Relevant bibliographies by topics / Arrhidaios

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Academic literature on the topic 'Arrhidaios'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022
Last updated: 18 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Arrhidaios"

1

Taylor, Lloyd W. H. "A Philip III Tetradrachm Die Pair Recycled by Seleukos I." KOINON: The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies 1 (January 1, 2018): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/k.v1i.1157.

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A newly identified Alexandrine tetradrachm type struck from a recycled pair of Philip III dies, recut to include the anchor insignia and name of Seleukos, is to be added to the corpus of Babylonia Uncertain Mint 6A (Opis). It represents a new series in the mint’s output, Series V(a), that is closely allied to, but preceding Series V in the name of Seleukos. It is distinguished from the latter by the presence of the anchor symbol and the archaized depiction of Zeus. It precedes the decision to eliminate the anchor insignia from coinage of Uncertain Mint 6A and thus must be amongst the first, if not the first coin type to bear the name of Seleukos, die linked as it is to the last of the issues in the name Philip III Arrhidaios, the last of the Macedonian pure blood Argead line. Considered in the context of other die links between different series in the corpus of Babylonian Uncertain Mint 6A, this die link has a ritual character, in effect a numismatic statement of the legitimacy of Seleukos as the successor to Philip III Arrhidaios.
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2

Taylor, Lloyd Walter Hart. "A Philip III Tetradrachm Die Pair Recycled by Seleukos I." Koinon The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies I (October 1, 2018): 39–46. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3880663.

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A newly identified Alexandrine tetradrachm type struck from a recycled pair of Philip III dies, recut to include the anchor insignia and name of Seleukos, is to be added to the corpus of Babylonia Uncertain Mint 6A (Opis). It represents a new series in the mint's output, Series V(a), that is closely allied to, but preceding Series V in the name of Seleukos. It is distinguished from the latter by the presence of the anchor symbol and the archaized depiction of Zeus. It precedes the decision to eliminate the anchor insignia from coinage of Uncertain Mint 6A and thus must be amongst the first, if not the first coin type to bear the name of Seleukos, die linked as it is to the last of the issues in the name Philip III Arrhidaios, the last of the Macedonian pure blood Argead line. Considered in the context of other die links between different series in the corpus of Babylonian Uncertain Mint 6A, this die link has a ritual character, in effect a numismatic statement of the legitimacy of Seleukos as the successor to Philip III Arrhidaios.
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3

Wallace, Shane. "The Rescript of Philip III Arrhidaios and the Two Tyrannies at Eresos." TYCHE – Contributions to Ancient History, Papyrology and Epigraphy 31, no. 01 (2017): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15661/tyche.2016.031.16.

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4

Musgrave, Jonathan. "Dust and Damn'd Oblivion: A Study of Cremation in Ancient Greece." Annual of the British School at Athens 85 (November 1990): 271–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015689.

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In this paper – the revised text of a public lecture given in Athens on 23 February 1989 – the author reviews both the historical and anatomical evidence for identifying the occupants of the royal tombs at Vergina as: Tomb I: not known; Tomb II: Philip II and either Cleopatra or Meda; Tomb III: Alexander IV. The case for Philip III Arrhidaios and Eurydice in Tomb II is shown to be anthropologically weak. The paper also includes a catalogue of the human remains from Tomb II antechamber (Cleopatra or Meda) and Tomb III (Alexander IV). The arrival of cremation in Greece, and both Homeric and later Macedonian attitudes to the rite are also discussed. The general conclusion is that cremations are a valuable source of biological and archaeological information.
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5

Kholod, Maxim. "The Argead Kings of Macedonia in the 'Chronicle' of John of Nikiu." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 6 (December 11, 2023): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.105.

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This essay deals with a description of the reigns of the Macedonian kings of the Argead dynasty (Philip II, Alexander the Great and Philip III Arrhidaeus) in the Chronicle of John of Nikiu (late 7th century AD). The author argues that in contrast to John of Nikiu’s information about Philip II and Philip III Arrhidaeus, the account of Alexander found in his Chronicle is far from being merely a truncated version of the corresponding story given by John Malalas (6th century AD), but has a certain self-sufficiency. Therefore, in the opinion of the author, it can be well assumed that the image of Alexander presented by John of Nikiu holds a special, albeit quite modest, place among the portraits of the great conqueror we find in the Byzantine world’s literature.
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6

Anson, Edward M. "A Note on the First Regnal Year of Philip III (Arrhidaeus)." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 57, no. 1 (2005): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jcs40025996.

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7

Kuzmin, Yuri N. "Was Arrhidaeus a rival of Alexander? Some notes on the Pixodarus affair." Živa Antika 74, no. 1-2 (2024): 147–62. https://doi.org/10.47054/ziva24741-2147k.

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8

Palagia, Olga. "Alexander the Great, the royal throne and the funerary thrones of Macedonia." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 1 (November 8, 2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.7.

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There is no evidence in either Greece or Macedon in the archaic and classical periods that the throne functioned as a symbol of royalty. Thrones were for the gods and their priests. Only the king of Persia used a royal throne and even had portable thrones for his campaigns. This paper argues that after his conquest of the Persian Empire, Alexander the Great adopted the throne as a royal symbol; after his death, his throne became a token of his invisible presence. Philip III Arrhidaeus is known to have used a royal throne after his return to Macedonia. By implication, the marble thrones found in three tombs at Vegina–Aegae are here understood as symbols of royalty and the tombs are interpreted as royal.
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9

E., Abd-Elkareem, Asran M., and El Shater A. "DAMAGE BLOCKS GRANITE OF PHILIP ARRHIDAEUS COMPARTMENT AND ITS SOURCE AND TREATMENT, KARNAK, EGYPT." Egyptian Journal of Archaeological and Restoration Studies 7, no. 2 (2017): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ejars.2017.6836.

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10

Bosworth, A. B. "Perdiccas and the Kings." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (1993): 420–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039938.

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New evidence often complicates as much as it clarifies. That truth is well illustrated by Stephen Tracy's recent and brilliant discovery that a tiny unpublished fragment of an Attic inscription belongs to a known decree (IG ii. 402). The decree has hitherto been recognised as an enactment of the oligarchy imposed by Antipater in 322. Its proposer, Archedicus of Lamptrae, was a leading member of the new regime and held the most influential office of state, that of anagrapheus, in 320/19.2 Appropriately enough the decree confers honours upon members of the Macedonian court, but as the stone now reveals, it is phrased in a remarkable and anomalous manner: ‘in order that as many as possible of the friends of the king and of Antipater may be honoured by the Athenian people and confer benefactions upon the city’. There is no question about the meaning. The decree refers to friends of an unknown king, who are also friends of Antipater. But after Alexander's death there was a dual kingship. Philip III Arrhidaeus and Alexander IV reigned jointly and are generally termed ‘the kings’. How can the singular singular be explained?
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Books on the topic "Arrhidaios"

1

Museum, British, ed. The coinage in the name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus. Swiss Numismatic Society in association with British Museum Press, 1991.

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2

Price, M. Jessop. The coinage in the name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus: A British Museum catalogue. British Museum Press, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Arrhidaios"

1

Martin, Thomas R. "Quintus Curtius' Presentation of Philip Arrhidaeus and Josephus' Accounts Of The Accession Of Claudius." In American Journal of Ancient History, edited by Ernst Badian. Gorgias Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463237509-003.

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2

"§ 11 Olympias’ Return, the Deaths of Arrhidaios and Eurydike, and Olympias’ Revenge on the Antipatrids for the Death of Alexander." In The History of the Diadochoi in Book XIX of Diodoros’ ›Bibliotheke‹. De Gruyter, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110743821-012.

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3

Stronk, Jan P. "The Period of the Diadochs: The Rift Opens." In Semiramis' Legacy. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474414258.003.0008.

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In this chapter, the years 323/2- 318/7 bc are treated. After the death of Alexander III the Great, the empire he ruled became the plaything of several of his generals and trustees. Though all of them formally pledged loyalty to the lawful successors, Philip III Arrhidaeus, Alexander’s half-brother, and Alexander IV, the infant son of Alexander the Great by Roxane-both of them supported by Eumenes-, during a conference at Triparadisus, they in fact tried to secure their own positions, like Ptolemy I Soter did in Egypt, neglecting or even undermining the legal heirs’ position.
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4

Carney, Elizabeth Donnelly. "Eurydice’s Public Image after Her Death." In Eurydice and the Birth of Macedonian Power. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190280536.003.0006.

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This is a chapter about the public memory (long and short term) of Eurydice in Macedonia and elsewhere in Greece, after her death. It concludes that she died no later than 343/2. It describes the tomb at Vergina Andronikos attributed to Eurydice, paying particular attention to the back wall of the main chamber and to the throne in the main chamber whose back has a painting depicting Persephone and Hades in a chariot. It considers whether the tomb contained a burial of a woman, whether or not she was a royal woman, whether it was indeed the burial of Eurydice herself, and how the tomb fits into the general development of Macedonian tombs. It discusses the Philippeum, a monument Philip II had constructed at Olympia and whether or not Eurydice was one of the five members of the Argead dynasty whose image stood within it. The chapter concludes with analysis of the reasons Eurydice’s great-granddaughter, initially named Adea, took Eurydice’s name at the time she married her half-uncle, Philip III Arrhidaeus. The chapter ends with an overview of the career of Eurydice, arguing that she was a Penelopean figure.
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