Journal articles on the topic 'Art inuit – Canada – Expositions'

Canadian publishing was inhibited from the beginning by Canada’s colonial origins and dependence on Great Britain and the USA. Few art books were published until quite recently; the relatively small, scattered population, the flooding of the market with British, American and (in Quebec) French books, and limited (at best) or non-existent sales outside Canada continue to be constraining factors. The necessity to include both English and French texts adds to the cost of book production in Canada. The publication of art books, and of exhibition catalogues, depends on the availability of government grants. Publications on the art of the North American Indian and Inuit peoples are an exception, attracting widespread interest and leading in some instances to co-publishing initiatives. In addition to the larger publishing houses, a number of small presses produce occasional art books, thanks to grants and in a few cases with the added benefit of sales abroad achieved through international networking. A government programme of support for Canadian publishing, launched in 1986, is continuing.

On 1 April 1999, Akimiski Island of the western James Bay region of northern Ontario, Canada, was included in the newly formed territory of Nunavut, Canada—an Inuit-dominated territory—even though the Inuit had never asserted Aboriginal title to the island. By contrast, the Omushkegowuk Cree of the western James Bay region have asserted Aboriginal title to Akimiski Island. The Government of Canada by their action (or inaction) has reversed the onus of responsibility for proof of Aboriginal title from the Inuit to the Cree. In other words, the Government of Canada did not follow their own guidelines and the common-law test for proof of Aboriginal title. In this paper, we documented and employed Cree oral history as well as a sea-level retrodiction (based on state-of-the-art numerical modeling of past sea-level changes in James Bay), which incorporated a modified ICE-6G ice history and a 3-D model of Earth structure, to establish that criterion 2 of the test for Aboriginal title has now been fully met. In other words, Cree traditional use and occupancy of Akimiski Island was considered sufficiently factual at the time of assertion of sovereignty by European nations. As all the criteria of the common-law test for proof of Aboriginal title in Canada, with respect to Akimiski Island, have now been addressed, the Cree have sufficient basis to initiate the process of a formal land claim.

Printed Textiles from Kinngait Studios, curated by Roxane Shaughnessy of the Textile Museum of Canada in consultation with independent curator Nakasuq Alariaq, examines the legacy of newly-discovered textile prints from Kinngait Studios and their contribution to art history on both national and global scales. The exhibition shares and preserves a little-known history, drawing connections to contemporary Inuit artistic production and centers Inuit voices in telling this story. At its core, Printed Textiles fromKinngait Studios highlights the powerful way in which visual language can inspire intergenerational connections and jump-start new conversations between artists, community members, and the public at large. This review was prepared in partial completion of a masters-level course, and as such, the author did not have the capacity to consult with members of Kinngait community. In future writings, the author hopes to consult and collaborate alongside community members.

Cet article explore le développement d’une communauté professionnelle de design au Canada pendant les années 1950 et 1960 en examinant deux collaborations entre graphistes : les expositions canadiennes Typography (1958–1964) et l’exposition internationale Typomundus 20 (1963–1966). Celles-ci contribuèrent à la publicisation d’un nouveau discours qui permit aux typographes et aux concepteurs de la communication canadiens de se penser comme faisant partie d’une communauté unifiée et distincte de « graphistes ». Elles encouragèrent cette cohésion professionnelle notamment en avançant des normes professionnelles, en lançant une réflexion sur le statut et le rôle du graphisme par rapport au « grand » art, à la communication de masse et à la société en général, et en facilitant l’échange d’idées entre les professionnels canadiens et la communauté internationale de graphistes.

The article for the first time in Ukrainian historiography, museology and monumentology considers works of European fine art, where there is an image of a wind wooden musical instrument bassoon. Works of painting, graphics, works of monumental art (sculpture) are analyzed. This is a characteristic of the collections of bassoons in museums in Western Europe, the USA and Canada. Publications stored in the funds of the Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine, Yaroslav Mudryi National Library Of Ukraine, the National Historical Library of Ukraine, the National Scientific and Research Restoration Center of Ukraine were used. The expositions of the Bohdan and Varvara Khanenko National Museum of Arts (Kyiv), the Museum of Theatrical, Musical and Film Art of Ukraine (Kyiv), the State Yagotynsky Historical Museum (Yagotyn, Kyiv Region), as well as Internet resources of collections of wind instruments of a number of museums in Europe, the USA and Canada are analyzed. Materials from the personal archive and musical collection of the bassoonist, teacher in the class of wind musical instruments, soloist of orchestra V. Kepin (Kyiv) were involved. Based on the analysis, it was concluded that the Flemish artist Dеnis van Alsloot can be considered one of the first in European painting, which brought to our time the composition of wind musical instruments characteristic of the musical culture of Western Europe of the XVII century. In Ukraine, one of the oldest copies of the bassoon (1730s) is stored in the Museum of Theatrical, Musical and Film Art of Ukraine (Kyiv).

This article offers a critical perspective on the pedagogical direction of what I call “global art histories” in Canada by addressing the apparent impasse posed by the notion of what is euphemistically called “ethnocultural art” in this country. It examines different interpretations of the latter chiefly through a survey of course titles from art history programs in Canada and a course on the subject that I teach at Concordia University in Montreal. Generally speaking, the term “ethnocultural art” refers to what is more commonly understood as “ethnic minority arts” in the ostensibly more derisive discourses on Canadian multiculturalism and cultural diversity. The addition of the term “culture” emphasizes the voluntary self-definition involved in ethnic identification and makes the distinction with “racial minorities.” “Ethnocultural communities,” along with the moniker “cultural communities” (or “culturally diverse” communities), however, is still often understood to refer to immigrants (whether recent or long-standing), members of racialized minorities, and even First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples. Not surprisingly, courses on ethnocultural art histories tend to concentrate on the cultural production of visible minorities or ethnocultural groups. However, I also see teaching the subject as an opportunity to shift the classification of art according to particular geographic areas to consider a myriad of issues in myriad of issues in the visual field predicated on local senses of belonging shaped by migration histories and “first” contacts. As such, ethnocultural art histories call attention to, but not exclusively, the art of various diasporic becomings inexorably bound to histories of settler colonialism and Indigenous sovereignty. This leads me to reflect on some aspects of Quebec’s internal dynamics concerning nationalism and ethnocultural diversity that have affected the course of ethnocultural art histories in the province. I argue that the Eurocentric hegemonic hold of ethno-nationalist discourses on art and art history can be seen with particular clarity in this context. Moreover, I suggest that these discourses have hindered not only the awareness and study of art by so-called culturally diverse communities but also efforts to offer a more global, transnational, and heterogeneous (or chiastic) sense of the histories from which this art emerges. In today’s political climate, the project that is art history, now more than ever, needs to address and engage with the reverse parallelism that chiastic perspectives on the historiography of contemporary art entail. My critique is forcefully speculative and meant to bring together different critical vocabularies in the consideration of implications of the global and ethnic turns in art and art history for the understanding of the other. I engage in an aspect less covered in the literature on the global turn in contemporary art, namely the ways in which the mutual and dialectical relation between “cultural identity,” better described as a “localized sense of belonging” (Appadurai) and the contingency of place may shape, resist, or undermine the introduction of world or global art historical approaches in specific national institutional sites. I argue a more attentive politics of engagement is required within this pedagogical rapprochement to address how histories not only of so-called non-Western art but also diasporic and Indigenous art are transferred holistically as knowledge, if the objective is to shift understandings of the other by emphasizing points of practice in art history as a field, rather than simply the cultural productions themselves. I propose the term “global art histories” as a provisional rubric that slants the study of globalism in art history to more explicitly include these kinds of located intercultural negotiations.

Abstract In this paper, we expand on existing studies of Canadian Inuit art in the international arena by examining ways in which this new art served domestic purposes, focusing primarily on the 1950s and 1960s. The Canadian government developed and promoted Inuit art as part of its project to transform Inuit from semi-independent hunters into modern Canadian citizens. In this effort, Canada took up and assimilated Inuit art as a genuine Canadian cultural product, presenting it as diplomatic gifts and for other forms of international cultural diplomacy. Previous studies of Canadian Inuit art from that era have noted the ways that the promotion of Canadian Inuit art supported the young nation’s claims to a deep history, while simultaneously marking the country’s distinction from both the United States and the United Kingdom. In the context of the Cold War, the promotion of Canadian Inuit art also asserted Canada as an Arctic power. Labelled as “primitive modernist” fine art, Inuit sculpture and prints provided a stark contrast to the contemporaneous socialist realist art of the Soviet Union and its allies. We argue that the success of the Inuit art program sustained a belief among government officials that their programme to remake Inuit lives and livelihoods would succeed. Inuit art likely deflected attention from the many things that were going wrong with that northern modernisation project.

Jeff Tomas répond aux questions suscitées par son cliché photographique qui met en scène le découpe d’un guerrier des plaines Améridien, que le photographe nomme « Buffalo Robe », planté devant l’esplanade du Louvre. Ses expositions ont été faites aux galeries suivantes: Art Gallery of Mississauga, Mississauga, Ontario; the Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto, Ontario; the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, Ontario; the Robert McLaughlin Gallery, Oshawa, Ontario; the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, Ontario. Ses travaux tendent à mettre en question la constitution des identités canadiennes et amérindiennes.

Kaslik, Ibi. Tales from the Tundra: A Collection of Inuit Stories. Illus. Anthony Brennan. Iqaluit: Inhabit Media, 2010. Print. Inhabit Media is an Inuit-owned, independent publishing company that “aims to promote and preserve the stories, knowledge, and talent of northern Canada.” This collection of five traditional Inuit stories from different regions in Nunavut is one of their most recent offerings. Three of the stories tell of how specific animals came into being. One tells how the raven and loon came to look the way they do and the fifth, The Owl and the Siksik, is a typical story of outwitting the enemy. Anthony Brennan’s illustrations have a two-dimensional fantasy quality to them that is more reminiscent of cartoons or Japanese anime than of traditional Inuit art. Many of the creatures are outlined in black and then filled with solid colour. While the backgrounds are usually ice-blue, and there are pastel colours in the images, many of the main parts of the drawings are black, giving the book an overall ominous look. While these stories are described in the forward as “contemporary retellings”, Kaslik’s voice is similar to that of an elder telling stories and her style is traditional. The language is simple and direct, occasionally incorporating Inuit words. Animals are anthropomorphized. They do the same sorts of things that humans do and have human emotions and foibles. For example, in “The Raven and The Loon”, the two birds sew clothes for each other. When Raven thinks that Loon is sewing too slowly, she reacts impatiently: “Please, sew faster!” impatient Raven pleaded.” Kaslik also uses internal dialogue, another traditional technique, to allow the reader to listen to the characters reasoning out their actions. For example, “Siksiks often go in and out of their dens,” thought the owl, believing himself to be very clever. “Today I will find a siksik den and wait there until I see one.” There are few children’s books of Inuit mythology available, and fewer that have the authenticity of being published by an Inuit publishing house. Overall, this volume is a small, but welcome addition to the field, through which many children will be able to learn about the mythology of the Inuit. For public and school libraries everywhere. Highly recommended: 4 out of 4 stars Reviewer: Sandy Campbell Sandy is a Health Sciences Librarian at the University of Alberta, who has written hundreds of book reviews across many disciplines. Sandy thinks that sharing books with children is one of the greatest gifts anyone can give.

The Canada Council for the Arts (CCA) recently released the finalists for the 2012 Governor General’s Literary Awards. Twenty books were nominated between the Children’s Text and Children’s Illustration categories with five nominees each in English and French. Barbara Reid’s Picture a Tree appears in the children’s illustration (English) category and was previously reviewed in our pages here: http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/deakinreview/article/view/17101. The CCA website also notes a new annual award named the Burt Award for First Nations, Metis, and Inuit Literature. It consists of three prizes totaling $25,000 and a guaranteed purchase of at least 2500 copies for distribution across Canada. English literary works for young adults written or translated by First Nations, Métis or Inuit authors/translators are eligible. Applications are due May 1, 2013. We look forward to reviewing some of these titles in the future. (http://www.canadacouncil.ca/grants/Prizes/dw129905679931884714.htm). An interesting website to explore is CANSCAIP (Canadian Society of Children’s Authors, Illustrators, and Performers). Two sections of particular note relate to booking members for presentations/workshops and hosting the travelling art collection (CANSCAIP collection). The “school/library visits” section includes a searchable directory of members available to book: http://www.canscaip.org . At the massive-scale end of the children’s literature spectrum, Scholastic has announced Infinity Ring as a “multi-platform time travel adventure series” that apparently creates a “fully immersive reading experience” incorporating books, an interactive map, and online game episodes. It will encompass seven books and game episodes where readers travel back in time to help fix “great breaks” in history created by a nefarious and mysterious group. Each book will be written by a different author starting and ending with James Dashner at roughly 3-4 month intervals stretching until 2014. A quick look at the website suggests this might be a project to explore during the coldest days of our upcoming winter (www.infinityring.com). Finally, the winners of the seven children’s book awards from the Canadian Children’s Book Centre (www.bookcentre.ca/award ) mentioned in the last Deakin Review (2:1) will be announced on November 21, 2012. Happy winter reading (but don’t forget to get out and enjoy all the season has to offer).David Sulz, Communications Editor

Abstract The impact of endocrine disruptors on early pregnancy and clinical outcomes in IVF Moncef Benkhalifa (1,2,3), Debbie Montjean (2), Hafida Corsi-Cauet (3), Henri Copin (1,3), Véronique Bach (3), Pierre Miron (2), Rosalie Cabry (1,3) (1) Reproductive Medicine and Reproductive Genetics, University Hospital & School of Medicine. Picardie University Jules Verne. Amiens France (2) ART Centers. Laval and Brossard. Fertilys International Inc. Laval. Québec. Canada (3) PERITOX Laboratory. Picardie University Jules Verne. Amiens. France Since more than 40 years, there are annual increasing of studies, meta-analysis reporting and discussing the potential associations between endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs) and human fertility potential declining. Today it’s accepted that a substantial number of environmental and exposition factors affect the fertility and fecundity capacity of couples during the peri and post conception period. It’s accepted that most of EDCs interfere with or mimic steroid hormone action; predominantly by affecting estrogen, androgen and thyroid hormones signaling pathways and disturbing specific molecular process on relation with single or multiple biological functions. Some of EDCs can interact with the male and female reproductive system and lead to endocrine disruption in the testis and ovary. they exert their effects mainly via binding transcription factor receptors, EDCs can alter endocrine function through a variety of mechanisms. At fertility age EDCs may alter the expression and/or activity of enzymes required for synthesis and/or catabolism of testicular and ovarian sex steroids and the expression of hormone receptors and/or their ability to bind their and endogenous ligands. For example, in male, the literature reported a negative correlation between disrupted spermatogenesis and lifestyle factors (environmental-professional expositions) such as alcohol consumption, cigarette smoking, drug use, and obesity caused by high-energy diet. In female infertility diseases, the negative impact of chemicals ED has been studied in animals. Many disorders have been described, such as low ovarian weight, impaired folliculogenesis, a high aneuploidy rate and the acceleration of follicular atresia. Indeed, women exposed to some endocrine-disrupting pesticides (such as atrazine, lindane) have an elevated risk of long menstrual cycles or anovulation but the most serious consequence is POF and endometriosis pathophysiology’s. In our IVF experience in Picardie region (France), we observed that various pesticides with an endocrine-disrupting action are associated with poor oocyte quality (maturation and competency), embryonic defects and poor IVF outcomes, and some pesticide compounds are linked to specific causes of female infertility, such as premature ovarian insufficiency, polycystic ovarian syndrome, and endometriosis. It was reported that EDCs can reduce embryo implantation chances and increase miscarriage, placenta and post-natal abnormalities. for endometrium receptivity and implantation failure EDCs can play by modifying keys elements of the immune response relevant to pregnancy, and disrupt immune tolerance required for robust placentation, optimal fetal development and be a as contributing risk factors in recurrent miscarriage, preeclampsia, preterm birth and related pathologic gestation Environmental insults, including endocrine disrupting chemicals during critical periods of fetal development, can alter DNA methylation patterns, leading to inappropriate developmental gene expression and disease risks. Similar to environmental factors, endocrine-disrupting chemicals can influence gene expression without modifying the DNA sequence. It is commonly accepted that the transgenerational inheritance of parentally acquired traits is conveyed by epigenetic alterations risks also known as “epimutations”. In Conclusion, the negative impact of exposure to various endocrine-disrupting is becoming now a worldwide public health. Indeed, the community should be informed about the fertility decline, low ongoing pregnancy rates, and elevated risk of miscarriage associated with exposure to high doses of pesticides for example. We must keep in mind that humans are exposed to EDCs mixtures composed of hundreds of chemicals every day and not a single chemical in isolation.

Introduction Many anthropologists and other academics have attempted to argue that the spread of technology is a global homogenising force, socialising the remaining indigenous groups across the planet into an indistinct Western "monoculture" focussed on consumption, where they are rapidly losing their cultural distinctiveness. In many cases, these intellectuals -– people such as Jerry Mander -- often blame the diffusion of television (particularly through new innovations that are allowing it to penetrate further into rural areas, such as satellite and cable) as a key force in the effort to "assimilate" indigenous groups and eradicate their unique identities. Such writers suggest that indigenous groups can do nothing to resist the onslaught of the technologically, economically, and aesthetically superior power of Western television. Ironically, while often protesting the plight of indigenous groups and heralding their need for cultural survival, these authors often fail to recognise these groups’ abilities to fend for themselves and preserve their cultural integrity. On the other side of the debate are visual anthropologists and others who are arguing that indigenous groups are quickly becoming savvy to Western technologies, and that they are now using them for cultural revitalisation, linguistic revival, and the creation of outlets for the indigenous voice. In this school of thought, technology is seen not so much as a threat to indigenous groups, but instead as a remarkable opportunity to reverse the misfortunes of these groups at the hands of colonisation and national programmes of attempted assimilation. From this perspective, the rush of indigenous groups to adopt new technologies comes hand-in-hand with recent efforts to assert their tribal sovereignty and their independence. Technology has become a "weapon" in their struggle for technological autonomy. As a result, many are starting their own television stations and networks, and thus transforming the way television operates in their societies -– away from global monocultures and toward local interests. I hypothesise that in fact there is no correlation between television viewing and acculturation, and that, in fact, the more familiar people are with the technology of television and the current way the technology is utilised, the more likely they are to be interested in using it to revive and promote their own culture. Whatever slight negative effect exists depends on the degree to which local people can understand and redirect how that technology is used within their own cultural context. However, it should be stated that for terms of this investigation, I consider the technologies of "video" and "television" to be identical. One is the recording aspect, and the other the distribution aspect, of the same technology. Once people become aware that they can control what is on the television screen through the instrumentality of video, they immediately begin attempting to assert cultural values through it. And this is precisely what is going on on the Cheyenne River Reservation. This project is significant because the phenomenon of globalisation is real and Western technologies such as video, radio, and PCs are spreading throughout the world, including the "Fourth World" of the planet’s indigenous peoples. However, in order to deal with the phenomenon of globalisation, anthropologists and others may need to deal more realistically with the phenomenon of technological diffusion, which operates far less simply than they might assume. Well-meaning anthropologists seeking to "protect" indigenous groups from the "invasion" of technologies which will change their way of life may be doing these groups a disservice. If they turned some of their effort away from fending off these technologies and toward teaching indigenous groups how to use them, perhaps they might have a better result in creating a better future for them. I hope this study will show a more productive model for dealing with technological diffusion and what effects it has on cultural change in indigenous societies. There have been very few authors that have dealt with this topic head-on. One of the first to do so was Pace (1993), who suggested that some Brazilian Indians were acculturating more quickly as a result of television finally coming to their remote villages in the 1960s. Molohon (1984) looked at two Cree communities, and found that the one which had more heavy television viewing was culturally closer to its neighboring white towns. Zimmerman (1996) fingered television as one of the key elements in causing Indian teenagers to lose their sense of identity, thus putting them at higher risk for suicide. Gillespie (1995) argued that television is actually a ‘weapon’ of national states everywhere in their efforts to assimilate and socialise indigenous and other ethnic minority groups. In contrast, authors like Weiner (1997), Straubhaar (1991), and Graburn (1982) have all critiqued these approaches, suggesting that they deny subjectivity and critical thinking to indigenous TV audiences. Each of these researchers suggest, based on their field work, that indigenous people are no more likely than anybody else to believe that the things they see on television are true, and no more likely to adopt the values or worldviews promoted by Western TV programmers and advertisers. In fact, Graburn has observed that the Inuit became so disgusted with what they saw on Canadian national television, that they went out and started their own TV network in an effort to provide their people with meaningful alternatives on their screens. Bell (1995) sounds a cautionary note against studies like Graburn’s, noting that the efforts of indigenous New Zealanders to create their own TV programming for local markets failed, largely because they were crowded out by the "media imperialism" of outside international television. Although the indigenous groups there tried to put their own faces on the screen, many local viewers preferred to see the faces of J.R. Ewing and company, and lowered the ratings share of these efforts. Salween (1991) thinks that global media "cultural imperialism" is real -– that it is an objective pursued by international television marketers -– and suggests a media effects approach might be the best way to see whether it works. Woll (1987) notes that historically many ethnic groups have formed their self-images based on the way they have been portrayed onscreen, and that so far these portrayals have been far from sympathetic. In fact, even once these groups started their own cinemas or TV programmes, they unconsciously perpetuated stereotypes first foisted on them by other people. This study tends to side with those who have observed that indigenous people do not tend to "roll over" in the wake of the onslaught of Western television. Although cautionary studies need to be examined carefully, this research will posit that although the dominant forces controlling TV are antithetical to indigenous groups and their goals, the efforts of indigenous people to take control of their TV screens and their own "media literacy" are also increasing. Thus, this study should contribute to the viewpoint that perhaps the best way to save indigenous groups from cultural eradication is to give them access to television and show them how to set up their own stations and distribute their own video programming. In fact, it appears to be the case that TV, the Internet, and electronic 'new media' are helping to foster a process of cultural renewal, not just among the Lakota, but also among the Inuit, the Australian aborigines, and other indigenous groups. These new technologies are helping them renew their native languages, cultural values, and ceremonial traditions, sometimes by giving them new vehicles and forms. Methods The research for this project was conducted on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation headquartered in Eagle Butte, South Dakota. Participants chosen for this project were Lakota Sioux who were of the age of consent (18 or older) and who were tribal members living on the reservation. They were given a survey which consisted of five components: a demographic question section identifying their age, gender, and individual data; a technology question section identifying what technologies they had in their home; a TV question section measuring the amount of television they watched; an acculturation question section determining their comparative level of acculturation; and a cultural knowledge question section determining their knowledge of Lakota history. This questionnaire was often followed up by unstructured ethnographic interviews. Thirty-three people of mixed age and gender were given this questionnaire, and for the purposes of this research paper, I focussed primarily on their responses dealing with television and acculturation. These people were chosen through strictly random sampling based on picking addresses at random from the phone book and visiting their houses. The television section asked specifically how many hours of TV they watched per day and per week, what shows they watched, what kinds of shows they preferred, and what rooms in their home had TVs. The acculturation section asked them questions such as how much they used the Lakota language, how close their values were to Lakota values, and how much participation they had in traditional indigenous rituals and customs. To assure open and honest responses, each participant filled out a consent form, and was promised anonymity of their answers. To avoid data contamination, I remained with each person until they completed the questionnaire. For my data analysis, I attempted to determine if there was any correlation (Pearson’s coefficient r of correlation) between such things as hours of TV viewed per week or years of TV ownership with such things as the number of traditional ceremonies they attended in the past year, the number of non-traditional Lakota values they had, their fluency in the Lakota language, their level of cultural knowledge, or the number of traditional practices and customs they had engaged in in their lives. Through simple statistical tests, I determined whether television viewing had any impact on these variables which were reasonable proxies for level of acculturation. Findings Having chosen two independent variables, hours of TV watched per week, and years of TV ownership, I tested if there was any significant correlation between them and the dependent variables of Lakota peoples’ level of cultural knowledge, participation in traditional practices, conformity of values to non-Lakota or non-traditional values, fluency in Lakota, and participation in traditional ceremonies (Table 1). These variables all seemed like reasonable proxies for acculturation since acculturated Lakota would know less of their own culture, go to fewer ceremonies, and so on. The cultural knowledge score was based on how many complete answers the respondents knew to ‘fill in the blank’ questions regarding Lakota history, historical figures, and important events. Participation in traditional practices was based on how many items they marked in a survey of whether or not they had ever raised a tipi, used traditional medicine, etc. The score for conformity to non-Lakota values was based on how many items they marked with a contrary answer to the emic Lakota value system ("the seven Ws".) Lakota fluency was based on how well they could speak, write, or use the Lakota language. And ceremonial attendance was based on the number of traditional ceremonies they had attended in the past year. There were no significant correlations between either of these TV-related variables and these indexes of acculturation. Table 1. R-Scores (Pearson’s Coefficient of Correlation) between Variables Representing Television and Acculturation R-SCORES Cultural Knowledge Traditional Practices Modern Values Lakota Fluency Ceremonial Attendance Years Owning TV 0.1399 -0.0445 -0.4646 -0.0660 0.1465 Hours of TV/Week -0.3414 -0.2640 -0.2798 -0.3349 0.2048 The strongest correlation was between the number of years the Lakota person owned a television, and the number of non-Lakota (or ‘modern Western’) values they held in their value system. But even that correlation was pretty weak, and nowhere near the r-score of other linear correlations, such as between their age and the number of children they had. How much television Lakota people watched did not seem to have any influence on how much cultural knowledge they knew, how many traditional practices they had participated in, how many non-Lakota values they held, how well they spoke or used the Lakota language, or how many ceremonies they attended. Even though there does not appear to be anything unusual about their television preferences, and in general they are watching the same shows as other non-Lakota people on the reservation, they are not becoming more acculturated as a result of their exposure to television. Although the Lakota people may be losing aspects of their culture, language, and traditions, other causes seem to be at the forefront than television. I also found that people who were very interested in television production as well as consumption saw this as a tool for putting more Lakota-oriented programs on the air. The more they knew about how television worked, the more they were interested in using it as a tool in their own community. And where I was working at the Cultural Center, there was an effort to videotape many community and cultural events. The Center had a massive archive of videotaped material, but unfortunately while they had faithfully recorded all kinds of cultural events, many of them were not quite "broadcast ready". There was more focus on showing these video programmes, especially oral history interviews with elders, on VCRs in the school system, and in integrating them into various kinds of multimedia and hypermedia. While the Cultural Center had begun broadcasting (remotely through a radio modem) a weekly radio show, ‘Wakpa Waste’ (Good Morning CRST), on the radio station to the north, KLND-Standing Rock, there had never been any forays into TV broadcasting. The Cultural Center director had looked into the feasibility of putting up a television signal transmission tower, and had applied for a grant to erect one, but that grant was denied. The local cable system in Eagle Butte unfortunately lacked the technology to carry true "local access" programming; although the Channel 8 of the system carried CRST News and text announcements, there was no open channel available to carry locally produced public access programming. The way the cable system was set up, it was purely a "relay" or feed from news and channels from elsewhere. Also, people were investing heavily in satellite systems, especially the new DBS (direct broadcast satellite) receivers, and would not be able to pick up local access programmes anyway. The main problem hindering the Lakotas’ efforts to preserve their culture through TV and video was lack of access to broadcast distribution technology. They had the interest, the means, and the stock of programming to put on the air. They had the production and editing equipment, although not the studios to do a "live" show. Were they able to have more local access to and control over TV distribution technology, they would have a potent "arsenal" for resisting the drastic acculturation their community is undergoing. TV has the potential to be a tool for great cultural revitalisation, but because the technology and know-how for producing it was located elsewhere, the Lakotas could not benefit from it. Discussion I hypothesised that the effects if TV viewing on levels of indigenous acculturation would be negligible. The data support my hypothesis that TV does not seem to have a major correlation with other indices of acculturation. Previous studies by anthropologists such as Pace and Molohon suggested that TV was a key determinant in the acculturation of indigenous people in Brazil and the U.S. -– this being the theory of cultural imperialism. However, this research suggests that TV’s effect on the decline of indigenous culture is weak and inconclusive. In fact, the qualitative data suggest that the Lakota most familiar with TV are also the most interested in using it as a tool for cultural preservation. Although the CRST Lakota currently lack the means for mass broadcast of cultural programming, there is great interest in it, and new technologies such as the Internet and micro-broadcast may give them the means. There are other examples of this phenomenon worldwide, which suggest that the Lakota experience is not unique. In recent years, Australian Aborigines, Canadian Inuit, and Brazilian Kayapo have each begun ambitious efforts in creating satellite-based television networks that allow them to reach their far-flung populations with programming in their own indigenous language. In Australia, Aboriginal activists have created music television programming which has helped them assert their position in land claims disputes with the Australian government (Michaels 1994), and also to educate the Europeans of Australia about the aboriginal way of life. In Canada, the Inuit have also created satellite TV networks which are indigenous-owned and operated and carry traditional cultural programming (Valaskakis 1992). Like the Aborigines and the Inuit, the Lakota through their HVJ Lakota Cultural Center are beginning to create their own radio and video programming on a smaller scale, but are beginning to examine using the reservation's cable network to carry some of this material. Since my quantitative survey included only 33 respondents, the data are not as robust as would be determined from a larger sample. However, ethnographic interviews focussing on how people approach TV, as well as other qualitative data, support the inferences of the quantitative research. It is not clear that my work with the Lakota is necessarily generalisable to other populations. Practically, it does suggest that anthropologists interested in cultural and linguistic preservation should strive to increase indigenous access to, and control of, TV production technology. ‘Protecting’ indigenous groups from new technologies may cause more harm than good. Future applied anthropologists should work with the ‘natives’ and help teach them how to adopt and adapt this technology for their own purposes. Although this is a matter that I deal with more intensively in my dissertation, it also appears to me to be the case that, contrary to the warnings of Mander, many indigenous cultures are not being culturally assimilated by media technology, but instead are assimilating the technology into their own particular cultural contexts. The technology is part of a process of revitalisation or renewal -- although there is a definite process of change and adaptation underway, this actually represents an 'updating' of old cultural practices for new situations in an attempt to make them viable for the modern situation. Indeed, I think that the Internet, globally, is allowing indigenous people to reassert themselves as a Fourth World "power bloc" on the world stage, as linkages are being formed between Saami, Maya, Lakota, Kayapo, Inuit, and Aborigines. Further research should focus on: why TV seems to have a greater acculturative influence on certain indigenous groups rather than others; whether indigenous people can truly compete equally in the broadcast "marketplace" with Western cultural programming; and whether attempts to quantify the success of TV/video technology in cultural preservation and revival can truly demonstrate that this technology plays a positive role. In conclusion, social scientists may need to take a sidelong look at why precisely they have been such strong critics of introducing new technologies into indigenous societies. There is a better role that they can play –- that of technology ‘broker’. They can cooperate with indigenous groups, serving to facilitate the exchange of knowledge, expertise, and technology between them and the majority society. References Bell, Avril. "'An Endangered Species’: Local Programming in the New Zealand Television Market." Media, Culture & Society 17.1 (1995): 182-202. Gillespie, Marie. Television, Ethnicity, and Cultural Change. New York: Routledge, 1995. Graburn, Nelson. "Television and the Canadian Inuit". Inuit Etudes 6.2 (1982): 7-24. Michaels, Eric. Bad Aboriginal Art: Tradition, Media, and Technological Horizons. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1994. Molohon, K.T. "Responses to Television in Two Swampy Cree Communities on the West James Bay." Kroeber Anthropology Society Papers 63/64 (1982): 95-103. Pace, Richard. "First-Time Televiewing in Amazonia: Television Acculturation in Gurupa, Brazil." Ethnology 32.1 (1993): 187-206. Salween, Michael. "Cultural Imperialism: A Media Effects Approach." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 8.2 (1991): 29-39. Straubhaar, J. "Beyond Media Imperialism: Asymmetrical Interdependence and Cultural Proximity". Critical Studies in Mass Communication 8.1 (1991): 39-70. Valaskakis, Gail. "Communication, Culture, and Technology: Satellites and Northern Native Broadcasting in Canada". Ethnic Minority Media: An International Perspective. Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1992. Weiner, J. "Televisualist Anthropology: Representation, Aesthetics, Politics." Current Anthropology 38.3 (1997): 197-236. Woll, Allen. Ethnic and Racial Images in American Film and Television: Historical Essays and Bibliography. New York: Garland Press, 1987. Zimmerman, M. "The Development of a Measure of Enculturation for Native American Youth." American Journal of Community Psychology 24.1 (1996): 295-311. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Steven Mizrach. "Natives on the Electronic Frontier: Television and Cultural Change on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.6 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/natives.php>. Chicago style: Steven Mizrach, "Natives on the Electronic Frontier: Television and Cultural Change on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 6 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/natives.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Steven Mizrach. (2000) Natives on the electronic frontier: television and cultural change on the Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(6). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0012/natives.php> ([your date of access]).

W-01-A Optimizing diagnosis in Canadian cancer care: Findings, recommendations, next steps, and implications for key stakeholders including oncology nurses 137 W-01-B Integration of oncofertility screening, assessment and supports for adolescent and young adult (AYA) cancer patients: A workshop for oncology nurses 137 W-01-C Optimizing care – Introducing a toolkit to inform nursing assessment and intervention for age-related changes in older adults with cancer 138 W-02-A Health equity and equity-oriented cancer care: What it is, and why it matters to oncology nursing 138 W-02-B Leading the way: Increasing nurses’ contributions to genomics and precision healthcare 138 W-03-A Hematology nursing workshop 139 W-03-B Oncologic emergencies workshop 139 W-04-A Excellence in oncology nursing leadership – Nursing leadership in times of crisis 139 W-05-A I’d tap that: Am I here in vein? 140 W-05-B Canadian Indigenous cancer strategy across the spectrum 140 W-06-A International partnerships in cancer care – Cultural bridging for oncology nurses 140 W-06-B Reflecting and connecting: Optimizing sexual health and intimacy after a cancer diagnosis 140 W-06-C Writing for peer-reviewed journals: Getting started 141 I-1-A Connection, reflection and celebration: Coming together to develop a sexual and gender diversity in cancer care (SGDc) program 141 I-1-B Examining the unmet needs of Panjabi-Sikh patients during the treatment phase of cancer care 141 I-1-C A time for reflection: Exploring the unique perceptions and experiences of Black patients with mental health issues at end of life 142 I-1-D Digital information needs and ehealth literacy of older adults with cancer 142 I-2-A Understanding factors influencing Canadian oncology nurses’ discussing cannabis use with patients experiencing chemotherapy-induced nausea 142 I-2-B Utilizing patient reported outcomes (PROs) and toxicity assessment to improve efficiencies in nursing practice: A stepped assessment approach 143 I-2-C Chewing the fat: A nurse’s guide to understanding the role of adipose tissue in cancer cachexia 143 I-2-D Streamlining care: A nurse-led inter-hospital febrile neutropenia project 143 I-3 Enhancing competency-based learning in systemic therapy administration using a standardized and blended online and workshop model 144 I-4-A Designing a proof-of concept of an app to coordinate nurse-provided respite care services for families coping with palliative-stage cancer 144 I-4-B Implementing virtual care overnight: A pilot project evaluating the available technologies for virtual patient care 144 I-4-C Connecting the “bots”: Leveraging digital technology to better serve our patients and their families 145 I-4-D Transitioning breast cancer surgery education online: A COVID-19 quality improvement project 145 I-5-A Critical shortages of chemotherapy-certified nurses and practice challenges: Management of HDMTX toxicities 145 I-5-B Common symptom clusters in advanced cancers 146 Abstract number Oral Presentation titles Page number I-5-C Early intervention of harm reduction for hematology patients with substance use disorder 146 I-5-D Surgical insertion of tunneled drainage catheters: Implications for care in palliative patients 146 I-6-A Care coordination: Optimizing the scope and role of oncology nurses to meet the individual needs of patients and families within cancer care 146 I-6-B Connecting resources and fostering partnerships to build capacity in the outpatient systemic therapy setting 147 I-6-C Enhancing practice for oncology nurses – Systemic therapy initial and continuing competency education 147 I-6-D The pan-Canadian Oncology Symptom Triage and Remote Support (COSTaRS) online tutorial: Retrospective pre-/post-test study 147 II-1-A Medical Assistance in Dying for mature minors 148 II-1-B Psychosocial effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on pediatric cancer survivors followed in adulthood: Lessons learned and future implications 148 II-2-A Nursing leadership in the pre-diagnostic phase of care of suspected patients with lung cancer (bilingual session) 148 II-2-B Une théorisation ancrée sur l’évolution des perceptions du rôle des infirmières lors du soin de l’aide médicale à mourir 149 W-II-3 Cancer and social justice: What’s advocacy got to do with it? 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