Academic literature on the topic 'Art et danse – Europe – 1900-1945'

At the start of the twentieth century, many young Australian artists travelled abroad to expand their art education and to gain exposure to the modern art movements of Europe. Most of these artists were active members of artist associations such as the Victorian Artists Society or the New South Wales Society of Artists. Male artists from Victoria were generally also members of the Melbourne Savage Club, a club with a strong association with the arts.This paper investigates the dual function of the club, as a space where the artists felt “at home” in the familiar environment that the club offered whilst they were abroad and, at the same time, a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London would have a significant impact on male Australian artists, as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world, which enhanced their experience whilst abroad.Artists were seldom members of Australia’s early gentlemen’s clubs, however, in the late nineteenth century Melbourne, artists formed less formal social groupings with exotic names such as the Prehistoric Order of Cannibals, the Buonarotti Club, and the Ishmael Club (Mead). Melbourne artists congregated in these clubs until the Melbourne Savage Club, modelled on the London Savage Club (1857)—a club whose membership was restricted to practitioners in the performing and visual arts—opened its doors in 1894.The Melbourne Savage Club had its origins in the Metropolitan Music Club, established in the late 1880s by a group of professional and amateur musicians and music lovers. The club initially admitted musicians and people from the dramatic professions free-of-charge, however, author Randolph Bedford (1868–1941) and artist Alf Vincent (1874–1915) were not content to be treated on a different basis to the musicians and actors, and two months after Vincent joined the club, at a Special General Meeting, the club resolved to vary Rule 6, “to admit landscape or portrait painters and sculptors without entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club). At another Special General Meeting, a year later, the rule was altered to admit “recognised members of the musical, dramatic and artistic professions and sculptors without payment of entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club).This resulted in an immediate influx of prominent Victorian male artists (Williams) and the Melbourne Savage Club became their place of choice to gather and enjoy the fellowship the club offered and to share ideas in a convivial atmosphere. When the opportunity arose for them to travel to London in the early twentieth century, they met in London’s famous art clubs. Membership of the Melbourne Savage Club not only conferred rights to visit reciprocal clubs whilst in London, but also facilitated introductions to potential patrons. The London clubs were the venue of choice for visiting artists to meet their fellow artist expatriates and to share experiences and, importantly, to meet with their British counterparts, exhibit their works, and establish valuable contacts.The London Savage Club attracted many Australian expatriates. Not only is it the grandfather of London’s bohemian clubs but also it was the model for arts clubs the world over. Founded in 1857, the qualification for admission was (and still is) to be, “a working man in literature or art, and a good fellow” (Halliday vii). If a candidate met these requirements, he would be cordially received “come whence he may.” This was embodied in the club’s first rules which required applicants for membership to be from a restricted range of pursuits relating to the arts thought to be commensurate with its bohemian ideals, namely art, literature, drama, or music.The second London arts club that attracted expatriate Australian artists was the New English Arts Club, founded in 1886 by young English artists returning from studying art in Paris. Members of The New English Arts Club were influenced by the Impressionist style as opposed to the academic art shown at the Royal Academy. As a meeting place for Australia’s expatriate artists, the New English Arts Club had a particular influence, as it exposed them to significant early Modern artist members such as John Singer Sargent (1856–1925), Walter Sickert (1860–1942), William Orpen (1878–1931) and Augustus John (1878–1961) (Corbett and Perry; Thornton; Melbourne Savage Club).The third, and arguably the most popular with the expatriate Australian artists’ club, was the Chelsea Arts Club, a bohemian club formed in 1891 by local working artists looking for a place to go to “meet, talk, eat and drink” (Cross).Apart from the American-born founding member, James McNeill Whistler (1834–1903), amongst the biggest Chelsea names at the time of the influx of travelling young Australian artists were modernists Sir William Orpen, Augustus John, and John Sargent. The opportunity to mix with these leading British contemporary artists was irresistible to these antipodean artists (55).When Melbourne artist, Miles Evergood (1871–1939) arrived in London from America in 1910, he had been an active exhibiting member of the Salmagundi Club, a New York artists’ club. Almost immediately he joined the New English Arts Club and the Chelsea Arts Club. Hammer tells of him associating with “writer Israel Zangwill, sculptor Jacob Epstein, and anti-academic artists including Walter Sickert, Augustus John, John Lavery, John Singer Sargent and C.R.W. Nevison, who challenged art values in Britain at the beginning of the century” (Hammer 41).Arthur Streeton (1867–1943) used the Chelsea Arts Club as his postal address, as did many expatriate artists. The Melbourne Savage Club archives contain letters and greetings, with news from abroad, written from artist members back to their “Brother Savages” (Various).In late 1902, Streeton wrote to fellow artist and Savage Club member Tom Roberts (1856–1931) from London:I belong to the Chelsea Arts Club now, & meet the artists – MacKennel says it’s about the most artistic club (speaking in the real sense) in England. … They all seem to be here – McKennal, Longstaff, Mahony, Fullwood, Norman, Minns, Fox, Plataganet Tudor St. George Tucker, Quinn, Coates, Bunny, Alston, K, Sonny Pole, other minor lights and your old friend and admirer Smike – within 100 yards of here – there must be 30 different studios. (Streeton 94)Whilst some of the artists whom Streeton mentioned were studying at either the Royal Academy or the Slade School, it was the clubs like the Chelsea Arts Club where they were most likely to encounter fellow Australian artists. Tom Roberts was obviously attentive to Streeton’s enthusiastic account and, when he returned to London the following year to work on his commission for The Big Picture of the 1901 opening of the first Commonwealth Parliament, he soon joined. Roberts, through his expansive personality, became particularly active in London’s Australian expatriate artistic community and later became Vice-President of the Chelsea Arts Club. Along with Streeton and Roberts, other visiting Melbourne Savage Club artists joined the Chelsea Arts Club. They included, John Longstaff (1861–1941), James Quinn (1869–1951), George Coates (1869–1930), and Will Dyson (1880–1938), along with Sydney artists Henry Fullwood (1863–1930), George Lambert (1873–1930), and Will Ashton (1881–1963) (Croll 95). Smith describes the exodus to London and Paris: “It was the Chelsea Arts Club that the Heidelberg School established its last and least distinguished camp” (Smith, Smith and Heathcote 152).Streeton, who retained his Chelsea Arts Club membership when he returned for a while to Australia, wrote to Roberts in 1907, “I miss Chelsea & the Club-boys” (Streeton 107). In relation to Frederick McCubbin’s pending visit he wrote: “Prof McCubbin left here a week ago by German ‘Prinz Heinrich.’ … You’ll introduce him at the Chelsea Club and I hope they make him an Hon. Member, etc” (Streeton et al. 85). McCubbin wrote, after an evening at the Chelsea Arts Club, following a visit to the Royal Academy: “Tonight, I am dining with Australian artists in Soho, and shall be there to greet my old friends. How glad I am! Longstaff will be there, and Frank Stuart, Roberts, Fullwood, Pontin, Coates, Quinn, and Tucker’s brother, and many others from all around” (MacDonald, McCubbin and McCubbin 75). Impressed by the work of Turner he wrote to his wife Annie, following avisit to the Tate Gallery:I went yesterday with Fullwood and G. Coates and Tom Roberts for a ramble … to the Tate Gallery – a beautiful freestone building facing the river through a portico into the gallery where the lately found turners are exhibited – these are not like the greater number of pictures in the National Gallery – they represent his different periods, but are mostly in his latest style, when he had realised the quality of light (McCubbin).Clearly Turner’s paintings had a profound impression on him. In the same letter he wrote:they are mostly unfinished but they are divine – such dreams of colour – a dozen of them are like pearls … mist and cloud and sea and land, drenched in light … They glow with tender brilliancy that radiates from these canvases – how he loved the dazzling brilliancy of morning or evening – these gems with their opal colour – you feel how he gloried in these tender visions of light and air. He worked from darkness into light.The Chelsea Arts Club also served as a venue for artists to entertain and host distinguished visitors from home. These guests included; Melbourne Savage Club artist member Alf Vincent (Joske 112), National Gallery of Victoria (NGV) Trustee and popular patron of the arts, Professor Baldwin Spencer (1860–1929), Professor Frederick S. Delmer (1864–1931) and conductor George Marshall-Hall (1862–1915) (Mulvaney and Calaby 329; Streeton 111).Artist Miles Evergood arrived in London in 1910, and visited the Chelsea Arts Club. He mentions expatriate Australian artists gathering at the Club, including Will Dyson, Fred Leist (1873–1945), David Davies (1864–1939), Will Ashton (1881–1963), and Henry Fullwood (Hammer 41).Most of the Melbourne Savage Club artist members were active in the London Savage Club. On one occasion, in November 1908, Roberts, with fellow artist MacKennal in the Chair, attended the Australian Artists’ Dinner held there. This event attracted twenty-five expatriate Australian artists, all residing in London at the time (McQueen 532).These London arts clubs had a significant influence on the expatriate Australian artists for they became the “glue” that held them together whilst abroad. Although some artists travelled abroad specifically to take up places at the Royal Academy School or the Slade School, only a minority of artists arriving in London from Australia and other British colonies were offered positions at these prestigious schools. Many artists travelled to “try their luck.” The arts clubs of London, whilst similarly discerning in their membership criteria, generally offered a visiting “brother-of-the-brush” a warm welcome as a professional courtesy. They featured the familiar rollicking all-male “Smoke Nights” a feature of the Melbourne Savage Club. With a greater “artist” membership than the clubs in Australia, expatriate artists were not only able to catch up with their friends from Australia, but also they could associate with England’s finest and most progressive artists in a familiar congenial environment. The clubs were a “home away from home” and described by Underhill as, “an artistic Earl’s Court” (Underhill 99). Most importantly, the clubs were a centre for discourse, arguably even more so than were the teaching academies. Britain’s leading modernist artists were members of the Chelsea Arts Club and the New English Arts Club and mixed freely with the visiting Australian artists.Many Australian artists, such as Miles Evergood and George Bell (1878–1966), held anti-academic views similar to English club members and embraced the new artistic trends, which they would bring back to Australia. Streeton had no illusions about the relative worth of the famed institutions and the exhibitions held by clubs such as the New English. Writing to Roberts before he joins him in London, he describes the Royal Academy as having, “an inartistic atmosphere” and claims he “hasn’t the least desire to go again” (Streeton 77). His preference lay with a concurrent “International Exhibition”, which featured works by Rodin, Whistler, Condor, Degas, and others who were setting the pace rather than merely continuing the academic traditions.Architect Hardy Wilson (1881–1955) served as secretary of The Chelsea Arts Club. When he returned to Australia he brought back with him a number of British works by Streeton and Lambert for an exhibition at the Guild Hall Melbourne (Underhill 92). Artists and Bohemians, a history of the Chelsea Arts Club, makes special reference of its world-wide contacts and singles out many of its prominent Australian members for specific mention including; Sir John William (Will) Ashton OBE, later Director of the Art Gallery of New South Wales, and Will Dyson, whose illustrious career as an Australian war artist was described in some detail. Dyson’s popularity led to his later appointment as Chairman of the Chelsea Arts Club where he initiated an ambitious rebuilding program, improving staff accommodation, refurbishing the members’ areas, and adding five bedrooms for visiting members (Bross 87-90).Whilst the influence of travel abroad on Australian artists has been noted, the importance of the London Clubs has not been fully explored. These clubs offered artists a space where they felt “at home” and a familiar environment whilst they were abroad. The clubs functioned as a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London had a significant impact on male Australian artists as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world which enhanced their experience whilst abroad and influenced the direction of their art.ReferencesCorbett, David Peters, and Lara Perry, eds. English Art, 1860–1914: Modern Artists and Identity. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.Croll, Robert Henderson. Tom Roberts: Father of Australian Landscape Painting. Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1935.Cross, Tom. Artists and Bohemians: 100 Years with the Chelsea Arts Club. 1992. 1st ed. London: Quiller Press, 1992.Gray, Anne, and National Gallery of Australia. McCubbin: Last Impressions 1907–17. 1st ed. Parkes, A.C.T.: National Gallery of Australia, 2009.Halliday, Andrew, ed. The Savage Papers. 1867. 1st ed. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1867.Hammer, Gael. Miles Evergood: No End of Passion. Willoughby, NSW: Phillip Mathews, 2013.Joske, Prue. Debonair Jack: A Biography of Sir John Longstaff. 1st ed. Melbourne: Claremont Publishing, 1994.MacDonald, James S., Frederick McCubbin, and Alexander McCubbin. The Art of F. McCubbin. Melbourne: Lothian Book Publishing, 1916.McCaughy, Patrick. Strange Country: Why Australian Painting Matters. Ed. Paige Amor. The Miegunyah Press, 2014.McCubbin, Frederick. Papers, Ca. 1900–Ca. 1915. Melbourne.McQueen, Humphrey. Tom Roberts. Sydney: Macmillan, 1996.Mead, Stephen. "Bohemia in Melbourne: An Investigation of the Writer Marcus Clarke and Four Artistic Clubs during the Late 1860s – 1901.” PhD thesis. Melbourne: University of Melbourne, 2009.Melbourne Savage Club. Secretary. Minute Book: Melbourne Savage Club. Club Minutes (General Committee). Melbourne: Savage Archives.Mulvaney, Derek John, and J.H. Calaby. So Much That Is New: Baldwin Spencer, 1860–1929, a Biography. Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1985.Smith, Bernard, Terry Smith, and Christopher Heathcote. Australian Painting, 1788–2000. 4th ed. South Melbourne, Vic.: Oxford University Press, 2001.Streeton, Arthur, et al. Smike to Bulldog: Letters from Sir Arthur Streeton to Tom Roberts. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1946.Streeton, Arthur, ed. Letters from Smike: The Letters of Arthur Streeton, 1890–1943. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989.Thornton, Alfred, and New English Art Club. Fifty Years of the New English Art Club, 1886–1935. London: New English Art Club, Curwen Press 1935.Underhill, Nancy D.H. Making Australian Art 1916–49: Sydney Ure Smith Patron and Publisher. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1991.Various. Melbourne Savage Club Correspondence Book: 1902–1916. Melbourne: Melbourne Savage Club.Williams, Graeme Henry. "A Socio-Cultural Reading: The Melbourne Savage Club through Its Collections." Masters of Arts thesis. Melbourne: Deakin University, 2013.

Le constructivisme dans le theatre sovietique des annees vingt et ses prolongements en europe le constructivisme apparait en russie au lendemain de la grande guerre comme le lieu de rencontre des idees fonctionnalistes europeennes (l'an cien mouvement des arts and crafts en angleterre, les deutsche werkbunde en allemagne) et des reflexions de certains theoriciens marxistes sur la culture proletarienne. Durant les annees 1920-1921, des artistes venus du cubisme et du suprematisme explorent l'idee nouvelle de la construction comme centre de l'oeuvre d'art, puis, sous l'influence de la nouvelle ideologie sovietique, evoluent progressivement vers la production de masse. En creant du mobilier, des vetements, des affiches, des artistes comme vesnine, popova, rodtchenko souhaitent transformer la nouvelle vie collective. Le theatre est pour eux un champ d'experience, le lieu ou ils desirent montrer les modeles de la nouvelle vie socialiste (de nouvelles formes plastiques et des gestes constructifs issus de la biomecanique). Entre 1922 et 1924, popova et stepanova travaillent avec meyerhold pour le cocu magnifique, la mort de tarelkine, la terre cabree ; vesnine et les freres stenberg avec tairov pour un nomme jeudi et l'orage. Cependant, depourvu de dramaturgie originale, devenu de moins en moins credible comme utopie politique, le constructivisme devient peu a peu une simple source de solutions scenographiques nouvelles. Dans ces machines de scene d'avant-garde, le dispositif de jeu se compose desormais de plates-formes, d'echaffaudages, d'echel les et meme d'ascenseurs. Un grand nombre de decorateurs de theatre explorent ces formes nouvelles: iakoulov, exter, chestakov sont parmi les plus celebres. Apres quelques annees de succes, le constructivisme devient un nouveau style decoratif. D'un autre cote, le mouvement est de plus en plus considere des la fin des annees vingt comme une forme d'art anti-realiste, formaliste et cosmopolite. Apres quelque significatifs (la punaise; les bains, le projet de lissitsky pour je veux un enfant en 1927-1930, le constructivisme est condamne par le realisme socialiste et disparait de la scene russe des le
Constructivism appeared in russia after the first world war at the junction of european functionalist movements (suche as arts and crafts in england, deutsche werkbunde in germany) and of the reflexion led by russian marxist theoreticians about proletarian culture. In the years 1920-1921, artists coming from cubism and suprematism explored the new idea of construction as the centre of art work, then, influenced by the new soviet ideology, progressively moved toward mass production. Creating furniture, clothes, posters, artists like vesnin, popova, rodtchenko wished to transform the new collective life. Theatre was for them a field of experimentation, the place where they intended to show models of new socialist life (new plastic forms and constructive gestures produced by biomechanics). Between 1922 and 1924, popova and stepanova worked with meyerhold for the magnanimous cuckold, the death of tarelkin, earth in turmoil; vesnin and the stenberg brothers with tairov for the man who was thursday and the storm. However, deprived of original dramaturgy, getting less and less credible as a political utopia, constructivism became a mere source of scenographic solutions. In these new avant-garde stage-machines, the acting apparatus was now number of stage decorators explored these new forms: iakoulov, a. Exter, chestakov, meller were among the most famous. After a few years of success constructivism became a new decorative style. On the other hand, the movement was at the end of the twenties, more and more considered as a form of antirealistic, formalist and cosmopolitan art. After a last few representative plays: the bedbug, the baths in meyerhold's theater, the project of lissitsky for i want a child, in the years 1927-1930, constructivism was condemned by the new socialist realism and disappeared from the russian stage in the early thirties

Cette thèse étudie l'évolution des idées et des moeurs en France pendant l'entre-deux-guerres (1919-1939) et leur l'influence sur l'évolution de la forme romanesque, à travers trois périodiques : L'Art Libre, Europe, et Vendredi. Les thèmes suivants sont abordés : la guerre et ses conséquences ; l'inquiétude de la génération d'après-guerre et l'attrait de l'Orient ; l'évolution des moeurs et des rapports entre hommes et femmes ; le renouveau catholique ; l'engagement social et politique des écrivains. Ces évolutions se reflètent dans les romans de l'époque et ont entraîné une crise du roman, parce que l'on n'imaginait pas qu'il puisse s'écarter du modèle ancien, qui n'était plus adapté à l'instabilité de l'époque. Nous distinguons, chez les romanciers de cette période, confrontés à ce dilemme, deux tendances : l'une veut que le roman s'adapte à son époque, l'autre rêve d'un roman dégagé des influences de l'époque pour atteindre l'essence de l'être
This thesis explores the evolution of ideas and morals in France during the period between the First and Second World Wars (1919-1939) and their influence on the evolution of the novel, through analysis of three periodicals : L'Art Libre, Europe, and Vendredi. The following themes are addressed: the war and its consequences; the anxiety of the post-war generation and the attraction of the East; the evolution of morals and relations between men and women; the Catholic revival; the social and political involvement of writers. These changes are reflected in the novels of this period and they brought about a crisis concerning the novel because of the unanticipated departure from its traditionnal model, that model no longer being appropriate to the instability of the period. One distinguishes two trends among novelists of this period faced to this dilemma : one is to adapt the novel to its era, the other to envision a novel detached from its time in order to attain the essence of the human condition

Phénomène protéiforme, l’abstraction picturale a bouleversé le monde des arts à l’aube du XXᵉ siècle. En Europe, de la Belle époque aux Années folles, les peintres d’avant-garde ont croisé le chemin de poètes et de chorégraphes avec lesquels ils partageaient le même désir de changement. Sous l’égide de mécènes ou d’amateurs éclairés, leurs collaborations ont donné naissance à des spectacles d’un genre nouveau où les frontières entre les différentes disciplines se trouvent abolies. Associer la peinture, art de l'espace, à la danse, qui y introduit le temps, soulève quelques questions qui ont fait émerger l’idée d’un « ballet plastique » se substituant au « ballet dramatique » théorisé par Noverre. L’art chorégraphique et l’art pictural ont exercé l’un sur l’autre une influence réciproque dont la recherche commence seulement à mesurer l’importance. Cependant, peut-on parler d’abstraction totale dans un domaine où rien n’est plus concret qu’un corps qui danse ? S’il n’y a pas une évolution linéaire alliant la figuration à l’abstraction entre 1909 à 1933, certains principes mis en œuvre sur les toiles ont été appliqués à la fois sur la scène et dans les coulisses du ballet. Les peintres vont-ils réussir à rompre l’illusion en sortant de la cage de scène ? En agrandissant leurs toiles, vont-ils réussir autre chose qu’un tableau animé ? Que devient le livret dans un ballet où la lettre s’efface devant les couleurs et les formes ? Poser la question de l’abstraction en littérature revient à remettre en cause l’existence même d’un texte comme support du ballet. Or, le livret, loin de disparaître, se métamorphose et occupe aussi une place de choix dans cette composition abstraite
In the run-up to the 20th century, a multifaceted phenomenon called pictorial abstraction has turned the art community upside down. In Europe, from the “Belle Epoque” to the Roaring Twenties, avant-garde painters have crossed paths with poets and choreographers with whom they shared their desire for change. Their collaborations with donors and enlightened amateurs gave rise to a new kind of shows in which the boundaries between the various artistic disciplines have been abolished. The association of painting to spatial art and dance that also brought in time, raised questions that led to an idea of a “plastic ballet” as a substitute for “dramatic ballet”; an idea put forward by Noverre. The choreographic and pictorial worlds have had a reciprocal influence on one another; however, the research world is only now starting to consider the significance of these interactions. Anyhow, is it possible to talk about a total abstraction within this particular field, knowing that nothing can be more concrete than a dancing body? This trend is not a linear evolution from figuration towards abstraction between 1909 and 1933 but some principles used on canvases were applied in the ballet world, both on stage and backstage. Will painters manage to break the illusion by breaking out of the cage-like stage? By expanding the sizes of their paintings, will they have anything else to show than animated tableaux? What happens to the libretto in a ballet where letters are outweighed by colours and shapes? Questioning abstraction in literature involves questioning the mere existence of texts as the underpinning of ballets. Yet, the libretto is far from disappearing ; it transforms itself and is thus at the forefront of this abstract composition

Le monde aéronautique a connu un essor significatif durant les premières décennies du XXe siècle. Propulsé par des avancées technologiques sans précédents, l’aéronautique fut rapidement omniprésente dans tous les secteurs de la vie et de la culture européennes. De la figure du pilote d’aéroplane émergea subtilement, puis avec force, l’image d’un homme robuste et valeureux qui personnifiait son pays. Trouvant un réceptacle favorable dans les héros nés de la Grande Guerre, les gouvernements totalitaires qui émergèrent façonnèrent le pilote comme l’avatar d’un homme idéal. L’imaginaire européen du premier tiers du XXe siècle vit alors naitre « l’homme volant », une facette de « l’homme nouveau », incarnant la grandeur de sa nation
Aeronautics underwent a significant development during the first decades of the 20th century. Helped by new technological advancements aeronautics quickly became omnipresent in all sectors of the European life and culture. From the figure of the airplane’s pilot emerged subtly, then with strength, the image of a strong and brave man personifying his country. Finding a favorable receptacle in the Great War’s heroes, the totalitarian governments shaped the pilot as the avatar of an ideal man. The European imagination of the first third of the 20th century gave birth to the "flying man", a facet of the “new man”, embodying the greatness of its nation

Alexandre Salzmann (S. ) est un « protagoniste paradoxal » du théâtre des premières années du XX siècle: on ne le voit jamais vraiment parmi les protagonistes, mais on le trouve toujours dans des évènements de tout premier plan, dont il constitue semble-t-il un des moteurs secrets. Inventeur de génie (dans la triade qu’il forme avec Appia et Dalcroze) d’un système d’éclairage ad hoc pour le spectacle chef d’oeuvre Orphée et Eurydice acclamé par tous les réformateurs et les artistes inquiets du début du Vingtième, S. Est célébré dans toute l’Europe comme le maître des lumières (Craig) et des variations les plus imperceptibles dans les tonalités de couleurs. Son itinéraire, et celui de sa femme Jeanne, épouse ensuite celui de Gurdjieff et de son Institut pour le Développement Harmonique de l’Homme (Fontainebleau-Avon, 1922). La reconstruction historiographique de l’activité de S. à Hellerau, d’abord, et de sa collaboration avec Gurdjieff, ensuite, trouve dans cette étude ses bases dans la recherche du lien existant entre sa première activité et celle avec Gurdjieff, au delà du rapport avec sa (future) femme Jeanne, et des liens existant entre les évènements et les relations qui, pour le théâtre qui ne termine pas dans le spectacle (Grotowski), l’a amené directement au centre de la “science du Mouvement”, fondement de la science du processus créatif, coeur quant à elle du théâtre du Vingtième. En conclusion, dans l’histoire du théâtre, le cœur du parcours de S. Se trouve dans les croisements entre personnes, évènements et lieux, en regardant, volontairement, dans la direction inverse: avec un regard “tête en bas”
Alexandre Salzmann (S. ) can be considered a «paradoxical protagonist» of the beginning of the XX Century theatre: he can never be clearly identified among the protagonists, but he can always be discovered in all major events, which he appears to be one of the hidden engines of. Genial inventor (in Hellerau triad with Adolphe Appia and Émile Jaques-Dalcroze) of a lighting system created ad hoc for the masterpiece performance Orphée et Eurydice (1913), highly praised by all the theatre reformers and restless artists of the first half of the XX Century, S. Is celebrated all over Europe as maître des lumières / master of lights (Craig) and of the most imperceptible variations between shades of colours. Afterwards his itinerary (together with his wife, Jeanne) joins the one of Gurdjieff and his Institute for the Harmonious Development of Man (Fontainebleau-Avon, 1922). In this research the historical reconstruction of S. Professional experience in Hellerau, first, and collaboration with Gurdjieff, then, has its foundations laid in the following questions: how were the two mentioned experiences linked, out of his relationship with his (future) wife Jeanne? Which was the junction of events and relationships that, as per the theatre that does not end into the performance (Grotowski), led him straight to the centre of the “science of the Movement”, as hinge of the science of the creative process, heart of the theatre of the XX Century? To conclude, in the history of theatre the core of S. Itinerary can only be intercepted in the complex entanglement of people, events and sites, while intentionally looking at it with an “upside-down” approach

Adoptant une perspective critique, cette étude a pour but de révéler, grâce à des documents d'archives en grande partie inédits, le rôle joue par les marchands dans la définition et la diffusion du concept d' objet d 'art africain, en Europe occidentale et aux Etats-Unis des années 1900 aux années 1920. Nous analyserons comment, par les choix qu'ils opérèrent, les expositions qu'ils organisèrent et les ouvrages qu'ils publièrent, les premiers marchands influencèrent profondément la réception des arts africains en Occident. Nous définirons le caractère éminemment international de ce marché dès sa formation et nous nous concentrerons sur un groupe restreint d'individus qui doivent être considérés comme les principaux protagonistes de la diffusion et de la promotion des arts africains des deux côtés de l' Atlantique: les marchands Joseph Brummer, Robert J. Coady, Marius de Zayas, Paul Guillaume et Charles Vignier, ainsi que le collectionneur John Quinn.

Ce travail propose un parcours à travers des œuvres et des textes réunis par leur contexte d'émergence, les années trente principalement en Europe, et un intérêt commun pour les principes de la vie. Cette tendance, baptisée en 1935 "biomorphisme" avec un succès relatif, déploie en peinture et en sculpture un vocabulaire de formes domine par la courbe et les associations organiques ; elle est représentée par des artistes tels que Jean Arp, Joan Miro ou encore Henry Moore ; elle diffuse également dans les domaines de l'architecture, du design, du graphisme et de la photographie, contribuant à leur mutation. En cela elle se révèle symptomatique d'une volonté encore implicite de renouvellement de la logique du développement de l'art. Cette étude entend analyser le fonctionnement historique et la position très particulière du biomorphisme dans le contexte polarise de l'entre-deux-guerres : un entre-deux entre recherche formelle et référence au monde vivant, entre invention et reproduction. Face au caractère diffus de la tendance et à l'imprécision de ses descriptions courantes, ce mémoire présente une analyse des formes employées et de leurs principes de construction, dans une interaction avec les théories morphogénétiques en plein essor à l'époque. Enfin, il analyse le mode de création et de perception de ce type de vocabulaire en termes d'analogie créatrice, mettant en rapport l'art et la vie qu'elle soit biologique ou psychique.

Des Arts and Crafts à l' Art nouveau, Ie papier peint fut Ie lieu de toutes les attentions. Les créations de grandes figures demeuraient cependant confinées à des usages restreints et les collaborations d'artistes avec l'industrie ne constituaient qu'une part minime des produits commercialisés. Parallèlement, les fabricants et dessinateurs spécialisés adoptèrent une esthétique inspirée par l' Art nouveau, et ce de façon un temps majoritaire dans les collections proposées. Si ces articles ne démontraient toujours une nette compréhension des idéaux du mouvement, ils n’en permirent pas moins une diffusion du goût moderne dans les intérieurs. Par l'intermédiaire du médium concerne, Ie style 1900 vint agrémenter Ie quotidien de toutes catégories de la population, répondant ainsi en partie aux idéaux sociaux de l' Art nouveau. Néanmoins, s'intégrant Ie plus souvent a un contexte décoratif ordinaire ou inspire du passe, ces papiers peints ne rencontraient Ie désir du mouvement d'un art total.

Architecte renommé en Hongrie avant la Première Guerre mondiale, dessinateur, théoricien, urbaniste et écrivain, l'architecte hongrois Jozsef Vago (1877-1947) travaille à Budapest (1900-1919 ; 1926-1940), à Rome (1919-1926) et à Genève (1927-1935) avant de s'établir en France (19401947). Sa filiation, au cours de la première partie de sa carrière, avec l'école sécessionniste de Odon Lechner ; sa collaboration avec l'avant-garde artistique à Budapest (A. Korosfoi-Kriesh, Sandor Nagy, Jozsef Rippl-Ronai et Karoly Kernstock) et les missions officielles qu'il exerce dans son pays jusqu'au renversement de la république des conseils de Bela Kun permettent de mettre en évidence sa réflexion artistique et politique mais aussi la spécificité de la scène hongroise par rapport à l'histoire de l'architecture occidentale. Exilé à Rome entre 1920 et 1926, Vago participe à la vie architecturale italienne et aux grands concours internationaux de l'entre-deux-guerres avant de gagner le concours de la Société des nations à Genève en 1927 avec huit autres lauréats. Ses démêlés avec ses associes - Nénot, Flegenheimer, Lefèvre et Broggi et avec le Corbusier au cours de la réalisation du projet de la SDN à Genève vont le conduire, dans les années trente et quarante, à rechercher une synthèse entre les idéaux de l'art nouveau et du mouvement moderne. Cette recherche, qui apparait dans son grand ouvrage théorique, à travers les villes (1930), et dans son projet d'urbanisation de Budapest (1933-1937), trouve son aboutissement dans son grand projet théorique de reconstruction opposé aux préceptes des CIAM et de la charte d'Athènes : la ville de l'avenir (1940-1945).

Le terme de théosophie est souvent associé aux premiers peintres non-figuratifs. Pourtant peu de critiques ont approfondi la question, estimant que le fait relevait de la sphère personnelle et non d'un intérêt plastique. Néanmoins, l'émergence d'une nouvelle forme de peinture est intimement liée aux idées d'une époque : à la fin du XIXe siècle, la rapide industrialisation est ressentie comme une perte spirituelle pour beaucoup. Fondée en 1875 par H. P. Blavatsky, la Société Théosophique concrétisait ces nouvelles aspirations. Elle prétendait concilier les contraires : la Religion et la Science, l'Orient et l'Occident pour retrouver une Unité Originelle. Elle contribua à populariser les philosophies de l'Inde. Les ouvrages de Leadbeater et de Besant contenaient de nombreuses illustrations relatives à l'aura, cet halo coloré entourant tout être humain. Rudolf Steiner, éditeur du "Traité des couleurs" de Goethe, sut tirer des applications pratiques. A partir de là, les artistes disposaient d'un répertoire plastique : couleurs et formes pouvaient exprimer directement le spirituel. Par exemple, Kandinsky évoquera la "nécessité intérieure" ; Mondrian recherchera l'harmonie à travers les oppositions perçues comme complémentaires ; tous font état d'une idéologie donnée pour justifier le passage vers une nouvelle forme de peinture
The term of theosophy is often associated to the first non-representational painters. However few criticisms deepened the question considering that the fact recovered from the personal sphere and not of a plastic interest. Nevertheless, the emergence of a new shape of painting depends on the ideas of time : at the end of the nineteenth century, the fast industrialization is felt as a spiritual loss for many. Founded in 1875, the Theosophical Society gave concrete expression to theses new expectations. It claimed to reconcile opposite : the Religion and the Science, the East and the West to find an original Unity. It contributed to popularize the Indian philosophy. The works of Leadbeater and Besant contained numerous illustrations relatives to the aura, the coloured halo surrounding every human being. Rudolf Steiner, publisher of the "Treaty of colours" of Goethe, deduce practical applications of it. From there, the artists had a plastic repertory : colours and forms could directly expressed the spiritual. For example, Kandinsky will evoke the "internal necessity" ; Mondrian will look for an harmony through the oppositions perceived as additional. All state an ideology given to justify the passage towards a new shape of painting