warfare. This article is concerned also with tactical and operational objectives and targets the belligerents tried to achieve by using chemical weapons during separate battles, the evolution of chemical weapons and chemical warfare agents and their joint impact on military operations at the battlefields of World War 1.

Category: 1.01 Original scientific paper Language: Original in Slovenian (Abstract in Slovenian and English, Summary in English) Key words: First World War, Brežice earthquake and its surroundings, January 29, 1917, restoration of earthquake zone, collection of funds for reconstruction, Aleksander Tornquist, Franciscan monastery Excerpt: Towards the end of the First World War, in the middle of winter, on January 29, 1917, Brežice and its surroundings was devastated by a severe earthquake, one of the worst in recent Slovenian history. Written exclusively on the basis of primary archival sources, this paper speaks of the suffering of the local population brought about by this natural disaster, of the difficult restoration of the affected area, of collection of resources for the affected population, and the response of local, provincial and state authorities, including the Habsburg dynasty, to the situation. It especially touches on the role and importance of military authorities (e.g. the Fifth Army, or the replacement battalion of the 87th infantry regiment), which were, in wartimes, the only authorities in charge of helping the affected population. Additionally, this paper highlights the field work of one of the most important seismologist in the monarchy at the time, Prof. Dr. Aleksander Tornquist, and the problem of restoration of the completely collapsed Franciscan monastery in Brežice.

Background: Faculty of Medicine and Defence Health in the National Defence University of Malaysia is the only university in the country that offers a unique combination of medical education and military training into an integrated academic programme.
 Objective: To communicate to all the academic staff in the medical colleges about the military medicine module training to undergraduate medical students studying in National Defence University of Malaysia.
 Teaching-learning Methods: The training is charted into 5 modules: Military Trauma Life Support, Army, Aviation and Naval Medicine, Advance Trauma Life Support and Battlefield Medicine. These modules are delivered across the 5 years of the medical programme in the form of lectures, demonstrations and field training in the medical battalion, aviation medicine and underwater medicine facilities. Visits to relevant medical institutions and simulator trainings will broaden the students’ perspectives on occupational hazards, anticipate suitable patient-care management and mode of casualty evacuation. The combination of classroom learning and field exposure will definitely promote critical thinking, develop problem solving, decision making and analytical skills. 
 Conclusion: The management of patient under stipulated harsh scenarios/environments have created opportunities for students to exercise critical thinking and decision making. All the positive feedback obtained from students after the completion of their posting in each year on the knowledge, skills and attributes suggest that the Military Medicine training programme enhanced their personal attributes and complemented their medical knowledge.

In the last months of his life, 86-year-old Albert Facey became a best-selling author and revered cultural figure following the publication of his autobiography, A Fortunate Life. Released on Anzac Day 1981, it was praised for its “plain, unembellished, utterly sincere and un-self-pitying account of the privations of childhood and youth” (Semmler) and “extremely powerful description of Gallipoli” (Dutton 16). Within weeks, critic Nancy Keesing declared it an “Enduring Classic.” Within six months, it was announced as the winner of two prestigious non-fiction awards, with judges acknowledging Facey’s “extraordinary memory” and “ability to describe scenes and characters with great precision” (“NBC” 4). A Fortunate Life also transformed the fortunes of its publisher. Founded in 1976 as an independent, not-for-profit publishing house, Fremantle Arts Centre Press (FACP) might have been expected, given the Australian average, to survive for just a few years. Former managing editor Ray Coffey attributes the Press’s ongoing viability, in no small measure, to Facey’s success (King 29). Along with Wendy Jenkins, Coffey edited Facey’s manuscript through to publication; only five months after its release, with demand outstripping the capabilities, FACP licensed Penguin to take over the book’s production and distribution. Adaptations soon followed. In 1984, Kerry Packer’s PBL launched a prospectus for a mini-series, which raised a record $6.3 million (PBL 7–8). Aired in 1986 with a high-rating documentary called The Facey Phenomenon, the series became the most watched television event of the year (Lucas). Syndication of chapters to national and regional newspapers, stage and radio productions, audio- and e-books, abridged editions for young readers, and inclusion on secondary school curricula extended the range and influence of Facey’s life writing. Recently, an option was taken out for a new television series (Fraser).A hundred reprints and two million readers on from initial publication, A Fortunate Life continues to rate among the most appreciated Australian books of all time. Commenting on a reader survey in 2012, writer and critic Marieke Hardy enthused, “I really loved it [. . .] I felt like I was seeing a part of my country and my country’s history through a very human voice . . .” (First Tuesday Book Club). Registering a transformed reading, Hardy’s reference to Australian “history” is unproblematically juxtaposed with amused delight in an autobiography that invents and embellishes: not believing “half” of what Facey wrote, she insists he was foremost a yarn spinner. While the work’s status as a witness account has become less authoritative over time, it seems appreciation of the author’s imagination and literary skill has increased (Williamson). A Fortunate Life has been read more commonly as an uncomplicated, first-hand account, such that editor Wendy Jenkins felt it necessary to refute as an “utter mirage” that memoir is “transferred to the page by an act of perfect dictation.” Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson argue of life narratives that some “autobiographical claims [. . .] can be verified or discounted by recourse to documentation outside the text. But autobiographical truth is a different matter” (16). With increased access to archives, especially digitised personnel records, historians have asserted that key elements of Facey’s autobiography are incorrect or “fabricated” (Roberts), including his enlistment in 1914 and participation in the Gallipoli Landing on 25 April 1915. We have researched various sources relevant to Facey’s early years and war service, including hard-copy medical and repatriation records released in 2012, and find A Fortunate Life in a range of ways deviates from “documentation outside of the text,” revealing intriguing, layered storytelling. We agree with Smith and Watson that “autobiographical acts” are “anything but simple or transparent” (63). As “symbolic interactions in the world,” they are “culturally and historically specific” and “engaged in an argument about identity” (63). Inevitably, they are also “fractured by the play of meaning” (63). Our approach, therefore, includes textual analysis of Facey’s drafts alongside the published narrative and his medical records. We do not privilege institutional records as impartial but rather interpret them in terms of their hierarchies and organisation of knowledge. This leads us to speculate on alternative readings of A Fortunate Life as an illness narrative that variously resists and subscribes to dominant cultural plots, tropes, and attitudes. Facey set about writing in earnest in the 1970s and generated (at least) three handwritten drafts, along with a typescript based on the third draft. FACP produced its own working copy from the typescript. Our comparison of the drafts offers insights into the production of Facey’s final text and the otherwise “hidden” roles of editors as transformers and enablers (Munro 1). The notion that a working man with basic literacy could produce a highly readable book in part explains Facey’s enduring appeal. His grandson and literary executor, John Rose, observed in early interviews that Facey was a “natural storyteller” who had related details of his life at every opportunity over a period of more than six decades (McLeod). Jenkins points out that Facey belonged to a vivid oral culture within which he “told and retold stories to himself and others,” so that they eventually “rubbed down into the lines and shapes that would so memorably underpin the extended memoir that became A Fortunate Life.” A mystique was thereby established that “time” was Albert Facey’s “first editor” (Jenkins). The publisher expressly aimed to retain Facey’s voice, content, and meaning, though editing included much correcting of grammar and punctuation, eradication of internal inconsistencies and anomalies, and structural reorganisation into six sections and 68 chapters. We find across Facey’s drafts a broadly similar chronology detailing childhood abandonment, life-threatening incidents, youthful resourcefulness, physical prowess, and participation in the Gallipoli Landing. However, there are also shifts and changed details, including varying descriptions of childhood abuse at a place called Cave Rock; the introduction of (incompatible accounts of) interstate boxing tours in drafts two and three which replace shearing activities in Draft One; divergent tales of Facey as a world-standard athlete, league footballer, expert marksman, and powerful swimmer; and changing stories of enlistment and war service (see Murphy and Nile, “Wounded”; “Naked”).Jenkins edited those sections concerned with childhood and youth, while Coffey attended to Facey’s war and post-war life. Drawing on C.E.W. Bean’s official war history, Coffey introduced specificity to the draft’s otherwise vague descriptions of battle and amended errors, such as Facey’s claim to have witnessed Lord Kitchener on the beach at Gallipoli. Importantly, Coffey suggested the now famous title, “A Fortunate Life,” and encouraged the author to alter the ending. When asked to suggest a title, Facey offered “Cave Rock” (Interview)—the site of his violent abuse and humiliation as a boy. Draft One concluded with Facey’s repatriation from the war and marriage in 1916 (106); Draft Two with a brief account of continuing post-war illness and ultimate defeat: “My war injuries caught up with me again” (107). The submitted typescript concludes: “I have often thought that going to War has caused my life to be wasted” (Typescript 206). This ending differs dramatically from the redemptive vision of the published narrative: “I have lived a very good life, it has been very rich and full. I have been very fortunate and I am thrilled by it when I look back” (412).In The Wounded Storyteller, Arthur Frank argues that literary markets exist for stories of “narrative wreckage” (196) that are redeemed by reconciliation, resistance, recovery, or rehabilitation, which is precisely the shape of Facey’s published life story and a source of its popularity. Musing on his post-war experiences in A Fortunate Life, Facey focuses on his ability to transform the material world around him: “I liked the challenge of building up a place from nothing and making a success where another fellow had failed” (409). If Facey’s challenge was building up something from nothing, something he could set to work on and improve, his life-writing might reasonably be regarded as a part of this broader project and desire for transformation, so that editorial interventions helped him realise this purpose. Facey’s narrative was produced within a specific zeitgeist, which historian Joy Damousi notes was signalled by publication in 1974 of Bill Gammage’s influential, multiply-reprinted study of front-line soldiers, The Broken Years, which drew on the letters and diaries of a thousand Great War veterans, and also the release in 1981 of Peter Weir’s film Gallipoli, for which Gammage was the historical advisor. The story of Australia’s war now conceptualised fallen soldiers as “innocent victims” (Damousi 101), while survivors were left to “compose” memories consistent with their sacrifice (Thomson 237–54). Viewing Facey’s drafts reminds us that life narratives are works of imagination, that the past is not fixed and memory is created in the present. Facey’s autobiographical efforts and those of his publisher to improve the work’s intelligibility and relevance together constitute an attempt to “objectify the self—to present it as a knowable object—through a narrative that re-structures [. . .] the self as history and conclusions” (Foster 10). Yet, such histories almost invariably leave “a crucial gap” or “censored chapter.” Dennis Foster argues that conceiving of narration as confession, rather than expression, “allows us to see the pathos of the simultaneous pursuit and evasion of meaning” (10); we believe a significant lacuna in Facey’s life writing is intimated by its various transformations.In a defining episode, A Fortunate Life proposes that Facey was taken from Gallipoli on 19 August 1915 due to wounding that day from a shell blast that caused sandbags to fall on him, crush his leg, and hurt him “badly inside,” and a bullet to the shoulder (348). The typescript, however, includes an additional but narratively irreconcilable date of 28 June for the same wounding. The later date, 19 August, was settled on for publication despite the author’s compelling claim for the earlier one: “I had been blown up by a shell and some 7 or 8 sandbags had fallen on top of me, the day was the 28th of June 1915, how I remembered this date, it was the day my brother Roy had been killed by a shell burst.” He adds: “I was very ill for about six weeks after the incident but never reported it to our Battalion doctor because I was afraid he would send me away” (Typescript 205). This account accords with Facey’s first draft and his medical records but is inconsistent with other parts of the typescript that depict an uninjured Facey taking a leading role in fierce fighting throughout July and August. It appears, furthermore, that Facey was not badly wounded at any time. His war service record indicates that he was removed from Gallipoli due to “heart troubles” (Repatriation), which he also claims in his first draft. Facey’s editors did not have ready access to military files in Canberra, while medical files were not released until 2012. There existed, therefore, virtually no opportunity to corroborate the author’s version of events, while the official war history and the records of the State Library of Western Australia, which were consulted, contain no reference to Facey or his war service (Interview). As a consequence, the editors were almost entirely dependent on narrative logic and clarifications by an author whose eyesight and memory had deteriorated to such an extent he was unable to read his amended text. A Fortunate Life depicts men with “nerve sickness” who were not permitted to “stay at the Front because they would be upsetting to the others, especially those who were inclined that way themselves” (350). By cross referencing the draft manuscripts against medical records, we can now perceive that Facey was regarded as one of those nerve cases. According to Facey’s published account, his wounds “baffled” doctors in Egypt and Fremantle (353). His medical records reveal that in September 1915, while hospitalised in Egypt, his “palpitations” were diagnosed as “Tachycardia” triggered by war-induced neuroses that began on 28 June. This suggests that Facey endured seven weeks in the field in this condition, with the implication being that his debility worsened, resulting in his hospitalisation. A diagnosis of “debility,” “nerves,” and “strain” placed Facey in a medical category of “Special Invalids” (Butler 541). Major A.W. Campbell noted in the Medical Journal of Australia in 1916 that the war was creating “many cases of little understood nervous and mental affections, not only where a definite wound has been received, but in many cases where nothing of the sort appears” (323). Enlisted doctors were either physicians or surgeons and sometimes both. None had any experience of trauma on the scale of the First World War. In 1915, Campbell was one of only two Australian doctors with any pre-war experience of “mental diseases” (Lindstrom 30). On staff at the Australian Base Hospital at Heliopolis throughout the Gallipoli campaign, he claimed that at times nerve cases “almost monopolised” the wards under his charge (319). Bearing out Facey’s description, Campbell also reported that affected men “received no sympathy” and, as “carriers of psychic contagion,” were treated as a “source of danger” to themselves and others (323). Credentialed by royal colleges in London and coming under British command, Australian medical teams followed the practice of classifying men presenting “nervous or mental symptoms” as “battle casualties” only if they had also been wounded by “enemy action” (Loughran 106). By contrast, functional disability, with no accompanying physical wounds, was treated as unmanly and a “hysterical” reaction to the pressures of war. Mental debility was something to be feared in the trenches and diagnosis almost invariably invoked charges of predisposition or malingering (Tyquin 148–49). This shifted responsibility (and blame) from the war to the individual. Even as late as the 1950s, medical notes referred to Facey’s condition as being “constitutional” (Repatriation).Facey’s narrative demonstrates awareness of how harshly sufferers were treated. We believe that he defended himself against this with stories of physical injury that his doctors never fully accepted and that he may have experienced conversion disorder, where irreconcilable experience finds somatic expression. His medical diagnosis in 1915 and later life writing establish a causal link with the explosion and his partial burial on 28 June, consistent with opinion at the time that linked concussive blasts with destabilisation of the nervous system (Eager 422). Facey was also badly shaken by exposure to the violence and abjection of war, including hand-to-hand combat and retrieving for burial shattered and often decomposed bodies, and, in particular, by the death of his brother Roy, whose body was blown to pieces on 28 June. (A second brother, Joseph, was killed by multiple bayonet wounds while Facey was convalescing in Egypt.) Such experiences cast a different light on Facey’s observation of men suffering nerves on board the hospital ship: “I have seen men doze off into a light sleep and suddenly jump up shouting, ‘Here they come! Quick! Thousands of them. We’re doomed!’” (350). Facey had escaped the danger of death by explosion or bayonet but at a cost, and the war haunted him for the rest of his days. On disembarkation at Fremantle on 20 November 1915, he was admitted to hospital where he remained on and off for several months. Forty-one other sick and wounded disembarked with him (HMAT). Around one third, experiencing nerve-related illness, had been sent home for rest; while none returned to the war, some of the physically wounded did (War Service Records). During this time, Facey continued to present with “frequent attacks of palpitation and giddiness,” was often “short winded,” and had “heart trouble” (Repatriation). He was discharged from the army in June 1916 but, his drafts suggest, his war never really ended. He began a new life as a wounded Anzac. His dependent and often fractious relationship with the Repatriation Department ended only with his death 66 years later. Historian Marina Larsson persuasively argues that repatriated sick and wounded servicemen from the First World War represented a displaced presence at home. Many led liminal lives of “disenfranchised grief” (80). Stephen Garton observes a distinctive Australian use of repatriation to describe “all policies involved in returning, discharging, pensioning, assisting and training returned men and women, and continuing to assist them throughout their lives” (74). Its primary definition invokes coming home but to repatriate also implies banishment from a place that is not home, so that Facey was in this sense expelled from Gallipoli and, by extension, excluded from the myth of Anzac. Unlike his two brothers, he would not join history as one of the glorious dead; his name would appear on no roll of honour. Return home is not equivalent to restoration of his prior state and identity, for baggage from the other place perpetually weighs. Furthermore, failure to regain health and independence strains hospitality and gratitude for the soldier’s service to King and country. This might be exacerbated where there is no evident or visible injury, creating suspicion of resistance, cowardice, or malingering. Over 26 assessments between 1916 and 1958, when Facey was granted a full war pension, the Repatriation Department observed him as a “neuropathic personality” exhibiting “paroxysmal tachycardia” and “neurocirculatory asthenia.” In 1954, doctors wrote, “We consider the condition is a real handicap and hindrance to his getting employment.” They noted that after “attacks,” Facey had a “busted depressed feeling,” but continued to find “no underlying myocardial disease” (Repatriation) and no validity in Facey’s claims that he had been seriously physically wounded in the war (though A Fortunate Life suggests a happier outcome, where an independent medical panel finally locates the cause of his ongoing illness—rupture of his spleen in the war—which results in an increased war pension). Facey’s condition was, at times, a source of frustration for the doctors and, we suspect, disappointment and shame to him, though this appeared to reduce on both sides when the Repatriation Department began easing proof of disability from the 1950s (Thomson 287), and the Department of Veteran’s Affairs was created in 1976. This had the effect of shifting public and media scrutiny back onto a system that had until then deprived some “innocent victims of the compensation that was their due” (Garton 249). Such changes anticipated the introduction of Post-Traumatic Shock Disorder (PTSD) to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) in 1980. Revisions to the DSM established a “genealogy of trauma” and “panic disorders” (100, 33), so that diagnoses such as “neuropathic personality” (Echterling, Field, and Stewart 192) and “soldier’s heart,” that is, disorders considered “neurotic,” were “retrospectively reinterpreted” as a form of PTSD. However, Alberti points out that, despite such developments, war-related trauma continues to be contested (80). We propose that Albert Facey spent his adult life troubled by a sense of regret and failure because of his removal from Gallipoli and that he attempted to compensate through storytelling, which included his being an original Anzac and seriously wounded in action. By writing, Facey could shore up his rectitude, work ethic, and sense of loyalty to other servicemen, which became necessary, we believe, because repatriation doctors (and probably others) had doubted him. In 1927 and again in 1933, an examining doctor concluded: “The existence of a disability depends entirely on his own unsupported statements” (Repatriation). We argue that Facey’s Gallipoli experiences transformed his life. By his own account, he enlisted for war as a physically robust and supremely athletic young man and returned nine months later to life-long anxiety and ill-health. Publication transformed him into a national sage, earning him, in his final months, the credibility, empathy, and affirmation he had long sought. Exploring different accounts of Facey, in the shape of his drafts and institutional records, gives rise to new interpretations. In this context, we believe it is time for a new edition of A Fortunate Life that recognises it as a complex testimonial narrative and theorises Facey’s deployment of national legends and motifs in relation to his “wounded storytelling” as well as to shifting cultural and medical conceptualisations and treatments of shame and trauma. ReferencesAlberti, Fay Bound. Matters of the Heart: History, Medicine, and Emotions. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2010. Butler, A.G. Official History of the Australian Medical Services 1814-1918: Vol I Gallipoli, Palestine and New Guinea. Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1930.Campbell, A.W. “Remarks on Some Neuroses and Psychoses in War.” Medical Journal of Australia 15 April (1916): 319–23.Damousi, Joy. “Why Do We Get So Emotional about Anzac.” What’s Wrong with Anzac. Ed. Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds. Sydney: UNSWP, 2015. 94–109.Dutton, Geoffrey. “Fremantle Arts Centre Press Publicity.” Australian Book Review May (1981): 16.Eager, R. “War Neuroses Occurring in Cases with a Definitive History of Shell Shock.” British Medical Journal 13 Apr. 1918): 422–25.Echterling, L.G., Thomas A. Field, and Anne L. Stewart. “Evolution of PTSD in the DSM.” Future Directions in Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder: Prevention, Diagnosis, and Treatment. Ed. Marilyn P. Safir and Helene S. Wallach. New York: Springer, 2015. 189–212.Facey, A.B. A Fortunate Life. 1981. Ringwood: Penguin, 2005.———. Drafts 1–3. University of Western Australia, Special Collections.———. Transcript. 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