Academic literature on the topic 'Art et littérature – 1900-1945'

Alain Grandbois (1900-1975) a laissé l'une des oeuvrespoétiques majeures de la littérature québécoise. Plusieurs textes inédits, déposés à la Bibliothèque nationale du Québec, seront publiés à compter de 1988par les Presses de l'Université de Montréal. 'J'ai vingt ans,' un monologue dramatique commenté et reproduit ici, traduit un certain mal de vivre, mais aussi un espoir en des lendemains plus heureux.

-Valerie I.J. Flint, Margarita Zamora, Reading Columbus. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. xvi + 247 pp.-Riva Berleant-Schiller, Historie Naturelle des Indes: The Drake manuscript in the Pierpont Morgan Library. New York: Norton, 1996. xxii + 272 pp.-Neil L. Whitehead, Charles Nicholl, The creature in the map: A journey to Eldorado. London: Jonathan Cape, 1995. 398 pp.-William F. Keegan, Ramón Dacal Moure ,Art and archaeology of pre-Columbian Cuba. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996. xxiv + 134 pp., Manuel Rivero de la Calle (eds)-Michael Mullin, Stephan Palmié, Slave cultures and the cultures of slavery. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1995. xlvii + 283 pp.-Bill Maurer, Karen Fog Olwig, Small islands, large questions: Society, culture and resistance in the post-emancipation Caribbean. London: Frank Cass, 1995. viii + 200 pp.-David M. Stark, Laird W. Bergad ,The Cuban slave market, 1790-1880. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. xxi + 245 pp., Fe Iglesias García, María Del Carmen Barcia (eds)-Susan Fernández, Tom Chaffin, Fatal glory: Narciso López and the first clandestine U.S. war against Cuba. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996. xxii + 282 pp.-Damian J. Fernández, María Cristina García, Havana USA: Cuban exiles and Cuban Americans in South Florida, 1959-1994. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. xiii + 290 pp.-Myrna García-Calderón, Carmen Luisa Justiniano, Con valor y a cómo dé lugar: Memorias de una jíbara puertorriqueña. Río Piedras: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1994. 538 pp.-Jorge Pérez-Rolon, Ruth Glasser, My music is my flag: Puerto Rican musicians and their New York communities , 1917-1940. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. xxiv + 253 pp.-Lauren Derby, Emelio Betances, State and society in the Dominican Republic. Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1995. xix + 162 pp.-Michiel Baud, Bernardo Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, Volumen II (1937-1938). Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1995. 427 pp.-Danielle Bégot, Elborg Forster ,Sugar and slavery, family and race: The letters and diary of Pierre Dessalles, Planter in Martinique, 1808-1856. Elborg & Robert Forster (eds. and trans.). Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1996. 322 pp., Robert Forster (eds)-Catherine Benoit, Richard D.E. Burton, La famille coloniale: La Martinique et la mère patrie, 1789-1992. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1994. 308 pp.-Roderick A. McDonald, Kathleen Mary Butler, The economics of emancipation: Jamaica & Barbados, 1823-1843. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. xviii + 198 pp.-K.O. Laurence, David Chanderbali, A portrait of Paternalism: Governor Henry Light of British Guiana, 1838-48. Turkeyen, Guyana: Dr. David Chanderbali, Department of History, University of Guyana, 1994. xiii + 277 pp.-Mindie Lazarus-Black, Brian L. Moore, Cultural power, resistance and pluralism: Colonial Guyana 1838-1900. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press; Mona, Kingston: The Press-University of the West Indies, 1995. xv + 376 pp.-Madhavi Kale, K.O. Laurence, A question of labour: Indentured immigration into Trinidad and British Guiana, 1875-1917. Kingston: Ian Randle; London: James Currey, 1994. ix + 648 pp.-Franklin W. Knight, O. Nigel Bolland, On the March: Labour rebellions in the British Caribbean, 1934-39. Kingston: Ian Randle; London: James Currey, 1995. viii + 216 pp.-Linden Lewis, Kevin A. Yelvington, Producing power: Ethnicity, gender, and class in a Caribbean workplace. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995. xv + 286 pp.-Consuelo López Springfield, Alta-Gracia Ortíz, Puerto Rican women and work: Bridges in transnational labor. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996. xi + 249 pp.-Peta Henderson, Irma McClaurin, Women of Belize: Gender and change in Central America. New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996. x + 218 pp.-Bonham C. Richardson, David M. Bush ,Living with the Puerto Rico Shore. José Gonzalez Liboy & William J. Neal. Durham: Duke University Press, 1995. xx + 193 pp., Richard M.T. Webb, Lisbeth Hyman (eds)-Bonham C. Richardson, David Barker ,Environment and development in the Caribbean: Geographical perspectives. Mona, Kingston: The Press-University of the West Indies, 1995. xv + 304 pp., Duncan F.M. McGregor (eds)-Alma H. Young, Anthony T. Bryan ,Distant cousins: The Caribbean-Latin American relationship. Miami: North-South-Center Press, 1996. iii + 132 pp., Andrés Serbin (eds)-Alma H. Young, Ian Boxill, Ideology and Caribbean integration. Mona, Kingston: The Press-University of the West Indies, 1993. xiii + 128 pp.-Stephen D. Glazier, Howard Gregory, Caribbean theology: Preparing for the challenges ahead. Mona, Kingston: Canoe Press, University of the West Indies, 1995. xx + 118 pp.-Lise Winer, Richard Allsopp, Dictionary of Caribbean English usage. With a French and Spanish supplement edited by Jeanette Allsopp. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. lxxviii + 697 pp.-Geneviève Escure, Jacques Arends ,Pidgins and Creoles: An introduction. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1995. xiv + 412 pp., Pieter Muysken, Norval Smith (eds)-Jacques Arends, Angela Bartens, Die iberoromanisch-basierten Kreolsprachen: Ansätze der linguistischen Beschreibung. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1995. vii + 345 pp.-J. Michael Dash, Richard D.E. Burton, Le roman marron: Études sur la littérature martiniquaise contemporaine. Paris: L'Harmattan. 1997. 282 pp.

-Martin Baier, Han Knapen, Forests of fortune?; The environmental history of Southeast Borneo, 1600-1880. Leiden: The KITLV Press, 2001, xiv + 487 pp. [Verhandelingen 189] -Jean-Pascal Bassino, Per Ronnas ,Entrepreneurship in Vietnam; Transformations and dynamics. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) and Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2001, xii + 354 pp., Bhargavi Ramamurty (eds) -Adriaan Bedner, Renske Biezeveld, Between individualism and mutual help; Social security and natural resources in a Minangkabau village. Delft: Eburon, 2001, xi + 307 pp. -Linda Rae Bennett, Alison Murray, Pink fits; Sex, subcultures and discourses in the Asia-Pacific. Clayton, Victoria: Monash Asia Institute, 2001, xii + 198 pp. [Monash Papers on Southeast Asia 53.] -Peter Boomgaard, Laurence Monnais-Rousselot, Médecine et colonisation; L'aventure indochinoise 1860-1939. Paris: CNRS Editions, 1999, 489 pp. -Ian Coxhead, Yujiro Hayami ,A rice village saga; Three decades of Green revolution in the Philippines. Houndmills, Basingstoke: MacMillan, 2000, xviii + 274 pp., Masao Kikuchi (eds) -Robert Cribb, Frans Hüsken ,Violence and vengeance; Discontent and conflict in New Order Indonesia. Saarbrücken: Verlag für Entwicklungspolitik, 2002, 163 pp. [Nijmegen Studies in Development and Cultural Change 37.], Huub de Jonge (eds) -Frank Dhont, Michael Leifer, Asian nationalism. London: Routledge, 2000, x + 210 pp. -David van Duuren, Joseph Fischer ,The folk art of Bali; The narrative tradition. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, xx + 116 pp., Thomas Cooper (eds) -Cassandra Green, David J. Stuart-Fox, Pura Besakih; Temple, religion and society in Bali. Leiden: KITLV Press, xvii + 470 pp. [Verhandelingen 193.] -Hans Hägerdal, Vladimir I. Braginsky ,Images of Nusantara in Russian literature. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1999, xxvi + 516 pp., Elena M. Diakonova (eds) -Hans Hägerdal, David Chandler, A history of Cambodia (third edition). Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 2000, xvi + 296 pp. -Robert W. Hefner, Leo Howe, Hinduism and hierarchy in Bali. Oxford: James Currey, Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 2001, xviii + 228 pp. -Russell Jones, Margaret Shennan, Out in the midday sun; The British in Malaya, 1880-1960. London: John Murray, 2000, xviii + 426 pp. -Russell Jones, T.N. Harper, The end of empire and the making of Malaya. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, xviii + 417 pp. -Sirtjo Koolhof, Christian Pelras, The Bugis. Oxford: Blackwell, 1996, xvii + 386 pp. [The People of South-East Asia and the Pacific.] -Tania Li, Lily Zubaidah Rahim, The Singapore dilemma; The political and educational marginality of the Malay community. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, xviii + 302 pp. -Yasser Mattar, Vincent J.H. Houben ,Coolie labour in colonial Indonesia; A study of labour relations in the Outer Islands, c. 1900-1940. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999, xvi + 268 pp., J. Thomas Lindblad et al. (eds) -Yasser Mattar, Zawawi Ibrahim, The Malay labourer; By the window of capitalism. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1998, xvi + 348 PP. -Kees Mesman Schultz, Leo J.T. van der Kamp, C.L.M. Penders, The West Guinea debacle; Dutch decolonisation and Indonesia 1945-1962. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, viii + 490 pp. -S. Morshidi, Beng-Lan Goh, Modern dreams; An inquiry into power, cultural production, and the cityscape in contemporary urban Penang, Malaysia. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 2002, 224 pp. [Studies on Southeast Asia 31.] -Richard Scaglion, Gert-Jan Bartstra, Bird's Head approaches; Irian Jaya studies - a programme for interdisciplinary research. Rotterdam: Balkema, 1998, ix + 275 pp. [Modern Quarternary Research in Southeast Asia 15.] -Simon C. Smith, R.S. Milne ,Malaysian politics under Mahathir. London: Routledge, 1999, xix + 225 pp., Diane K. Mauzy (eds) -Reed L. Wadley, Christine Helliwell, 'Never stand alone'; A study of Borneo sociality. Phillips, Maine: Borneo Research Council, 2001, xiv + 279 pp. [BRC Monograph Series 5.] -Nicholas J. White, Francis Loh Kok Wah ,Democracy in Malaysia; Discourses and practices. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 2002, xiii + 274 pp. [Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Democracy in Asia Series 5.], Khoo Boo Teik (eds)

-Sandra L. Richards, Judy S.J. Stone, Theatre. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1994. xii + 268 pp.-Lowell Fiet, Errol Hill, The Jamaican stage, 1655-1900: profile of a colonial theatre. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1992. xiv + 346 pp.-Supriya Nair, Bruce King, V.S. Naipaul. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993. viii + 170 pp.-Agnes Lugo-Ortiz, Donald E. Rice, The rhetorical uses of the authorizing figure: Fidel Castro and José Martí. Westport CT: Praeger, 1992. xviii + 163 pp.-Graciella Cruz-Taura, Juan A. Martínez, Cuban art and national identity: The Vanguardia painters, 1927-1950. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994. xiv + 189 pp.-Graciella Cruz-Taura, Luis Camnitzer, New art of Cuba. Austin; University of Texas Press, 1994. xxx + 400 pp.-Gary Brana-Shute, Richard Price ,On the mall: Presenting Maroon tradition-bearers at the 1992 festival of American folklife. Bloomington: Folklore Institute, Indiana University, 1994. xi + 123 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Erika Bourguignon, Stephan Palmié, Das Exil der Götter: Geschichte und Vorstellungswelt einer afrokubanischen Religion. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1991. vii + 520 pp.-Carla Freeman, Daniel Miller, Modernity, an ethnographic approach: Dualism and mass consumption in Trinidad. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1994. 340 pp.-Daniel A. Segal, Kelvin Singh, Race and class: Struggles in a colonial state: Trinidad 1917-1945. Kingston; The Press - University of the West Indies, 1994. xxii + 284 pp.-Evelyne Huber, Patsy Lewis, Jamaica: Preparing for the twenty-first century. Kingston: Ian Randle, 1994. xvi + 272 pp.-Diane Vernon, Elisa Janine Sobo, One blood: The Jamaican body. Albany NY: State University of New York Press, 1993. vii + 329 pp.-Robert Myers, Patrick L. Baker, Centring the periphery: Chaos. order and the ethnohistory of Dominica. Kingston: The Press - University of the West Indies, 1994. xxviii + 251 pp.-Riva Berleant-Schiller, Debra Evenson, Revolution in the balance: Law and society in contemporary Cuba. Boulder CO: Westview, 1994. xiii + 235 pp.-Riva Berleant-Schiller, Mindie Lazarus-Black, Legitimate acts and illegal encounters: Law and society in Antigua and Barbuda. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994. xxv + 357 pp.-Michiel Baud, Luis Martínez-Fernández, Torn between empires: Economy, society, and patterns of political thought in the Hispanic Caribbean, 1840-1878. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994. ix + 333 pp.-Stanley L. Engerman, Jorge F. Pérez-López, The economics of Cuban sugar. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991, xviii + 313 pp.-Rosario Espinal, Michiel Baud, Historia de un sueño: Los ferrocarriles públicos en la República Dominicana, 1880-1930. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1993. 145 pp.-Birgit Sonesson, Carlos Esteban Dieve, Las emigraciones canarias a Santo Domingo: Siglos XVII y XVIII. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1991. iii + 185 pp.-Erna Kerkhof, Juan Flores, Divided borders: Essays on Puerto Rican identity. Houston: Arte Público Press, 1993. 252 pp.-Cruz M. Nazario, Joan Koss-Chioino, Women as healers, women as patients: Mental health care and traditional healing in Puerto Rico. Boulder CO: Westview, 1992. xx + 237 pp.-Forrest D. Colburn, Andrés Serbin ,El Caribe y Cuba en la posguerra fría. Caracas: Editorial Nueva Sociedad, 1994. 272 pp., Joseph Tulchin (eds)-Winthrop R. Wright, Nina S. de Friedemann, La saga del negro: Presencia africana en Colombia. Santa Fe de Bogotá: Centro Editorial Javeriano, 1993. 117 pp.-Rita Giacalone, Francois Taglioni, Géopolitique des Petites Antilles: Influences européenne et nordaméricaine. Paris: Karthala, 1994. vii + 321 pp.-Daniel J. Crowley, Salikoko S. Mufwene, Africanisms in Afro-American language varieties. With the assistance of Nancy Condon. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1993. vii + 512 pp.-Peter Bakker, Joan D. Hall ,Old English and new: Studies in language and linguistics in honor of Frederic G. Cassidy. New York: Garland, 1992. xxxiii + 460 pp., Nick Doane, Dick Ringler (eds)-Peter Bakker, Francis Byrne ,Atlantic meets Pacific: A global view of Pidginization and Creolization. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1993. ix + 465 pp., John Holm (eds)-Jacques Arends, George L. Huttar ,Ndyuka. London: Routledge, 1994. 631 pp., Mary L. Huttar (eds)-P.C. Emmer, Henk den Heyer, De geschiedenis van de WIC. Zutphen, Netherlands: De Walburg Pers, 1994. 208 pp.-Wim Hoogbergen, A.F. Paula, 'Vrije' slaven: Een sociaal-historische studie over de dualistische slavenemancipatie op Nederlands Sint Maarten, 1816-1863. Zutphen, Netherlands: De Walburg Pers, 1993. 191 pp.-Wim Hoogbergen, Bea Brommer, Ik ben eigendom van ...: Slavenhandel en plantageleven. Wijk en Aalburg, Netherlands: Pictures Publishers, 1993. 144 pp.-Gert Oostindie, Ben Scholtens, Bosnegers en overheid in Suriname: De ontwikkeling van de politieke verhouding 1651-1992. Paramaribo: Afdeling Cultuurstudies/Minov, 1994. 237 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Marten Schalkwijk, Suriname: Het steentje in de Nederlandse schoen: Van onafhankelijkheid tot raamverdrag. Paramaribo: Firgos Suriname, 1994. 356 pp.

At the start of the twentieth century, many young Australian artists travelled abroad to expand their art education and to gain exposure to the modern art movements of Europe. Most of these artists were active members of artist associations such as the Victorian Artists Society or the New South Wales Society of Artists. Male artists from Victoria were generally also members of the Melbourne Savage Club, a club with a strong association with the arts.This paper investigates the dual function of the club, as a space where the artists felt “at home” in the familiar environment that the club offered whilst they were abroad and, at the same time, a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London would have a significant impact on male Australian artists, as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world, which enhanced their experience whilst abroad.Artists were seldom members of Australia’s early gentlemen’s clubs, however, in the late nineteenth century Melbourne, artists formed less formal social groupings with exotic names such as the Prehistoric Order of Cannibals, the Buonarotti Club, and the Ishmael Club (Mead). Melbourne artists congregated in these clubs until the Melbourne Savage Club, modelled on the London Savage Club (1857)—a club whose membership was restricted to practitioners in the performing and visual arts—opened its doors in 1894.The Melbourne Savage Club had its origins in the Metropolitan Music Club, established in the late 1880s by a group of professional and amateur musicians and music lovers. The club initially admitted musicians and people from the dramatic professions free-of-charge, however, author Randolph Bedford (1868–1941) and artist Alf Vincent (1874–1915) were not content to be treated on a different basis to the musicians and actors, and two months after Vincent joined the club, at a Special General Meeting, the club resolved to vary Rule 6, “to admit landscape or portrait painters and sculptors without entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club). At another Special General Meeting, a year later, the rule was altered to admit “recognised members of the musical, dramatic and artistic professions and sculptors without payment of entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club).This resulted in an immediate influx of prominent Victorian male artists (Williams) and the Melbourne Savage Club became their place of choice to gather and enjoy the fellowship the club offered and to share ideas in a convivial atmosphere. When the opportunity arose for them to travel to London in the early twentieth century, they met in London’s famous art clubs. Membership of the Melbourne Savage Club not only conferred rights to visit reciprocal clubs whilst in London, but also facilitated introductions to potential patrons. The London clubs were the venue of choice for visiting artists to meet their fellow artist expatriates and to share experiences and, importantly, to meet with their British counterparts, exhibit their works, and establish valuable contacts.The London Savage Club attracted many Australian expatriates. Not only is it the grandfather of London’s bohemian clubs but also it was the model for arts clubs the world over. Founded in 1857, the qualification for admission was (and still is) to be, “a working man in literature or art, and a good fellow” (Halliday vii). If a candidate met these requirements, he would be cordially received “come whence he may.” This was embodied in the club’s first rules which required applicants for membership to be from a restricted range of pursuits relating to the arts thought to be commensurate with its bohemian ideals, namely art, literature, drama, or music.The second London arts club that attracted expatriate Australian artists was the New English Arts Club, founded in 1886 by young English artists returning from studying art in Paris. Members of The New English Arts Club were influenced by the Impressionist style as opposed to the academic art shown at the Royal Academy. As a meeting place for Australia’s expatriate artists, the New English Arts Club had a particular influence, as it exposed them to significant early Modern artist members such as John Singer Sargent (1856–1925), Walter Sickert (1860–1942), William Orpen (1878–1931) and Augustus John (1878–1961) (Corbett and Perry; Thornton; Melbourne Savage Club).The third, and arguably the most popular with the expatriate Australian artists’ club, was the Chelsea Arts Club, a bohemian club formed in 1891 by local working artists looking for a place to go to “meet, talk, eat and drink” (Cross).Apart from the American-born founding member, James McNeill Whistler (1834–1903), amongst the biggest Chelsea names at the time of the influx of travelling young Australian artists were modernists Sir William Orpen, Augustus John, and John Sargent. The opportunity to mix with these leading British contemporary artists was irresistible to these antipodean artists (55).When Melbourne artist, Miles Evergood (1871–1939) arrived in London from America in 1910, he had been an active exhibiting member of the Salmagundi Club, a New York artists’ club. Almost immediately he joined the New English Arts Club and the Chelsea Arts Club. Hammer tells of him associating with “writer Israel Zangwill, sculptor Jacob Epstein, and anti-academic artists including Walter Sickert, Augustus John, John Lavery, John Singer Sargent and C.R.W. Nevison, who challenged art values in Britain at the beginning of the century” (Hammer 41).Arthur Streeton (1867–1943) used the Chelsea Arts Club as his postal address, as did many expatriate artists. The Melbourne Savage Club archives contain letters and greetings, with news from abroad, written from artist members back to their “Brother Savages” (Various).In late 1902, Streeton wrote to fellow artist and Savage Club member Tom Roberts (1856–1931) from London:I belong to the Chelsea Arts Club now, & meet the artists – MacKennel says it’s about the most artistic club (speaking in the real sense) in England. … They all seem to be here – McKennal, Longstaff, Mahony, Fullwood, Norman, Minns, Fox, Plataganet Tudor St. George Tucker, Quinn, Coates, Bunny, Alston, K, Sonny Pole, other minor lights and your old friend and admirer Smike – within 100 yards of here – there must be 30 different studios. (Streeton 94)Whilst some of the artists whom Streeton mentioned were studying at either the Royal Academy or the Slade School, it was the clubs like the Chelsea Arts Club where they were most likely to encounter fellow Australian artists. Tom Roberts was obviously attentive to Streeton’s enthusiastic account and, when he returned to London the following year to work on his commission for The Big Picture of the 1901 opening of the first Commonwealth Parliament, he soon joined. Roberts, through his expansive personality, became particularly active in London’s Australian expatriate artistic community and later became Vice-President of the Chelsea Arts Club. Along with Streeton and Roberts, other visiting Melbourne Savage Club artists joined the Chelsea Arts Club. They included, John Longstaff (1861–1941), James Quinn (1869–1951), George Coates (1869–1930), and Will Dyson (1880–1938), along with Sydney artists Henry Fullwood (1863–1930), George Lambert (1873–1930), and Will Ashton (1881–1963) (Croll 95). Smith describes the exodus to London and Paris: “It was the Chelsea Arts Club that the Heidelberg School established its last and least distinguished camp” (Smith, Smith and Heathcote 152).Streeton, who retained his Chelsea Arts Club membership when he returned for a while to Australia, wrote to Roberts in 1907, “I miss Chelsea & the Club-boys” (Streeton 107). In relation to Frederick McCubbin’s pending visit he wrote: “Prof McCubbin left here a week ago by German ‘Prinz Heinrich.’ … You’ll introduce him at the Chelsea Club and I hope they make him an Hon. Member, etc” (Streeton et al. 85). McCubbin wrote, after an evening at the Chelsea Arts Club, following a visit to the Royal Academy: “Tonight, I am dining with Australian artists in Soho, and shall be there to greet my old friends. How glad I am! Longstaff will be there, and Frank Stuart, Roberts, Fullwood, Pontin, Coates, Quinn, and Tucker’s brother, and many others from all around” (MacDonald, McCubbin and McCubbin 75). Impressed by the work of Turner he wrote to his wife Annie, following avisit to the Tate Gallery:I went yesterday with Fullwood and G. Coates and Tom Roberts for a ramble … to the Tate Gallery – a beautiful freestone building facing the river through a portico into the gallery where the lately found turners are exhibited – these are not like the greater number of pictures in the National Gallery – they represent his different periods, but are mostly in his latest style, when he had realised the quality of light (McCubbin).Clearly Turner’s paintings had a profound impression on him. In the same letter he wrote:they are mostly unfinished but they are divine – such dreams of colour – a dozen of them are like pearls … mist and cloud and sea and land, drenched in light … They glow with tender brilliancy that radiates from these canvases – how he loved the dazzling brilliancy of morning or evening – these gems with their opal colour – you feel how he gloried in these tender visions of light and air. He worked from darkness into light.The Chelsea Arts Club also served as a venue for artists to entertain and host distinguished visitors from home. These guests included; Melbourne Savage Club artist member Alf Vincent (Joske 112), National Gallery of Victoria (NGV) Trustee and popular patron of the arts, Professor Baldwin Spencer (1860–1929), Professor Frederick S. Delmer (1864–1931) and conductor George Marshall-Hall (1862–1915) (Mulvaney and Calaby 329; Streeton 111).Artist Miles Evergood arrived in London in 1910, and visited the Chelsea Arts Club. He mentions expatriate Australian artists gathering at the Club, including Will Dyson, Fred Leist (1873–1945), David Davies (1864–1939), Will Ashton (1881–1963), and Henry Fullwood (Hammer 41).Most of the Melbourne Savage Club artist members were active in the London Savage Club. On one occasion, in November 1908, Roberts, with fellow artist MacKennal in the Chair, attended the Australian Artists’ Dinner held there. This event attracted twenty-five expatriate Australian artists, all residing in London at the time (McQueen 532).These London arts clubs had a significant influence on the expatriate Australian artists for they became the “glue” that held them together whilst abroad. Although some artists travelled abroad specifically to take up places at the Royal Academy School or the Slade School, only a minority of artists arriving in London from Australia and other British colonies were offered positions at these prestigious schools. Many artists travelled to “try their luck.” The arts clubs of London, whilst similarly discerning in their membership criteria, generally offered a visiting “brother-of-the-brush” a warm welcome as a professional courtesy. They featured the familiar rollicking all-male “Smoke Nights” a feature of the Melbourne Savage Club. With a greater “artist” membership than the clubs in Australia, expatriate artists were not only able to catch up with their friends from Australia, but also they could associate with England’s finest and most progressive artists in a familiar congenial environment. The clubs were a “home away from home” and described by Underhill as, “an artistic Earl’s Court” (Underhill 99). Most importantly, the clubs were a centre for discourse, arguably even more so than were the teaching academies. Britain’s leading modernist artists were members of the Chelsea Arts Club and the New English Arts Club and mixed freely with the visiting Australian artists.Many Australian artists, such as Miles Evergood and George Bell (1878–1966), held anti-academic views similar to English club members and embraced the new artistic trends, which they would bring back to Australia. Streeton had no illusions about the relative worth of the famed institutions and the exhibitions held by clubs such as the New English. Writing to Roberts before he joins him in London, he describes the Royal Academy as having, “an inartistic atmosphere” and claims he “hasn’t the least desire to go again” (Streeton 77). His preference lay with a concurrent “International Exhibition”, which featured works by Rodin, Whistler, Condor, Degas, and others who were setting the pace rather than merely continuing the academic traditions.Architect Hardy Wilson (1881–1955) served as secretary of The Chelsea Arts Club. When he returned to Australia he brought back with him a number of British works by Streeton and Lambert for an exhibition at the Guild Hall Melbourne (Underhill 92). Artists and Bohemians, a history of the Chelsea Arts Club, makes special reference of its world-wide contacts and singles out many of its prominent Australian members for specific mention including; Sir John William (Will) Ashton OBE, later Director of the Art Gallery of New South Wales, and Will Dyson, whose illustrious career as an Australian war artist was described in some detail. Dyson’s popularity led to his later appointment as Chairman of the Chelsea Arts Club where he initiated an ambitious rebuilding program, improving staff accommodation, refurbishing the members’ areas, and adding five bedrooms for visiting members (Bross 87-90).Whilst the influence of travel abroad on Australian artists has been noted, the importance of the London Clubs has not been fully explored. These clubs offered artists a space where they felt “at home” and a familiar environment whilst they were abroad. The clubs functioned as a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London had a significant impact on male Australian artists as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world which enhanced their experience whilst abroad and influenced the direction of their art.ReferencesCorbett, David Peters, and Lara Perry, eds. English Art, 1860–1914: Modern Artists and Identity. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.Croll, Robert Henderson. Tom Roberts: Father of Australian Landscape Painting. Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1935.Cross, Tom. Artists and Bohemians: 100 Years with the Chelsea Arts Club. 1992. 1st ed. London: Quiller Press, 1992.Gray, Anne, and National Gallery of Australia. McCubbin: Last Impressions 1907–17. 1st ed. Parkes, A.C.T.: National Gallery of Australia, 2009.Halliday, Andrew, ed. The Savage Papers. 1867. 1st ed. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1867.Hammer, Gael. Miles Evergood: No End of Passion. Willoughby, NSW: Phillip Mathews, 2013.Joske, Prue. Debonair Jack: A Biography of Sir John Longstaff. 1st ed. Melbourne: Claremont Publishing, 1994.MacDonald, James S., Frederick McCubbin, and Alexander McCubbin. The Art of F. McCubbin. Melbourne: Lothian Book Publishing, 1916.McCaughy, Patrick. Strange Country: Why Australian Painting Matters. Ed. Paige Amor. The Miegunyah Press, 2014.McCubbin, Frederick. Papers, Ca. 1900–Ca. 1915. Melbourne.McQueen, Humphrey. Tom Roberts. Sydney: Macmillan, 1996.Mead, Stephen. "Bohemia in Melbourne: An Investigation of the Writer Marcus Clarke and Four Artistic Clubs during the Late 1860s – 1901.” PhD thesis. Melbourne: University of Melbourne, 2009.Melbourne Savage Club. Secretary. Minute Book: Melbourne Savage Club. Club Minutes (General Committee). Melbourne: Savage Archives.Mulvaney, Derek John, and J.H. Calaby. So Much That Is New: Baldwin Spencer, 1860–1929, a Biography. Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1985.Smith, Bernard, Terry Smith, and Christopher Heathcote. Australian Painting, 1788–2000. 4th ed. South Melbourne, Vic.: Oxford University Press, 2001.Streeton, Arthur, et al. Smike to Bulldog: Letters from Sir Arthur Streeton to Tom Roberts. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1946.Streeton, Arthur, ed. Letters from Smike: The Letters of Arthur Streeton, 1890–1943. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989.Thornton, Alfred, and New English Art Club. Fifty Years of the New English Art Club, 1886–1935. London: New English Art Club, Curwen Press 1935.Underhill, Nancy D.H. Making Australian Art 1916–49: Sydney Ure Smith Patron and Publisher. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1991.Various. Melbourne Savage Club Correspondence Book: 1902–1916. Melbourne: Melbourne Savage Club.Williams, Graeme Henry. "A Socio-Cultural Reading: The Melbourne Savage Club through Its Collections." Masters of Arts thesis. Melbourne: Deakin University, 2013.

Introduction One of the ways in which ‘country’ is made to work discursively is in ‘country music’ – defining a genre and sensibility in music production, marketing and consumption. This article seeks to excavate one small niche in the historical geography of country music to explore exactly how discursive antecedents emerged, and crucially, how images associated with ‘country’ surfaced and travelled internationally via one of the new ‘global’ media of the first half of the twentieth century – sheet music. My central arguments are twofold: first, that alongside aural qualities and lyrical content, the visual elements of sheet music were important and thus far have been under-acknowledged. Sheet music diffused the imagery connecting ‘country’ to music, to particular landscapes, and masculinities. In the literature on country music much emphasis has been placed on film, radio and television (Tichi; Peterson). Yet, sheet music was for several decades the most common way people bought personal copies of songs they liked and intended to play at home on piano, guitar or ukulele. This was particularly the case in Australia – geographically distant, and rarely included in international tours by American country music stars. Sheet music is thus a rich text to reveal the historical contours of ‘country’. My second and related argument is that that the possibilities for the globalising of ‘country’ were first explored in music. The idea of transnational discourses associated with ‘country’ and ‘rurality’ is relatively new (Cloke et al; Gorman-Murray et al; McCarthy), but in music we see early evidence of a globalising discourse of ‘country’ well ahead of the time period usually analysed. Accordingly, my focus is on the sheet music of country songs in Australia in the first half of the twentieth century and on how visual representations hybridised travelling themes to create a new vernacular ‘country’ in Australia. Creating ‘Country’ Music Country music, as its name suggests, is perceived as the music of rural areas, “defined in contrast to metropolitan norms” (Smith 301). However, the ‘naturalness’ of associations between country music and rurality belies a history of urban capitalism and the refinement of deliberate methods of marketing music through associated visual imagery. Early groups wore suits and dressed for urban audiences – but then altered appearances later, on the insistence of urban record companies, to emphasise rurality and cowboy heritage. Post-1950, ‘country’ came to replace ‘folk’ music as a marketing label, as the latter was considered to have too many communistic references (Hemphill 5), and the ethnic mixing of earlier folk styles was conveniently forgotten in the marketing of ‘country’ music as distinct from African American ‘race’ and ‘r and b’ music. Now an industry of its own with multinational headquarters in Nashville, country music is a ‘cash cow’ for entertainment corporations, with lower average production costs, considerable profit margins, and marketing advantages that stem from tropes of working class identity and ‘rural’ honesty (see Lewis; Arango). Another of country music’s associations is with American geography – and an imagined heartland in the colonial frontier of the American West. Slippages between ‘country’ and ‘western’ in music, film and dress enhance this. But historical fictions are masked: ‘purists’ argue that western dress and music have nothing to do with ‘country’ (see truewesternmusic.com), while recognition of the Spanish-Mexican, Native American and Hawaiian origins of ‘cowboy’ mythology is meagre (George-Warren and Freedman). Similarly, the highly international diffusion and adaptation of country music as it rose to prominence in the 1940s is frequently downplayed (Connell and Gibson), as are the destructive elements of colonialism and dispossession of indigenous peoples in frontier America (though Johnny Cash’s 1964 album The Ballads Of The American Indian: Bitter Tears was an exception). Adding to the above is the way ‘country’ operates discursively in music as a means to construct particular masculinities. Again, linked to rural imagery and the American frontier, the dominant masculinity is of rugged men wrestling nature, negotiating hardships and the pressures of family life. Country music valorises ‘heroic masculinities’ (Holt and Thompson), with echoes of earlier cowboy identities reverberating into contemporary performance through dress style, lyrical content and marketing imagery. The men of country music mythology live an isolated existence, working hard to earn an income for dependent families. Their music speaks to the triumph of hard work, honest values (meaning in this context a musical style, and lyrical concerns that are ‘down to earth’, ‘straightforward’ and ‘without pretence’) and physical strength, in spite of neglect from national governments and uncaring urban leaders. Country music has often come to be associated with conservative politics, heteronormativity, and whiteness (Gibson and Davidson), echoing the wider politics of ‘country’ – it is no coincidence, for example, that the slogan for the 2008 Republican National Convention in America was ‘country first’. And yet, throughout its history, country music has also enabled more diverse gender performances to emerge – from those emphasising (or bemoaning) domesticity; assertive femininity; creative negotiation of ‘country’ norms by gay men; and ‘alternative’ culture (captured in the marketing tag, ‘alt.country’); to those acknowledging white male victimhood, criminality (‘the outlaw’), vulnerability and cruelty (see Johnson; McCusker and Pecknold; Saucier). Despite dominant tropes of ‘honesty’, country music is far from transparent, standing for certain values and identities, and yet enabling the construction of diverse and contradictory others. Historical analysis is therefore required to trace the emergence of ‘country’ in music, as it travelled beyond America. A Note on Sheet Music as Media Source Sheet music was one of the main modes of distribution of music from the 1930s through to the 1950s – a formative period in which an eclectic group of otherwise distinct ‘hillbilly’ and ‘folk’ styles moved into a single genre identity, and after which vinyl singles and LP records with picture covers dominated. Sheet music was prevalent in everyday life: beyond radio, a hit song was one that was widely purchased as sheet music, while pianos and sheet music collections (stored in a piece of furniture called a ‘music canterbury’) in family homes were commonplace. Sheet music is in many respects preferable to recorded music as a form of evidence for historical analysis of country music. Picture LP covers did not arrive until the late 1950s (by which time rock and roll had surpassed country music). Until then, 78 rpm shellac discs, the main form of pre-recorded music, featured generic brown paper sleeves from the individual record companies, or city retail stores. Also, while radio was clearly central to the consumption of music in this period, it obviously also lacked the pictorial element that sheet music could provide. Sheet music bridged the music and printing industries – the latter already well-equipped with colour printing, graphic design and marketing tools. Sheet music was often literally crammed with information, providing the researcher with musical notation, lyrics, cover art and embedded advertisements – aural and visual texts combined. These multiple dimensions of sheet music proved useful here, for clues to the context of the music/media industries and geography of distribution (for instance, in addresses for publishers and sheet music retail shops). Moreover, most sheet music of the time used rich, sometimes exaggerated, images to convince passing shoppers to buy songs that they had possibly never heard. As sheet music required caricature rather than detail or historical accuracy, it enabled fantasy without distraction. In terms of representations of ‘country’, then, sheet music is perhaps even more evocative than film or television. Hundreds of sheet music items were collected for this research over several years, through deliberate searching (for instance, in library archives and specialist sheet music stores) and with some serendipity (for instance, when buying second hand sheet music in charity shops or garage sales). The collected material is probably not representative of all music available at the time – it is as much a specialised personal collection as a comprehensive survey. However, at least some material from all the major Australian country music performers of the time were found, and the resulting collection appears to be several times larger than that held currently by the National Library of Australia (from which some entries were sourced). All examples here are of songs written by, or cover art designed for Australian country music performers. For brevity’s sake, the following analysis of the sheet music follows a crudely chronological framework. Country Music in Australia Before ‘Country’ Country music did not ‘arrive’ in Australia from America as a fully-finished genre category; nor was Australia at the time without rural mythology or its own folk music traditions. Associations between Australian national identity, rurality and popular culture were entrenched in a period of intense creativity and renewed national pride in the decades prior to and after Federation in 1901. This period saw an outpouring of art, poetry, music and writing in new nationalist idiom, rooted in ‘the bush’ (though drawing heavily on Celtic expressions), and celebrating themes of mateship, rural adversity and ‘battlers’. By the turn of the twentieth century, such myths, invoked through memory and nostalgia, had already been popularised. Australia had a fully-established system of colonies, capital cities and state governments, and was highly urbanised. Yet the poetry, folk music and art, invariably set in rural locales, looked back to the early 1800s, romanticising bush characters and frontier events. The ‘bush ballad’ was a central and recurring motif, one that commentators have argued was distinctly, and essentially ‘Australian’ (Watson; Smith). Sheet music from this early period reflects the nationalistic, bush-orientated popular culture of the time: iconic Australian fauna and flora are prominent, and Australian folk culture is emphasised as ‘native’ (being the first era of cultural expressions from Australian-born residents). Pioneer life and achievements are celebrated. ‘Along the road to Gundagai’, for instance, was about an iconic Australian country town and depicted sheep droving along rustic trails with overhanging eucalypts. Male figures are either absent, or are depicted in situ as lone drovers in the archetypal ‘shepherd’ image, behind their flocks of sheep (Figure 1). Figure 1: No. 1 Magpie Ballads – The Pioneer (c1900) and Along the road to Gundagai (1923). Further colonial ruralities developed in Australia from the 1910s to 1940s, when agrarian values grew in the promotion of Australian agricultural exports. Australia ‘rode on the sheep’s back’ to industrialisation, and governments promoted rural development and inland migration. It was a period in which rural lifestyles were seen as superior to those in the crowded inner city, and government strategies sought to create a landed proletariat through post-war land settlement and farm allotment schemes. National security was said to rely on populating the inland with those of European descent, developing rural industries, and breeding a healthier and yet compliant population (Dufty), from which armies of war-ready men could be recruited in times of conflict. Popular culture served these national interests, and thus during these decades, when ‘hillbilly’ and other North American music forms were imported, they were transformed, adapted and reworked (as in other places such as Canada – see Lehr). There were definite parallels in the frontier narratives of the United States (Whiteoak), and several local adaptations followed: Tex Morton became Australia’s ‘Yodelling boundary rider’ and Gordon Parsons became ‘Australia’s yodelling bushman’. American songs were re-recorded and performed, and new original songs written with Australian lyrics, titles and themes. Visual imagery in sheet music built upon earlier folk/bush frontier themes to re-cast Australian pastoralism in a more settled, modernist and nationalist aesthetic; farms were places for the production of a robust nation. Where male figures were present on sheet music covers in the early twentieth century, they became more prominent in this period, and wore Akubras (Figure 2). The lyrics to John Ashe’s Growin’ the Golden Fleece (1952) exemplify this mix of Australian frontier imagery, new pastoralist/nationalist rhetoric, and the importation of American cowboy masculinity: Go west and take up sheep, man, North Queensland is the shot But if you don’t get rich, man, you’re sure to get dry rot Oh! Growin’ the golden fleece, battlin’ a-way out west Is bound to break your flamin’ heart, or else expand your chest… We westerners are handy, we can’t afford to crack Not while the whole darn’d country is riding on our back Figure 2: Eric Tutin’s Shearers’ Jamboree (1946). As in America, country music struck a chord because it emerged “at a point in history when the project of the creation and settlement of a new society was underway but had been neither completed nor abandoned” (Dyer 33). Governments pressed on with the colonial project of inland expansion in Australia, despite the theft of indigenous country this entailed, and popular culture such as music became a means to normalise and naturalise the process. Again, mutations of American western imagery, and particular iconic male figures were important, as in Roy Darling’s (1945) Overlander Trail (Figure 3): Wagon wheels are rolling on, and the days seem mighty long Clouds of heat-dust in the air, bawling cattle everywhere They’re on the overlander trail Where only sheer determination will prevail Men of Aussie with a job to do, they’ll stick and drive the cattle through And though they sweat they know they surely must Keep on the trail that winds a-head thro’ heat and dust All sons of Aussie and they will not fail. Sheet music depicted silhouetted men in cowboy hats on horses (either riding solo or in small groups), riding into sunsets or before looming mountain ranges. Music – an important part of popular culture in the 1940s – furthered the colonial project of invading, securing and transforming the Australian interior by normalising its agendas and providing it with heroic male characters, stirring tales and catchy tunes. Figure 3: ‘Roy Darling’s (1945) Overlander Trail and Smoky Dawson’s The Overlander’s Song (1946). ‘Country Music’ Becomes a (Globalised) Genre Further growth in Australian country music followed waves of popularity in the United States in the 1940s and 1950s, and was heavily influenced by new cross-media publicity opportunities. Radio shows expanded, and western TV shows such as Bonanza and On the Range fuelled a ‘golden age’. Australian performers such as Slim Dusty and Smokey Dawson rose to fame (see Fitzgerald and Hayward) in an era when rural-urban migration peaked. Sheet music reflected the further diffusion and adoption of American visual imagery: where male figures were present on sheet music covers, they became more prominent than before and wore Stetsons. Some were depicted as chiselled-faced but simple men, with plain clothing and square jaws. Others began to more enthusiastically embrace cowboy looks, with bandana neckerchiefs, rawhide waistcoats, embellished and harnessed tall shaft boots, pipe-edged western shirts with wide collars, smile pockets, snap fasteners and shotgun cuffs, and fringed leather jackets (Figure 4). Landscapes altered further too: cacti replaced eucalypts, and iconic ‘western’ imagery of dusty towns, deserts, mesas and buttes appeared (Figure 5). Any semblance of folk music’s appeal to rustic authenticity was jettisoned in favour of showmanship, as cowboy personas were constructed to maximise cinematic appeal. Figure 4: Al Dexter’s Pistol Packin’ Mama (1943) and Reg Lindsay’s (1954) Country and Western Song Album. Figure 5: Tim McNamara’s Hitching Post (1948) and Smoky Dawson’s Golden West Album (1951). Far from slavish mimicry of American culture, however, hybridisations were common. According to Australian music historian Graeme Smith (300): “Australian place names appear, seeking the same mythological resonance that American localisation evoked: hobos became bagmen […] cowboys become boundary riders.” Thus alongside reproductions of the musical notations of American songs by Lefty Frizzel, Roy Carter and Jimmie Rodgers were songs with localised themes by new Australian stars such as Reg Lindsay and Smoky Dawson: My curlyheaded buckaroo, My home way out back, and On the Murray Valley. On the cover of The square dance by the billabong (Figure 6) – the title of which itself was a conjunction of archetypal ‘country’ images from both America and Australia – a background of eucalypts and windmills frames dancers in classic 1940s western (American) garb. In the case of Tex Morton’s Beautiful Queensland (Figure 7), itself mutated from W. Lee O’Daniel’s Beautiful Texas (c1945), the sheet music instructed those playing the music that the ‘names of other states may be substituted for Queensland’. ‘Country’ music had become an established genre, with normative values, standardised images and themes and yet constituted a stylistic formula with enough polysemy to enable local adaptations and variations. Figure 6: The Square dance by the billabong, Vernon Lisle, 1951. Figure 7: Beautiful Queensland, Tex Morton, c1945 source: http://nla.gov.au/nla.mus-vn1793930. Conclusions In country music images of place and masculinity combine. In music, frontier landscapes are populated by rugged men living ‘on the range’ in neo-colonial attempts to tame the land and convert it to productive uses. This article has considered only one media – sheet music – in only one country (Australia) and in only one time period (1900-1950s). There is much more to say than was possible here about country music, place and gender – particularly recently, since ‘country’ has fragmented into several niches, and marketing of country music via cable television and the internet has ensued (see McCusker and Pecknold). My purpose here has been instead to explore the early origins of ‘country’ mythology in popular culture, through a media source rarely analysed. Images associated with ‘country’ travelled internationally via sheet music, immensely popular in the 1930s and 1940s before the advent of television. The visual elements of sheet music contributed to the popularisation and standardisation of genre expectations and appearances, and yet these too travelled and were adapted and varied in places like Australia which had their own colonial histories and folk music heritages. Evidenced here is how combinations of geographical and gender imagery embraced imported American cowboy imagery and adapted it to local markets and concerns. Australia saw itself as a modern rural utopia with export aspirations and a desire to secure permanence through taming and populating its inland. Sheet music reflected all this. So too, sheet music reveals the historical contours of ‘country’ as a transnational discourse – and the extent to which ‘country’ brought with it a clearly defined set of normative values, a somewhat exaggerated cowboy masculinity, and a remarkable capacity to be moulded to local circumstances. Well before later and more supposedly ‘global’ media such as the internet and television, the humble printed sheet of notated music was steadily shaping ‘country’ imagery, and an emergent international geography of cultural flows. References Arango, Tim. “Cashville USA.” Fortune, Jan 29, 2007. Sept 3, 2008, http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/fortune_archive/2007/01/22/8397980/index.htm. Cloke, Paul, Marsden, Terry and Mooney, Patrick, eds. Handbook of Rural Studies, London: Sage, 2006. Connell, John and Gibson, Chris. Sound Tracks: Popular Music, Identity and Place, London: Routledge, 2003. Dufty, Rae. Rethinking the politics of distribution: the geographies and governmentalities of housing assistance in rural New South Wales, Australia, PhD thesis, UNSW, 2008. Dyer, Richard. White: Essays on Race and Culture, London: Routledge, 1997. George-Warren, Holly and Freedman, Michelle. How the West was Worn: a History of Western Wear, New York: Abrams, 2000. Fitzgerald, Jon and Hayward, Phil. “At the confluence: Slim Dusty and Australian country music.” Outback and Urban: Australian Country Music. Ed. Phil Hayward. Gympie: Australian Institute of Country Music Press, 2003. 29-54. Gibson, Chris and Davidson, Deborah. “Tamworth, Australia’s ‘country music capital’: place marketing, rural narratives and resident reactions.” Journal of Rural Studies 20 (2004): 387-404. Gorman-Murray, Andrew, Darian-Smith, Kate and Gibson, Chris. “Scaling the rural: reflections on rural cultural studies.” Australian Humanities Review 45 (2008): in press. Hemphill, Paul. The Nashville Sound: Bright Lights and Country Music, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970. Holt, Douglas B. and Thompson, Craig J. “Man-of-action heroes: the pursuit of heroic masculinity in everyday consumption.” Journal of Consumer Research 31 (2004). Johnson, Corey W. “‘The first step is the two-step’: hegemonic masculinity and dancing in a country western gay bar.” International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 18 (2004): 445-464. Lehr, John C. “‘Texas (When I die)’: national identity and images of place in Canadian country music broadcasts.” The Canadian Geographer 27 (1983): 361-370. Lewis, George H. “Lap dancer or hillbilly deluxe? The cultural construction of modern country music.” Journal of Popular Culture, 31 (1997): 163-173. McCarthy, James. “Rural geography: globalizing the countryside.” Progress in Human Geography 32 (2008): 132-137. McCusker, Kristine M. and Pecknold, Diane. Eds. A Boy Named Sue: Gender and Country Music. UP of Mississippi, 2004. Peterson, Richard A. Creating Country Music: Fabricating Authenticity. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997. Saucier, Karen A. “Healers and heartbreakers: images of women and men in country music.” Journal of Popular Culture 20 (1986): 147-166. Smith, Graeme. “Australian country music and the hillbilly yodel.” Popular Music 13 (1994): 297-311. Tichi, Cecelia. Readin’ Country Music. Durham: Duke UP, 1998. truewesternmusic.com “True western music.”, Sept 3, 2008, http://truewesternmusic.com/. Watson, Eric. Country Music in Australia. Sydney: Rodeo Publications, 1984. Whiteoak, John. “Two frontiers: early cowboy music and Australian popular culture.” Outback and Urban: Australian Country Music. Ed. P. Hayward. Gympie: AICMP: 2003. 1-28.

Le constructivisme dans le theatre sovietique des annees vingt et ses prolongements en europe le constructivisme apparait en russie au lendemain de la grande guerre comme le lieu de rencontre des idees fonctionnalistes europeennes (l'an cien mouvement des arts and crafts en angleterre, les deutsche werkbunde en allemagne) et des reflexions de certains theoriciens marxistes sur la culture proletarienne. Durant les annees 1920-1921, des artistes venus du cubisme et du suprematisme explorent l'idee nouvelle de la construction comme centre de l'oeuvre d'art, puis, sous l'influence de la nouvelle ideologie sovietique, evoluent progressivement vers la production de masse. En creant du mobilier, des vetements, des affiches, des artistes comme vesnine, popova, rodtchenko souhaitent transformer la nouvelle vie collective. Le theatre est pour eux un champ d'experience, le lieu ou ils desirent montrer les modeles de la nouvelle vie socialiste (de nouvelles formes plastiques et des gestes constructifs issus de la biomecanique). Entre 1922 et 1924, popova et stepanova travaillent avec meyerhold pour le cocu magnifique, la mort de tarelkine, la terre cabree ; vesnine et les freres stenberg avec tairov pour un nomme jeudi et l'orage. Cependant, depourvu de dramaturgie originale, devenu de moins en moins credible comme utopie politique, le constructivisme devient peu a peu une simple source de solutions scenographiques nouvelles. Dans ces machines de scene d'avant-garde, le dispositif de jeu se compose desormais de plates-formes, d'echaffaudages, d'echel les et meme d'ascenseurs. Un grand nombre de decorateurs de theatre explorent ces formes nouvelles: iakoulov, exter, chestakov sont parmi les plus celebres. Apres quelques annees de succes, le constructivisme devient un nouveau style decoratif. D'un autre cote, le mouvement est de plus en plus considere des la fin des annees vingt comme une forme d'art anti-realiste, formaliste et cosmopolite. Apres quelque significatifs (la punaise; les bains, le projet de lissitsky pour je veux un enfant en 1927-1930, le constructivisme est condamne par le realisme socialiste et disparait de la scene russe des le
Constructivism appeared in russia after the first world war at the junction of european functionalist movements (suche as arts and crafts in england, deutsche werkbunde in germany) and of the reflexion led by russian marxist theoreticians about proletarian culture. In the years 1920-1921, artists coming from cubism and suprematism explored the new idea of construction as the centre of art work, then, influenced by the new soviet ideology, progressively moved toward mass production. Creating furniture, clothes, posters, artists like vesnin, popova, rodtchenko wished to transform the new collective life. Theatre was for them a field of experimentation, the place where they intended to show models of new socialist life (new plastic forms and constructive gestures produced by biomechanics). Between 1922 and 1924, popova and stepanova worked with meyerhold for the magnanimous cuckold, the death of tarelkin, earth in turmoil; vesnin and the stenberg brothers with tairov for the man who was thursday and the storm. However, deprived of original dramaturgy, getting less and less credible as a political utopia, constructivism became a mere source of scenographic solutions. In these new avant-garde stage-machines, the acting apparatus was now number of stage decorators explored these new forms: iakoulov, a. Exter, chestakov, meller were among the most famous. After a few years of success constructivism became a new decorative style. On the other hand, the movement was at the end of the twenties, more and more considered as a form of antirealistic, formalist and cosmopolitan art. After a last few representative plays: the bedbug, the baths in meyerhold's theater, the project of lissitsky for i want a child, in the years 1927-1930, constructivism was condemned by the new socialist realism and disappeared from the russian stage in the early thirties

La créativité artistique pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, particulièrement riche et diversifiée, est souvent associée à des mouvements poétiques, philosophiques ou politiques. Le collège de sociologie est un des derniers de ces groupes, crée en 1937 à Paris par Georges Bataille, Michel Leiris et Roger Caillois. Ses origines, sa création et son existence côtoient une période de vaste bouleversement des idées politiques et des concepts esthétiques et moraux dont témoignent la peinture, la sculpture, le dessin et la gravure. Le Collège de sociologie est né des réflexions de la revue Acéphale créée en juin 1936 par Georges Bataille et Pierre Klossowski et illustrée par André Masson. Cette revue choisit de réhabiliter Nietzsche pour contrer le fascisme, et développe les enjeux de la violence et de la guerre, du mythe et du sacrifice pour définir une société sans dieu ou le mythe rend libre chaque individu. Le Collège de sociologie accompagne ces interrogations et se donne pour objectif d'étudier la sociologie du sacré dans les communautés secrètes et dans la recherche de l'individualisme, au sein des rites et du langage. L'ambiguïté du sacre tributaire du pouvoir et de la tragédie, de l'ordre et de la politique, se manifeste dans l'histoire mythologique, philosophique, esthétique et personnelle trois artistes suivent les conférences du Collège de sociologie, aux côtés d'un auditoire enthousiaste et contradictoire. Ce sont Taro Okamoto, Isabelle Waldberg et Jean-Michel Atlan. André Masson, moins assidu, établit dans son œuvre un lien entre les interrogations collégiales et les recherches esthétiques picturales, menées individuellement également par Pablo Picasso. L'étude du Collège de sociologie, accompagnée de celle de la revue Acéphale permettent d'observer les œuvres de ces artistes pendant l'entre-deux-guerres qui interrogent le mythe, comme celui de Dionysos et du Minotaure, son actualisation et sa violence décrite par le sacrifice et l'érotisme.

Eclaircir le phénomène de la double appartenance d'Egon Schiele en partant sur les traces de l'artiste au travers de l'intermédialité, tel est l'enjeu du présent travail qui souhaite ainsi ouvrir une nouvelle voie dans les recherches schieléennes. En se situant à cheval entre la littérature et la peinture, cette étude comparatiste comporte quatre grandes étapes. Premièrement, la justification du corpus et des réflexions méthodologiques concernant la relation littérature-peinture liée au phénomène du double don, ainsi que l'élaboration des outils d'analyse. Deuxièmement, le contexte en proposant une synopsis historique divisée en trois parties: la personne de Schiele, sa conception artistique et son temps, à savoir l'histoire contemporaine de la Vienne début de siècle. Troisièmement, l'application de la partie théorique par une analyse typologique qui comporte - par le biais des outils d'analyse - la mise en interaction systématique de l'écriture avec la peinture. Or, elle se divise en deux parties distinctes: l'analyse des thèmes et des motifs est suivi de l'analyse des aspects stylistiques. La synthèse à ce stade du projet est approfondie d'une manière herméneutique, en prenant en considération les questions idéologiques et génériques. Quatrièmement, la question de la structure profonde partagée et la valeur de la notion d'un artiste à double appartenance par rapport à Egon Schiele. Une fois synthétisés, la question de savoir ce qui se passe "derrière la peau", à savoir "derrière l'encre" est abordée
To clear up the phenomenon of Egon Schiele's "double giftedness" by following the intermedial paths of the artist; such is the undertaking of this work, thus hoping to construct a new approach to Schielien research. Straddling literature and painting, this comparative study comprises four large stages. Firstly, the justification of the corpus and the methodological reflexions concerning the literature-painting relation associated with the phenomenon of the double gift, as well as the development of tools for analysis. Secondly, the context, by proposing a historical synopsis divided into three parts: Schiele himself, his artistic design and his time, namely the contemporary history of Vienna at the turn of the century. Thirdly, the application of the theoretical element trough a typological analysis which comprises - by means of analysis tools - the systematic interaction between writing and painting. However, this is divided into two distinct parts: the analysis of the topics and the motifs is followed by an analysis of the stylistic aspects. At this stage, the synthesis of the project is detailed in a hermeneutical manner, by taking into account ideological and generic questions. Fourthly, the Egon Schiele are broached. Once synthesized, the question of knowing what occurs "behind the skin", namely "behind the ink" is addressed

Nous désignons par «pratiques itinérantes» des activités artistiques intégrant ou consistant en une occupation cinétique de I'espace, ces dernières pouvant faire I'objet de représentations littéraires ou plastiques, mais de manière dérivée. Si la marche en représente la forme I'a plus courante, cette notion intègre aussi les voyages en train, en voiture et par tout autre moyen de transport. Les deux premières parties de ce travail ont ainsi pour objet de répertorier, de classer et d'interpréter les formes les plus significatives de pratiques itinérantes apparues dans le champ de I'art depuis le début des années 1950 et jusqu'a la fin des années 1970. La première partie est consacrée a la dérive situationniste et aux vagabondages de la Beat Génération. La deuxième partie traite plus directement de démarches artistiques appartenant a la Catégorie traditionnelle dite des « beaux-arts ». Les troisième et quatrième parties de ce travail font retour sur certains des mouvements ou démarches artistiques évoques précédemment, pour en interroger plus spécifiquement les dimensions sociale et politique·. La troisième partie" développe une analyse de la relation que les pratiques itinérantes de l'lnternationale situationniste, de Fluxus et de la Beat Génération entretiennent avec ces territoires Autres que sont I'utopie, I'heterotopie et la dystopie. La dernière partie, intitulée « Politiques de la mobilité », aborde, toujours a travers les exemples des acteurs de I'Internationale situationniste et des écrivains de la Beat Génération, les pratiques itinérantes comme une forme révolutionnaire de vie, puis leur récupération idéologique a partir du tournant des années 1980. La question se pose des lors de savoir si ces dernières ont encore aujourd'hui la capacité de jouer un rôle critique au sein du champ de I'art et du monde dans lequel nous vivons. Ainsi, nous passons pour finir en revue quelques exemples significatifs de démarches artistiques apparues depuis les années 1980 dans lesquelles le déplacement représente un élément essentiel.

Travailler aujourd’hui sur un fonds numérique de revues c’est être confronté à des artefacts. Numérisées en noir et blanc, débarrassées de leurs couvertures, des pages vierges, des encarts, des publicités, des bulletins et hors-texte divers, les revues numérisées offrent souvent une physionomie très différente des documents originaux, surtout quand les fichiers numériques ont été produits à partir de reproductions antérieures (réimpressions ou microformes). Le présent travail tourne autour d’une question de méthode : quels sont les principes à retenir pour la numérisation des revues littéraires et artistiques de la fin du xixe siècle afin que l’accord subtil entre forme et contenu ne soit pas rompu lorsque les supports sont dématérialisés ?La revue littéraire et artistique s’inscrit dans la communication littéraire au croisement de traditions éditoriales hybrides. Sa matrice oscille entre le journal, le livre, l’album d’art et la revue, mobilisant et exploitant les caractéristiques de ces quatre référents. Ces référents sont ici représentés à travers un corpus de quatre périodiques : les revues françaises La Plume (1889–1914) et L’Épreuve (1894–1895), le trimestriel britannique The Yellow Book (1894–1897), et le périodique berlinois Pan (1895–1900). Ces publications déclinent l’objet revue dans trois aires culturelles, et permettent d’en explorer les spécificités ainsi que les enjeux économiques liés à son essor au sein des sociabilités littéraires et artistiques et au contact des doctrines esthétiques. Cette étude de cas débouche sur une analyse de la matérialité, de l’économie et des pratiques revuistes dans la période fin-de-siècle qui amène à s’interroger sur les implications culturelles, historiques et sociologiques de ces objets.Fragilisée par l’usage fréquent, la revue, lieu d’innovations graphiques et textuelles, est confrontée à la nécessité de la dématérialisation pour rester accessible à la recherche. L’examen de six bibliothèques numériques (Gallica, la Bibliothèque numérique de l’Université de Heidelberg, Internet Archive, The Yellow Nineties Online, le Blue Mountain Project et Jugend Wochenschrift) souligne que le numérique n’est en aucune manière une opération neutre et doit être constamment accompagné d’une approche scientifique de l’objet ouvrant à des recommandations et à de « bonnes pratiques ».Outre la question technique, toujours capitale, l’accent est mis dans cette thèse sur les procédures de numérisation en vue à la fois d’une restitution optimale de l’original et de la possibilité de disposer d’interfaces et de fonctionnalités dotant le chercheur de nouvelles approches heuristiques, permises par les nouvelles technologies, au service du patrimoine
To work on digitized reviews today means essentially to be confronted with artefacts. Digitized in black and white, stripped of their covers, of blank pages, of inserts, advertisements, bulletins and other supplements, digital reproductions of reviews often differ greatly from the originals, especially when the electronic files have been based on previous reproductions (microforms or reprints). Our work evolves around a question of method: what principles should be followed in digitizing literature and art reviews from the end of the 19th century, in order to preserve the subtle harmony between form and content when the medium is no longer hard copy?Literature and art reviews participate in literary communication at the intersection of hybrid editorial traditions. Their matrix oscillates between newspapers, books, art albums and reviews, utilising the characteristics of these four media. We have chosen four periodicals to represent them: the French reviews La Plume (1889–1914) and L’Épreuve (1894–1895), the British quarterly The Yellow Book (1894–1897), and the Berlin periodical Pan (1895–1900). These publications articulate the different characteristics of reviews in three cultural contexts, allowing us to explore their specificities as well as the financial aspects linked to their development, in close interaction with literary and artistic social life and aesthetic doctrines. As case studies, these bear on an analysis of the materiality, of the financial and editorial practices of late 19th century reviews while questioning the historical, cultural and sociological implications of these objects.Degraded and fragile through years of use, these reviews, catalysts of textual and graphic innovation, are in urgent need of dematerialisation so as to remain accessible for future research. Close examination of six digital libraries (Gallica, the digital library of Heidelberg University, Internet Archive, The Yellow Nineties Online, the Blue Mountain Project, and Jugend Wochenschrift) underlines that digitization is in no way a neutral operation and must constantly be accompanied by scientific validation with a view to developing recommendations and "good practices".Besides technical questions of primary importance, this thesis’ focus is on digitization procedures, aiming at both optimal restitution of the originals and functional interfaces that provide the researcher with new heuristic tools, through innovative technologies, in the service of our cultural heritage

Mariano Fortuny y Madrazo (Grenade 1871-Venise 1949) fut un artiste comme on les aimait pendant la Renaissance, peintre, graveur, sculpteur, architecte, éclairagiste, photographe et couturier, à la fois prolixe et surdoué. Après avoir assisté en 1893 à Bayreuth, à une représentation qu'il jugea manquée, l'envie lui vint de reformer la mise en scène et il se consacra pendant quelques années à l'électricité et inventa une coupole mobile et pliante qu'il breveta dans la majorité des pays européens. Du théâtre il passa à la mode avec son épouse Henriette, domaine encore novateur à cette époque où ils excellèrent en créant des robes et des costumes de théâtre inspirés du passé, leurs inspirations les portant autant vers la Renaissance que vers l'antiquité ou l'exotisme. Ayant reçu une formation artistique classique à l'école des Beaux-arts de Paris et à l'Accademia de Venise, Fortuny appliqua au domaine des teintures textiles l'expérience qu'il avait acquise au contact des maitres anciens et remit à l'honneur la délicatesse et l'extrême diversité des coloris vénitiens. Peintre avant toute chose comme il aimait à le dire, Fortuny livra de nombreuses toiles, photographies et dessins; il s'inspira de l'œuvre de son père, Mariano Fortuny y Marsal avec lequel il est trop souvent confondu, peignit des nus académiques, des caprices à la manière du XVIIIe siècle, des natures mortes, l'Orient, Venise évidemment, l'inspiration wagnérienne ne le quitta jamais et il sculpta quelques pièces, rares certes, mais d'une belle expressivité. Ce fut sa diversité et sa prolixité qui firent de Fortuny cette figure tant appréciée des écrivains, de Proust à Pere Gimferrer en passant par d'Annunzio, l'un de ses amis, Henri de Régnier, Paul Morand, Mary Mc Carthy et Leslie Poles Hartley, tous ont chanté ses louanges et transforme l'homme en une silhouette mythique et légendaire, en faisant de Fortuny la figure emblématique de la Venise du début du XXe siècle
Mariano Fortuny was an artist in the renaissance way, a painter, an engraver, a sculptor, an architect, a photographer and a fashion designer; highly productive and extremely talented. After attending a show in Bayreuth in 1893, which he judged to be unsuccessful, he was seized by the desire to transform the scenery; he devoted himself to electricity for several years and invented a mobile and folding cupola which was patented in most European countries. From the theater he moved on to fashion with his French wife Henriette, in that days, fashion was still a rare specialty and their clothes inspired from Italian and French Renaissance, by antiquity and by numerous exoticisms were very successful. With his classic education in the beaux-arts in Paris and the Accademia of Venice, Fortuny applied to the colouring of the textiles, knowledge he had gained through contact with the old masters; he reinvented the delicacy and fabulous diversity of Venetian colors. Above all a painter as he liked to see himself, Fortuny made many canevases, photographs and drawings, some inspired by the work of his father Mariano Fortuny y Marsal whose he is often confused with, he painted academic nudes, still life, caprici in the way of the XVIIIth century, oriental subjects and of course, Venice. His Wagnerian inspiration remained with him forever and he made some rare but very expressive sculptures. His diversity and abundance made Fortuny the figure so appreciated by writers from Proust to Gimferrerr, along with d'Annunzio, one of Fortuny's friend, Régnier, Morand, Mc Carthy and Hartley, who contributed to turning Fortuny into the mythical and legendary figure he became

Matière omniprésente chez Nathalie Sarraute, la référence à l’art propose un biais pour interroger la poétique et l’esthétique de l’écrivain en marge des jalons que l’auteur a ménagé à la critique pour aborder son oeuvre. La mise en tension du motif de l’art avec le processus de référence permet d’interroger la dynamique qui fonde le geste de création de Nathalie Sarraute. La référence à l’art pose un paradoxe : elle offre un matériau abondant et divers mais d’apparence anodin dont la grande hétérogénéité confère à chaque art, et à chaque ensemble artistique, des valeurs et fonctions propres. Les fictions sarrautiennes mettent en scène une société de l’art au sein de laquelle l’expression des jugements esthétiques offre un cadre privilégié aux conflits et à l’irruption des tropismes, et où se joue la scission entre manifestation d’un sentiment personnel et adhésion au modèle collectif. La référence à l’art se renverse alors en art de la référence : liens établis avec le champ de la littérature à travers des oeuvres suscitant le rejet ou nourrissant la filiation d’une part, et reprises internes à travers les jeux d’écho et le travail sur les répétitions et variations d’autre part, la référence devient geste de déplacement dont les modalités forgent les différents espaces où circule le tropisme. La référence construit l’art de Nathalie Sarraute comme un art du mouvement, en dialogue direct avec les plusieurs courants plastiques et philosophiques contemporains de l’écriture –abstraction et phénoménologie entre autre – qui révèlent le statut d’esthésie de l’esthétique de Nathalie Sarraute : le tropisme a trouvé dans les méandres de la référence à l’art un espace et un temps où se mouvoir
Omnipresent issue in Nathalie Sarraute, the reference to art proposes an angle for exploring the writers's poetics and aesthetics along the bench-marks which the author has laid for criticism to approach her work. Connecting the theme of art with the process of reference makes it possible to explore the dynamics which originates Nathalie Sarraute's creation gesture. The reference to art poses a paradox : it offers an abundant and various, but insignificant in appearance, material, whose great heterogeneity confers to each art, and each artistic unit, individual values and functions. "Sarrautian" fictions display a society of art within which the expression of aesthetic judgements offers a privileged setting for conflicts and for the irruption of tropisms, and where the scission between demonstration of a personal feeling and adhesion to the collective model will operate. The reference to art then reverses into art of the reference: links established with the field of literature through works arousing rejection or nourishing filiation on one hand, and internal resonances through the echo effects and the action on repetitions and variations on the other hand, the reference becomes a gesture of displacement whose modalities are forging the various spaces where the tropism will circulate. The reference constructs Nathalie Sarraute's art as an art of movement, in direct dialogue with the many plastic and philosophical currents contemporary of the writing - abstraction and phenomenology amongst others - which reveal the status of esthesy of Nathalie Sarraute's aesthetics : the tropism has found in the meanders of the reference to art both a space and times where to be driven

Cette thèse étudie l'évolution des idées et des moeurs en France pendant l'entre-deux-guerres (1919-1939) et leur l'influence sur l'évolution de la forme romanesque, à travers trois périodiques : L'Art Libre, Europe, et Vendredi. Les thèmes suivants sont abordés : la guerre et ses conséquences ; l'inquiétude de la génération d'après-guerre et l'attrait de l'Orient ; l'évolution des moeurs et des rapports entre hommes et femmes ; le renouveau catholique ; l'engagement social et politique des écrivains. Ces évolutions se reflètent dans les romans de l'époque et ont entraîné une crise du roman, parce que l'on n'imaginait pas qu'il puisse s'écarter du modèle ancien, qui n'était plus adapté à l'instabilité de l'époque. Nous distinguons, chez les romanciers de cette période, confrontés à ce dilemme, deux tendances : l'une veut que le roman s'adapte à son époque, l'autre rêve d'un roman dégagé des influences de l'époque pour atteindre l'essence de l'être
This thesis explores the evolution of ideas and morals in France during the period between the First and Second World Wars (1919-1939) and their influence on the evolution of the novel, through analysis of three periodicals : L'Art Libre, Europe, and Vendredi. The following themes are addressed: the war and its consequences; the anxiety of the post-war generation and the attraction of the East; the evolution of morals and relations between men and women; the Catholic revival; the social and political involvement of writers. These changes are reflected in the novels of this period and they brought about a crisis concerning the novel because of the unanticipated departure from its traditionnal model, that model no longer being appropriate to the instability of the period. One distinguishes two trends among novelists of this period faced to this dilemma : one is to adapt the novel to its era, the other to envision a novel detached from its time in order to attain the essence of the human condition