Journal articles on the topic 'Art, Japanese. [from old catalog]'

Art House Project (AHP) is an art project on the Japanese island of Naoshima in the Seto Inland Sea, run and financed by the Benesse Corporation as a part of the Benesse Art Site Naoshima project. The corporation’s aim is to support the economic and spiritual revitalisation of the archipelago through projects which combine art, architecture, nature and the history of the area. The centre of AHP is a number of old Japanese houses in the village Honmura on Naoshima, transformed into works of art by artists in cooperation with architects. Memory-related terms (such as “memory”, “history”, “communal” and “cultural memory”, tradition and heritage) appear regularly in catalogue texts and other publications on AHP, which leads to the assumption that AHP is connected to memory on several levels. Since the use of these terms is now very often in various contexts and can mark different phenomena, I will try to define the characteristics of the use of terms “memory”, “history” and “communal memory” as well as their role in the AHP. Within this I will show that these terms have a wide conceptual frame, which does not necessarily come from their theoretical definition – and that the semantically open term of memory has an important role in the wider context and goals of the Benesse Art Site Naoshima project.

Art House Project (AHP) is an art project on the Japanese island of Naoshima in the Seto Inland Sea, run and financed by the Benesse Corporation as a part of the Benesse Art Site Naoshima project. The corporation’s aim is to support the economic and spiritual revitalisation of the archipelago through projects which combine art, architecture, nature and the history of the area. The centre of AHP is a number of old Japanese houses in the village Honmura on Naoshima, transformed into works of art by artists in cooperation with architects. Memory-related terms (such as “memory”, “history”, “communal” and “cultural memory”, tradition and heritage) appear regularly in catalogue texts and other publications on AHP, which leads to the assumption that AHP is connected to memory on several levels. Since the use of these terms is now very often in various contexts and can mark different phenomena, I will try to define the characteristics of the use of terms “memory”, “history” and “communal memory” as well as their role in the AHP. Within this I will show that these terms have a wide conceptual frame, which does not necessarily come from their theoretical definition – and that the semantically open term of memory has an important role in the wider context and goals of the Benesse Art Site Naoshima project.

Since the 19th century, a Japanese garden as a cultural phenomenon with a millennium-old history of religion and philosophy-based landscaping art has been exported to different regions of the globe and built in countries far from the land of its origin. The article focuses on two aspects of Japanese gardens: the basic and more specific principles of planning and design of a traditional Japanese garden, and the related discourse of a tradition of exporting its planning and design cultural tradition outside of Japan. Based on analysed international examples of Japanese-style gardens, the specific traits of planning the landscape of these gardens were identified. The narrative of multiple psycho-emotional effects that these gardens have on their users and visitors is disclosed in correlation with the specific aspects of their planning and design. The culture of exporting a Japanese garden tradition overseas is discussed and the important principles for introducing a Japanese garden to a remote cultural context are spotlighted. The concluding remarks on the user-oriented culture of exporting a Japanese garden as a complete planning and design system of landscape architecture, reflect author’s aspiration to open a wider cross-professional discussion and research on the topic. Santrauka Japonijos sodai – tai tūkstantmetes tradicijas turintis filosofija ir religija grįstas kraštovaizdžio architektūros kultūrinis reiškinys, kurio pavyzdžiai nuo XIX a. yra eksportuojami ir įrengiami skirtinguose pasaulio regionuose. Kraštovaizdžio architektūros požiūriu straipsnyje nagrinėjami du Japonijos sodų aspektai: esminiai šių sodų suplanavimo ir įrengimo principai bei specifiniai bruožai, taip pat Japonijos sodų meninės tradicijos eksporto ir sklaidos užsienyje klausimai. Visame pasaulyje garsių Japonijos sodų pavyzdžių apžvalga ir pasirinktų Baltijos jūros regiono pavyzdžių tyrimas atskleidžia esminius šių sodų suplanavimo principus, kurie sietini su lankytojams formuojamu psichologiniu emociniu poveikiu. Aptariant Japonijos sodų eksporto į kitus etninius ir geografinius regionus klausimus iškeliama jų integravimo į skirtingą kultūrinį kontekstą problema. Straipsnis apibendrinamas baigiamosiomis nuostatomis, kurios apibrėžia tolesnio Japonijos sodų meno diskurso lauką nuo vartotojo poreikių iki vientisos kraštovaizdžio sistemos eksporto galimybių, išreiškia autoriaus siekį atverti šia tema platesnį tyrimų ir diskusijų lauką.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Since the middle of the 2000s, digital humanities (DH) involving the collaboration and uniting of research fields from both the humanities and sciences has begun developing rapidly. It involves investigation, analysis, synthesis and presentation of knowledge through the use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT). It is expected to create a new knowledge base within the humanities; history, linguistics, literature, art, files, and so on. By definition, a new field of digital humanities is technical driven given its elaborate use of computing, and is also distinctly interdisciplinary through the ICT (Kawashima et al., 2009). At the same time, “spatial turns” are referred to throughout the academic disciplines, often with reference to GIS and the neogeography revolution that puts mapping (Guldi, 2018).</p><p>As human geography would be a part of the humanities, so all research within human geography can be a part of digital humanities. Geo-spatial information that is dealt with in geography possesses geo-referenced data. GIS has also become popular in digital humanities. The application of GIS within history is facilitating the formation of a new area of research, historical GIS (Gregory and Healy, 2007). Historical geographers have been making use of GIS as a research tool, applying it to historical space within a geographical context. However now we see historians beginning to use GIS within their own research. So far, the relation between human geography and history has been compared to the difference between the dimensions of space and time. While geographers make extensive use of maps focusing on spatial patterns of their temporal changes (spatial process), historians make use of ancient documents as a resource focusing on the temporal relationship between phenomena (Knowles, 2008).</p><p>To ensure a leaping development in the new project-based research style through interdisciplinary and international collaboration within Historical GIS in Japan, and by extension traditional humanities in Japan, it is of great urgency to build portal sites that can provide comprehensive and lateral search of Japanese old maps which are fundamental materials, while making GIS analysis possible.</p><p>The aim of this paper is to introduce Japanese Map Warper (bilingual version), based on an online georeferenced tool developed by Mr Tim Waters in 2009, and to construct a portal site of Japanese old maps which can be embedded into GIS.</p>

Aims. Questions of how massive quiescent galaxies rapidly assembled and how abundant they are at high redshift are increasingly important in the study of galaxy formation. Looking at these systems can shed light on the processes of galaxy mass assembly and quenching of the star formation at early epochs. In order to address these questions, we aim to identify and characterize massive quiescent galaxies from z ∼ 2.5 out to the highest redshifts at which these systems can be found. The final purpose is to compare the results with the predictions of state-of-the-art semi-analytical models of galaxy formation and evolution. Methods. We defined observer-frame color–color diagrams to optimally select quiescent galaxies at z > 2.5 and applied them to the COSMOS2015 catalog. We refined the spectral energy distribution (SED) fitting analysis for the selected candidates to confirm their quiescent nature, then derived their number density, mass density, and stellar mass functions. Finally, we compared the results with previous observations and some current semi-analytic models. Results. We selected candidates for quiescent galaxies in the redshift range 2.5 ≲ z ≲ 4.5 from the COSMOS2015 catalog by means of two color–color diagrams. The additional SED fitting analysis allowed us to select 128 galaxies, consistent with being massive (log(M*/M⊙)≥10.6), old (ages ≳0.5 Gyr), and quiescent (log(sSFR [yr−1]) ≤ −10.5) objects at high redshift (2.5 < z < 4.5). Their number and mass densities are in fair agreement with previous observations and, if confirmed, show a discrepancy with current semi-analytical models of galaxy formation and evolution, that underpredict the number of massive quiescent systems up to a factor of ∼12 at 2.5 ≤ z < 3.0 and ∼10 at z ∼ 4.0. The evolution of the stellar mass functions (SMFs) of these systems is similar to previous estimates and indicates a disagreement with models, particularly with regard to the shape of the SMF. Conclusions. The present results add further evidence to the possibility that massive and quiescent galaxies can exist out to at least z ∼ 4. If future spectroscopic observations carried out with, for example, the James Webb Space Telecope (JWST), confirm the substantial presence of such a population, further work on modeling the stellar mass assembly, as well as supermassive black hole accretion and feedback processes at early cosmic epochs, is needed to understand how these systems formed, evolved, and quenched their star formation.

A commission sponsored by the meiji government and headed by Okakura Tenshin (Kakuzō), Kanō Tessai, and Ernest F. Fenollosa traveled to Nara Prefecture in 1884 to catalog the important artifacts in temples and shrines. Fenollosa's later description of an event of this trip, which is often presented to show how he with the assistance of Okakura “saved” Japanese art, brings out the major argument of my article: the role of fine art in the formulation of belief in the nation. Fenollosa describes his “discovery” of the Guze Kannon (Goddess of Mercy), a seventh-century gilt-wood sculpture, at the Hōryūji temple:I had credentials from the central government which enabled me to requisition the opening of godowns and shrines. The central space of the octagonal Yumedono was occupied by a great closed shrine, which ascended like a pillar towards the apex. The priests of the Horiuji confessed that tradition ascribed the contents of the shrine to Corean work of the days of Suiko, but that it had not been opened for more than two hundred years.

Although there are obvious American influences on Australian popular culture, the term “Americanization” is of limited help in explaining the elaborate form and content of Australian sport. The recent transformation from amateur to corporate sport in Australia has been determined by a complex array of internal and international social forces, including Australia’s polyethnic population, its semiperipheral status in the capitalist world system, its federal polity, and its membership in the Commonwealth of Nations. Americanization is only one manifestation of the integration of amateur and professional sport into the media industries, advertising agencies, and multinational corporations of the world market. Investment in sport by American, British, New Zealand, Japanese, and Australian multinational companies is part of their strategy of promoting “good corporate citizenship,” which also is evident in art, cinema, dance, music, education, and the recent bicentennial festivities. It is suggested that the political economy of Australian sport can best be analyzed by concepts such as “post-Fordism,” the globalization of consumerism, and the cultural logic of late capitalism, all of which transcend the confines of the United States.

The features of attribution work with the items from the private collection for the exhibition of the old Japanese sculpture “Netsuke. The private collection” in Primorye State Art Gallery have been considered in the paper. The items from private collections usually are excluded from a scientific circulation but they often are of a great scientific interest for art historians and museum researchers. The author aims to include into a scientific circulation several items of miniature sculpture netsuke which would be of an art history interest and which have never been exhibited before. The process of the items attribution, plot and stylistic features specification has been described on a basis of the expert opinion, comparative analysis with the items from the sufficient museum collections. The author comes to a conclusion that the plots and iconography of some items are rather rare and their description would make a contribution to the Japanese miniature sculpture research. В статье рассматриваются особенности атрибуционной работы с предметами из частной коллекции для выставки старинной японской миниатюрной скульптуры «Нэцкэ. Частная коллекция» в Приморской государственной картинной галерее. Произведения из частных коллекций, как правило, исключены из научного оборота, однако часто представляют большой научный интерес для искусствоведов и музейных работников. Автор ставит своей целью ввести в научный оборот несколько произведений миниатюрной скульптуры нэцкэ, представляющих искусствоведческий интерес и ранее никогда не экспонировавшихся. Описывается процесс атрибуции произведений, определения сюжета, стилистики на основе экспертного мнения, сравнительного анализа с предметами из крупных музейных коллекций. Автор приходит к выводу, что сюжеты и иконография некоторых предметов весьма редки, и их описание внесет определенный вклад в изучение японской миниатюрной скульптуры.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0cm 0cm 6pt;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">The purpose of this study is to explain the revival of Polish martial arts from the perspectives of cultural sociology, the sciences of physical culture, and the humanistic theory of martial arts. The Polish Martial Arts (<em>Polskie Sztuki Walki</em>) are a subject still requiring serious scientific examination, even in Poland. There are few works concerning the history of Polish weapons, and most only describe techniques for wielding specific types of edged weapons. Nevertheless, there is a large group of enthusiasts trying to restore and cultivate the old Polish tradition, a tradition with heavy emphasis on the art of fencing. The author knows many of the people and facts presented here, from personal observation and from direct participation in these arts. As a disciple of the late Master Yoshio Sugino (10th-dan Kobudo Katori Shinto-ryu), he fought against the Polish saber champion, and he has taken part in joint exhibitions of Polish and Japanese fencing.</span></span></span></p>

The article introduces into scientific discourse, and examines a number of M.V. Dobuzhinsky’s works: it traces the process of working on them, identifies their sources (literary and visual), analyzes the stylistic features and the specifics of the graphic techniques. These tasks are performed within the context of interaction between literature and fine arts. This topic is relevant because M.V. Dobuzhinsky’s illustrations to the stories “Stationmaster” and “Squire’s Daughter”, the play “Covetous Knight”, and the poem “Magnificent City, Poor City...” by A.S. Pushkin are studied as works of fine art for the first time.The scientific novelty of the article lies in the fact that it introduces an experience of defining the stylistic affiliation of the said works, and reveals a number of their visual sources. The author uses the method of complex analysis, combining the source analysis of M. Dobuzhinsky’s memoirs and his letters, the works of the artist’s contemporaries devoted to the Russian art of the beginning of the 20th century, and the traditional formal analysis of his works in comparison with those of Rembrandt, A. Benois, A. Dürer, F. Tolstoy, Japanese engravings of the 18th — beginning of the 19th century. This allows a significant expansion of existing ideas about visual and literary sources of the artist’s works.The article reveals that Rembrandt’s etching “View of Amsterdam from the Northwest” influenced the artistic solution of the illustration “In the Carriage” for the story “Stationmaster”; Hiroshige’s sheets influenced the illustration “Vyrin at the Entrance of Minsky’s House” for the same story. A. Dürer’s woodcuts influenced the solution of the illustration “Scene 1” for the play “Covetous Knight”; F. Tolstoy’s silhouettes influenced the vignettes and the artistic solution of the illustrations and decorations for the story “Squire’s Daughter”. The article also finds that H.Ch. Andersen’s tales “The Old House” and “The Old Street Lamp” had predetermined M. Dobuzhinsky’s appeal to the story “Stationmaster”, and the graphic solution of St. Petersburg in the picture “View of the St. Petersburg House”. The author concludes that M. Dobuzhinsky’s illustrating of Pushkin’s works was in line with his intense creative experiments: searching for a new solution to the image of St. Petersburg in book graphics, rethinking and “quoting” the masters of the past.

Abstract Hermann Blomeier is one of around 80 graduates from the Bau- und Ausbauabteilung, a comparatively small group among the more than 1200 students at the Bauhaus who have only recently come under the spotlight of research. The biographies of several graduates are known, such as Franz Ehrlich, Erich Consemüller, Howard Dearstyne, Selman Selmanagić, Herbert Hirche or Arieh Sharon; many more are lost, however. Although the Bauhaus was not a ›school‹ in the sense of a unified design approach and a binding canon of forms, it is instructive on an individual level to study the work of Blomeier, one of the Bauhaus graduates and students of Ludwig Mies van der Rohe who has so far received little attention. On the basis of three projects from the 1950s, the viability of the design approaches conveyed at the Bauhaus for the construction tasks of the post-war period are examined. First, the ferry ports connecting Konstanz and Meersburg will be considered as the first major project by Blomeier after the Second World War. The buildings for the Bodensee-Wasserversorgung – at times the largest construction site in West Germany of the 1950s – represent an outstanding example of industrial architecture and technical infrastructure in their fusion of art, technology and landscape. The smallest of the three projects, the building for the rowing club Neptun, located directly opposite the old town of Konstanz on the Seerhein, points with its innovative modular primary structure well beyond contemporary architecture and anticipates developments of the late 1960s, such as the Japanese Metabolists or the Plug-In-City of Archigram.

Background. The history of the development of orchestral music for Chinese traditional instruments covers more than a thousand years. During this time, the traditional orchestra has undergone significant changes. In the article the modern stage of the development of the orchestra of a new type is considered starting from the 1920s, when its modification began and integration with the principles of the Western Symphony Orchestra. The modernization of the Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments began in the twentieth century after the overthrow of imperial rule and the emerging changes in Chinese society. Nevertheless, the process of integrating the Western musical traditions was carried out in China for several centuries, which prepared the ground for the qualitative changes that began in the 20th century in the field of national musical art. The development of orchestral music for Chinese traditional instruments is not sufficiently studied today in musicology. One of the little studied periods is the initial stage of the formation of the Chinese orchestra of folk instruments of a new type in the 1920s – 1930s. Objectives. The purpose of the article is to reveal the prerequisites and specifics of the formation of the Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments of a new type in the 1920s and 1930s, to determine the role of outstanding Chinese musicians in the process of modernizing the orchestra and creating the appropriate national repertoire. The methodology of research is based on musical-historical approach combined with musical-theoretical and performer analysis. Results. The first shifts in the integration of Western and national traditions in Chinese traditional orchestral music became possible thanks to the activities of the music society “Datong yuehui”, as well as the emergence of higher professional musical institutions in China and the training of Chinese musicians abroad. The most important role in the formation of the Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments of a new type was played by outstanding musicians Zheng Jinwen, Liu Tianhua, Zheng Tisi. Zheng Jinwen was the initiator of the creation of the society “Datong Yuhui” in 1920. He began the process of standardizing various Chinese instruments with the goal of unifying their sound tuning fork. This was necessary for a well-coordinated game in the orchestral ensemble. The musician modernized and developed new methods of tuning traditional instruments for flute dizi, multi-barrel sheng and expanded the orchestra to forty people. Zheng Jinwen adapted the national repertoire to a new type of orchestra, performing as an author of orchestral transcriptions of ancient music for traditional Chinese instruments. Liu Tianhua became the creator of the Society for the Development of National Music at Peking University (1927–1932). The musician reformed the old system of Chinese notation “gongchi” based on hieroglyphs, modernized it and adapted it to the Western musical notation. Substantial achievement of Liu Tianhua was a significant modification of the erhu with the replacement of strings by metal, changing the settings in accordance with the standards of Western stringed instruments. As a result, the erhu acquired the status of a leading or solo instrument in a new type of orchestra. The activity of the first modern Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments, the musical collective of the Broadcasting Company of China, created in Nanjing in 1935, had a great importance. In 1937, from the Second Sino-Japanese War, the orchestra was transferred to Chongqing, and after the victory of the Communists in 1949, he moved to Taiwan. One of the orchestral musicians, Zheng Tisi, played an outstanding role in the formation of this group. The musician carried out the reformation of this orchestra in the field of tuning instruments. The range of the orchestra was expanded by the introduction of additional wooden string instruments dahu and dihu, having a volumetric sound-board and tuned an octave below the violin erhu. Their purpose was to fill the lower register, alike to the cellos and double basses in Western orchestras. For the first time the post of conductor and his assistant was introduced by Zheng Tisi, which was also able to attract professional composers to create a multi-voiced orchestral national repertoire. The innovations of the outstanding musician made his orchestra a role model for all subsequent similar contemporary Chinese orchestras. Conclusions. The process of forming a Chinese orchestra of traditional instruments of a new type in the 1920s and 1930s made it possible to modernize Chinese traditional folk instruments and the ancient Chinese notation system in order to adapt Chinese orchestral music to the integrative processes in musical art. Orchestral music was reformed in accordance with the principles of Western European symphonic and conducting art. In this process, outstanding highly professional Chinese musicians who contributed to the development of orchestral music in their country and the creation of a corresponding national repertoire played the leading role.

In the process of new personal consciousness formation it is very important to understand the necessity of development of new public conception of the environment as of a common sphere for society and nature, which means understanding significance of sustainable development of nature and society. Extracurricular environmental education implemented in the “Vodlozersky” National park helps to promote environmental knowledge of native region and fosters development of knowledge and skills for living and working in the environment. The content of educational programmes was divided into separate topics: “Avifauna of Vedlozero islands”, “Predators on the swamp”, “Vodlozero lichens”, “Mushroom hunting”, “Green pharmacy” and others. As an example we suggest one of the lessons devoted to “Avifauna of Velikostrov Island” from the topic “Avifauna of Vedlozero islands”. It took much time for schoolchildren to get the skills in birds’ identification. Teachers and schoolchildren analyzed everything they saw and heard, made conclusions, wrote down their observations. As a result of fieldwork the expedition participants have managed to learn to recognize different kinds of birds in the nature of the National park. Schoolchildren expressed special interest while getting to know the life of invertebrates of the water reservoir: “Microcosmos in a drop of water”. The integrative approach lied in combination of methods of Japanese paper art of Origami used to represent generalized image of a bird. With the help of natural materials such as dry grass, flowers, branches, soil, moss, stones, etc. schoolchildren constructed the models of biocenosis. They created a meadow and semi-aquatic lake world. In biocenosis models birds and plants made of paper were settled in their natural habitats. In painting the images of nature schoolchildren were offered to use natural materials: pollen from plants, flower petals, sand and stones. Students also showed interest to such lessons as “Epics of Vedlozero” and “Ethnography and Toponymy of Vedlozero”. On the territory of the National park there are special “marks” of the ancient ethnic group of population – vodlozery. These are commemorative trees – Karsikko. Students got to know about their origin and significance for vedlozery from conversation with the teacher on ecological trail. Knowledge acquired on these lessons allowed schoolchildren to express their creativity in making dolls – spirits of the wood and lake. To generalize knowledge about nature students of expedition camp made a trip along the ecological trail with the length of 1420 meters. The trail lied on the landscape consisting of different biocenosis: meadows, a sector of old forest, swamp. Walking along the trail they got acquainted with new representatives of flora and fauna – forest ants, poisonous and medical plants of swamp and forest. On one of the swamp sectors there was found carnivorous plant - (Drosera rotundifolia L). Having caught small dipterous insects students managed to feed this plant and observe the process of food capturing. Experience of ecological expedition camps organization allowed teachers and scientists for the first time to realize the work with children with special needs in the wild nature. As children had vision problems of different severity the teachers developed special educational programmes for them which included maximum use of their hearing, smell and touching. It was important to teach the children to identify the sounds of nature: voice of birds, insects, rustle of grass and reeds. But they also had the trips to the world of nature. They learnt to identify different kinds of plants – to feel them (touching the plants with their hands and face, palming), to recognize and remember the smell of spicy plants. For kids with mild form of visual pathology teachers tried to use all senses in working in nature but for a short period of time. Analysis of comments left by children by the end of expedition shows that they prefer communication with each other to communication with nature. In accordance with the goals set by the specialists of the National park it is necessary to implement practical lessons in nature involving schoolchildren into them in more active forms. Integration of scientific, artistic, aesthetic and humanitarian knowledge into coherent whole for cognition of nature will allow develop sustainable motivation for nature protection among children in the future. Primary educational experience of National park specialists in working with disabled children showed that such children may have unlimited possibilities to communicate with nature.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.在本文筆者要逐一檢討在西方四個常見的贊成安樂死的論據（仁是在、生命贊素、尊嚴、自決），並且指出這四個論據分別與中國儒家的價值觀（仁、所欲有甚於生、士可殺不可辱、泰山與鴻毛）有不同程度的共鳴及相通之處。由於這些共鳴及相通之處只是在某程度上，而非徹底相通，所以透過中國古代的價值觀的相對照，也可以更清楚看出這四個西方論據之性質及其可能限制。筆者的結論是，從儒家的價值觀來看，除了在某極端的情況中，一般來說這四個支持安樂死的論據都是說服力不足。This paper attempts to analyze four major arguments in favor of the moral acceptability of voluntary euthanasia (including physician-assisted-suicide) as found in the West, and tries to assess these arguments through Chinese Confucian ethics and its perspectives on life and death. Through such a cross-cultural dialogue the author concludes that there is some similarity as well as difference in Chinese and western values. The western moral values appealed to in advocating voluntary euthanasia, to a certain extent, can strike an echoing chord in Confucian ethics. In other words, though the debate on euthanasia is a contemporary phenomenon, the arguments and their underlying values in favor of its moral acceptability are not entirely foreign to premodern Confucian ethics. This resonance notwithstanding, the Confucian echoes are also limited. Behind some general agreements are some significant disagreements as well. Hence this cross-cultural dialogue can reveal in a clearer manner the salient traits and possible flaws of the western moral arguments in favor of euthanasia, and can contribute to a multicultural reflection on some contemporary moral controversies.This paper begins by clarifying the etymological meaning of "anle si," the phrase for "euthanasia" in Chinese as well as in Japanese. The root of the phrase can be traced to either Mencius or Pure Land Buddhism. The latter possibility seems more probable, and "anle si" then means a death or dying free of suffering. In this paper, I shall restrict the term "anle si" or "euthanasia", to voluntary, active euthanasia and physician-assisted-suicide.The first common western argument in favor of euthanasia is the argument of mercy. For some patients the dying process is accompanied by such excruciating pain that euthanasia is a good way of release from suffering. Since the patient is on the way to die anyway, such suffering is pointless and is not worth-enduring. Euthanasia for such dying patients is to spare them from such pointless suffering and is therefore a manifestation of mercy. This argument can find an echo in Confucian ethics. The fundamental value in Confucianism is "ren," and one of its meanings is benevolence. According to Mencius, the root of "ren" or benevolence lies in compassion, i.e., feeling intense pain in seeing others suffer. Traditional Chinese medicine also adopts this cardinal Confucian virtue as its fundamental guiding norm, hence the dictum that medicine is "renxin renshu" (benevolence and benevolent art). Thus if the premise "Euthanasia is the only way or best way to eliminate pain in the dying process" is empirically true, one can infer that euthanasia can be justified by Confucian ethics of ren. However, in light of the recent progress in palliative medicine and hospice care, the aforementioned premise can be empirically true only in very limited circumstances, which are analogous to a torture scene in the recent Chinese novel, then turned into movie, The Red Sorghum. (The author also observes that the hospice philosophy is more in consonance with the Taoist philosophy of Zhuangzi.)The second common western argument in favor of euthanasia is the argument of the quality of life. It has been argued that some sufferers of disease and accidents do not want to live anymore not because of intractable pain, but because of the irreversible and unacceptable low level of the quality of life (e.g., in Alzheimer’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, ALS, MS, quadriplegic, etc.). Since the condition is incurable, and the persons involved would rather die than to endure this "living hell," euthanasia is liberation from this bondage. Confucianism does not subscribe to the doctrine of the sanctity of biological life either, and places heavy emphasis on the quality of life, to be defined with reference to ren and yi (i.e., in the wide sense of supreme virtue), rather than on the quantity of life (i.e., longevity). To live out one's life to its natural limit is not in itself desirable. In order to secure a high quality of life, in some circumstances, one has to be prepared to die, even by taking matters into one’s hand, lest what is going to transpire in the natural life span will decrease the quality of life. However, the limit of the Confucian echo is that Confucianism cares largely the moral quality of life, and cares very little about the biological quality of life. As long as the low quality of biological life is not to affect adversely one’s moral quality of life, there is no good reason to terminate one’s biological life.The third common western argument in favor of euthanasia is the argument of death with dignity. According to this argument, our biological condition can be so bad (e.g., loss of control, being brought back to the infant condition, in a state of zombie) that it is a humiliation to our sense of dignity. Such an assault on our dignity can be more intolerable than physical pain. Euthanasia can therefore deliver us from such an undignified state of existence. In Confucianism, especially since the Han Dynasty, to commit suicide in order to avoid humiliation, disgrace, and dishonor is not only desirable, but also obligatory. Such an idea of "a man of integrity prefers death to humiliation" is even accepted by a number of Chinese intellectuals during the so-called "Cultural Revolution." However, historically the Confucian endorsement of death with dignity is largely limited to the cases in which the assault on human dignity came from an external source (from enemies, emperor, government), and such an assault is not a universal predicament. Furthermore, in those circumstances in which to commit suicide is the only way to avoid humiliation it happens because one’s destiny is controlled by hostile forces; there is no friendly force at hand to make one feel better. In the contemporary case of euthanasia, in contrast, the assault on human dignity comes from an internal source (disease, old age, bodily and mental decay all stem from our mortal and corruptible body) and is therefore a universal human phenomenon. Unless we conceive disease and sickness as an enemy, Confucian ethics would not view our deteriorating biological condition as an assault on human dignity. If we accept that our mortal embodied life is a part of our human condition, we can hardly say that bodily and mental decay is undignified. Besides, especially when palliative and hospice care are available, a patient is not captured and isolated in a maleficent environment, but is surrounded by health care professionals who are there to help us. After all, one purpose of hospice care is to help patients to maintain their dignity while they are travelling in this last stage of the journey of life. Hence the Confucian endorsement of euthanasia as death with dignity is quite limited.The fourth common western argument in favor of euthanasia is the argument of self-determination. According to the cherished western value of autonomy, an individual should be given the liberty to decide on things that matter much to him or her. Like the decisions relating to marriage, procreation, contraception, education, etc., the decision on how and when to die is one of the most intimate and personal choices a person may make in a lifetime. Hence we have the right to die; some even claim that this is a human right, both a negative right (whose correlative duty is nonintervention in suicide attempts) and a positive right (whose correlative duty is suicide assistance). After all, whose life is it anyway? In Confucian values, individual autonomy has never been a cherishedvalue; nor has there been any human rights thinking. That one can decide on the time and circumstances of one’s death is only implied. According to Confucian values one should choose a good death (good in the moral sense) even by actively bringing it about. Since "ought" implies "can," that in some circumstances a person ought to commit suicide implies that the person is morally permissible to commit suicide. However, the Confucian echo of pro-euthanasia argument is the weakest here. The western argument is concerned with the permissibility of suicide and euthanasia, whereas Confucian ethics is concerned with the impermissibility of not committing suicide. In other words, the western argument is concerned with the permissibility of all suicide, regardless of its worth. Confucian ethics, on the other hand, is concerned with only the permissibility of some suicide, those that are deemed morally worthy. The western argument is concerned with the right of euthanasia, but Confucian ethics is only concerned with the rightness, the right conduct, or the right exercise of the right, of euthanasia. Furthermore, the ideas of self-ownership and individual sovereignty are entirely foreign to Confucian values.To conclude, the Confucian echo of these four western arguments varies. The resonance is most prominent in the first argument and weakest in the last argument. This cross-cultural comparison should be instructive to Chinese as well as to the people in the West because it shows which values are universal and which are not. For example, the western society has the tendency to view the value of autonomy as self-evident ("We hold these truths to be self-evident......"), but this value is obviously not self-evident to the Confucian mind. Who is right, and who is wrong? That the Confucian endorsement of euthanasia is only limited should give something to every member of the global village to ponder about.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 220 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

The Tale of Princess Kaguya is an adaptation from The Tale of the Bamboo Cutter, a classical Japanese folktale, directed by Isao Takahata in Studio Ghibli productions. Isao Takahata is a director who has long been overlook by his longtime colleague and Studio Ghibli co-founder Hayao Miyazaki. The purpose of research about cinematography techniques or style of Isao Takahata animated film in The Tale of Princess Kaguya. The Princess Kaguya animated film is like an old Japanese painting that is similar to traditional sumi-e. The focus of this research will look into several aspects such as impressionistic style and the character design in Princess Kaguya animated film. Impressionistic art is an art style when an artist looks into situation or things with a short glimpse and paint it back using bright and vibrant colors. Most of the pictures are outdoor scenes. The concept character of Princess Kaguya created with amazing work of art using hand-drawn animation to new heights of fluidness.

I first came across etoy in Linz, Austria in 1995. They turned up at Ars Electronica with their shaved heads, in their matching orange bomber jackets. They were not invited. The next year they would not have to crash the party. In 1996 they were awarded Arts Electronica’s prestigious Golden Nica for web art, and were on their way to fame and bitterness – the just rewards for their art of self-regard. As founding member Agent.ZAI says: “All of us were extremely greedy – for excitement, for drugs, for success.” (Wishart & Boschler: 16) The etoy story starts on the fringes of the squatters’ movement in Zurich. Disenchanted with the hard left rhetorics that permeate the movement in the 1980s, a small group look for another way of existing within a commodified world, without the fantasy of an ‘outside’ from which to critique it. What Antonio Negri and friends call the ‘real subsumption’ of life under the rule of commodification is something etoy grasps intuitively. The group would draw on a number of sources: David Bowie, the Sex Pistols, the Manchester rave scene, European Amiga art, rumors of the historic avant gardes from Dada to Fluxus. They came together in 1994, at a meeting in the Swiss resort town of Weggis on Lake Lucerne. While the staging of the founding meeting looks like a rerun of the origins of the Situationist International, the wording of the invitation might suggest the founding of a pop music boy band: “fun, money and the new world?” One of the – many – stories about the origins of the name Dada has it being chosen at random from a bilingual dictionary. The name etoy, in an update on that procedure, was spat out by a computer program designed to make four letter words at random. Ironically, both Dada and etoy, so casually chosen, would inspire furious struggles over the ownership of these chancey 4-bit words. The group decided to make money by servicing the growing rave scene. Being based in Vienna and Zurich, the group needed a way to communicate, and chose to use the internet. This was a far from obvious thing to do in 1994. Connections were slow and unreliable. Sometimes it was easier to tape a hard drive full of clubland graphics to the underside of a seat on the express train from Zurich to Vienna and simply email instructions to meet the train and retrieve it. The web was a primitive instrument in 1995 when etoy built its first website. They launched it with a party called etoy.FASTLANE, an optimistic title when the web was anything but. Coco, a transsexual model and tabloid sensation, sang a Japanese song while suspended in the air. She brought media interest, and was anointed etoy’s lifestyle angel. As Wishart and Bochsler write, “it was as if the Seven Dwarfs had discovered their Snow White.” (Wishart & Boschler: 33) The launch didn’t lead to much in the way of a music deal or television exposure. The old media were not so keen to validate the etoy dream of lifting themselves into fame and fortune by their bootstraps. And so etoy decided to be stars of the new media. The slogan was suitably revised: “etoy: the pop star is the pilot is the coder is the designer is the architect is the manager is the system is etoy.” (Wishart & Boschler: 34) The etoy boys were more than net.artists, they were artists of the brand. The brand was achieving a new prominence in the mid-90s. (Klein: 35) This was a time when capitalism was hollowing itself out in the overdeveloped world, shedding parts of its manufacturing base. Control of the circuits of commodification would rest less on the ownership of the means of production and more on maintaining a monopoly on the flows of information. The leading edge of the ruling class was becoming self-consciously vectoral. It controlled the flow of information about what to produce – the details of design, the underlying patents. It controlled the flows of information about what is produced – the brands and logos, the slogans and images. The capitalist class is supplanted by a vectoral class, controlling the commodity circuit through the vectors of information. (Wark) The genius of etoy was to grasp the aesthetic dimension of this new stage of commodification. The etoy boys styled themselves not so much as a parody of corporate branding and management groupthink, but as logical extension of it. They adopted matching uniforms and called themselves agents. In the dada-punk-hiphop tradition, they launched themselves on the world as brand new, self-created, self-named subjects: Agents Zai, Brainhard, Gramazio, Kubli, Esposto, Udatny and Goldstein. The etoy.com website was registered in 1995 with Network Solutions for a $100 fee. The homepage for this etoy.TANKSYSTEM was designed like a flow chart. As Gramazio says: “We wanted to create an environment with surreal content, to build a parallel world and put the content of this world into tanks.” (Wishart & Boschler: 51) One tank was a cybermotel, with Coco the first guest. Another tank showed you your IP number, with a big-brother eye looking on. A supermarket tank offered sunglasses and laughing gas for sale, but which may or may not be delivered. The underground tank included hardcore photos of a sensationalist kind. A picture of the Federal Building in Oklamoma City after the bombing was captioned in deadpan post-situ style “such work needs a lot of training.” (Wishart & Boschler: 52) The etoy agents were by now thoroughly invested in the etoy brand and the constellation of images they had built around it, on their website. Their slogan became “etoy: leaving reality behind.” (Wishart & Boschler: 53) They were not the first artists fascinated by commodification. It was Warhol who said “good art is good business.”(Warhol ) But etoy reversed the equation: good business is good art. And good business, in this vectoral age, is in its most desirable form an essentially conceptual matter of creating a brand at the center of a constellation of signifiers. Late in 1995, etoy held another group meeting, at the Zurich youth center Dynamo. The problem was that while they had build a hardcore website, nobody was visiting it. Agents Gooldstein and Udatny thought that there might be a way of using the new search engines to steer visitors to the site. Zai and Brainhard helped secure a place at the Vienna Academy of Applied Arts where Udatny could use the computer lab to implement this idea. Udatny’s first step was to create a program that would go out and gather email addresses from the web. These addresses would form the lists for the early examples of art-spam that etoy would perpetrate. Udatny’s second idea was a bit more interesting. He worked out how to get the etoy.TANKSYSTEM page listed in search engines. Most search engines ranked pages by the frequency of the search term in the pages it had indexed, so etoy.TANKSYSTEM would contain pages of selected keywords. Porn sites were also discovering this method of creating free publicity. The difference was that etoy chose a very carefully curated list of 350 search terms, including: art, bondage, cyberspace, Doom, Elvis, Fidel, genx, heroin, internet, jungle and Kant. Users of search engines who searched for these terms would find dummy pages listed prominently in their search results that directed them, unsuspectingly, to etoy.com. They called this project Digital Hijack. To give the project a slightly political aura, the pages the user was directed to contained an appeal for the release of convicted hacker Kevin Mitnick. This was the project that won them a Golden Nica statuette at Ars Electronica in 1996, which Gramazio allegedly lost the same night playing roulette. It would also, briefly, require that they explain themselves to the police. Digital Hijack also led to the first splits in the group, under the intense pressure of organizing it on a notionally collective basis, but with the zealous Agent Zai acting as de facto leader. When Udatny was expelled, Zai and Brainhard even repossessed his Toshiba laptop, bought with etoy funds. As Udatny recalls, “It was the lowest point in my life ever. There was nothing left; I could not rely on etoy any more. I did not even have clothes, apart from the etoy uniform.” (Wishart & Boschler: 104) Here the etoy story repeats a common theme from the history of the avant gardes as forms of collective subjectivity. After Digital Hijack, etoy went into a bit of a slump. It’s something of a problem for a group so dependent on recognition from the other of the media, that without a buzz around them, etoy would tend to collapse in on itself like a fading supernova. Zai spend the early part of 1997 working up a series of management documents, in which he appeared as the group’s managing director. Zai employed the current management theory rhetoric of employee ‘empowerment’ while centralizing control. Like any other corporate-Trotskyite, his line was that “We have to get used to reworking the company structure constantly.” (Wishart & Boschler: 132) The plan was for each member of etoy to register the etoy trademark in a different territory, linking identity to information via ownership. As Zai wrote “If another company uses our name in a grand way, I’ll probably shoot myself. And that would not be cool.” (Wishart & Boschler:: 132) As it turned out, another company was interested – the company that would become eToys.com. Zai received an email offering “a reasonable sum” for the etoy.com domain name. Zai was not amused. “Damned Americans, they think they can take our hunting grounds for a handful of glass pearls….”. (Wishart & Boschler: 133) On an invitation from Suzy Meszoly of C3, the etoy boys traveled to Budapest to work on “protected by etoy”, a work exploring internet security. They spent most of their time – and C3’s grant money – producing a glossy corporate brochure. The folder sported a blurb from Bjork: “etoy: immature priests from another world” – which was of course completely fabricated. When Artothek, the official art collection of the Austrian Chancellor, approached etoy wanting to buy work, the group had to confront the problem of how to actually turn their brand into a product. The idea was always that the brand was the product, but this doesn’t quite resolve the question of how to produce the kind of unique artifacts that the art world requires. Certainly the old Conceptual Art strategy of selling ‘documentation’ would not do. The solution was as brilliant as it was simple – to sell etoy shares. The ‘works’ would be ‘share certificates’ – unique objects, whose only value, on the face of it, would be that they referred back to the value of the brand. The inspiration, according to Wishart & Boschsler, was David Bowie, ‘the man who sold the world’, who had announced the first rock and roll bond on the London financial markets, backed by future earnings of his back catalogue and publishing rights. Gramazio would end up presenting Chancellor Viktor Klima with the first ‘shares’ at a press conference. “It was a great start for the project”, he said, “A real hack.” (Wishart & Boschler: 142) For this vectoral age, etoy would create the perfect vectoral art. Zai and Brainhard took off next for Pasadena, where they got the idea of reverse-engineering the online etoy.TANKSYSTEM by building an actual tank in an orange shipping container, which would become etoy.TANK 17. This premiered at the San Francisco gallery Blasthaus in June 1998. Instant stars in the small world of San Francisco art, the group began once again to disintegrate. Brainhard and Esposito resigned. Back in Europe in late 1998, Zai was preparing to graduate from the Vienna Academy of Applied Arts. His final project would recapitulate the life and death of etoy. It would exist from here on only as an online archive, a digital mausoleum. As Kubli says “there was no possibility to earn our living with etoy.” (Wishart & Boschler: 192) Zai emailed eToys.com and asked them if them if they would like to place a banner ad on etoy.com, to redirect any errant web traffic. Lawyers for eToys.com offered etoy $30,000 for the etoy.com domain name, which the remaining members of etoy – Zai, Gramazio, Kubli – refused. The offer went up to $100,000, which they also refused. Through their lawyer Peter Wild they demanded $750,000. In September 1999, while etoy were making a business presentation as their contribution to Ars Electronica, eToys.com lodged a complaint against etoy in the Los Angeles Superior Court. The company hired Bruce Wessel, of the heavyweight LA law firm Irell & Manella, who specialized in trademark, copyright and other intellectual property litigation. The complaint Wessel drafted alleged that etoy had infringed and diluted the eToys trademark, were practicing unfair competition and had committed “intentional interference with prospective economic damage.” (Wishart & Boschler: 199) Wessel demanded an injunction that would oblige etoy to cease using its trademark and take down its etoy.com website. The complaint also sought to prevent etoy from selling shares, and demanded punitive damages. Displaying the aggressive lawyering for which he was so handsomely paid, Wessel invoked the California Unfair Competition Act, which was meant to protect citizens from fraudulent business scams. Meant as a piece of consumer protection legislation, its sweeping scope made it available for inventive suits such as Wessel’s against etoy. Wessel was able to use pretty much everything from the archive etoy built against it. As Wishart and Bochsler write, “The court papers were like a delicately curated catalogue of its practices.” (Wishart & Boschler: 199) And indeed, legal documents in copyright and trademark cases may be the most perfect literature of the vectoral age. The Unfair Competition claim was probably aimed at getting the suit heard in a Californian rather than a Federal court in which intellectual property issues were less frequently litigated. The central aim of the eToys suit was the trademark infringement, but on that head their claims were not all that strong. According to the 1946 Lanham Act, similar trademarks do not infringe upon each other if there they are for different kinds of business or in different geographical areas. The Act also says that the right to own a trademark depends on its use. So while etoy had not registered their trademark and eToys had, etoy were actually up and running before eToys, and could base their trademark claim on this fact. The eToys case rested on a somewhat selective reading of the facts. Wessel claimed that etoy was not using its trademark in the US when eToys was registered in 1997. Wessel did not dispute the fact that etoy existed in Europe prior to that time. He asserted that owning the etoy.com domain name was not sufficient to establish a right to the trademark. If the intention of the suit was to bully etoy into giving in, it had quite the opposite effect. It pissed them off. “They felt again like the teenage punks they had once been”, as Wishart & Bochsler put it. Their art imploded in on itself for lack of attention, but called upon by another, it flourished. Wessel and eToys.com unintentionally triggered a dialectic that worked in quite the opposite way to what they intended. The more pressure they put on etoy, the more valued – and valuable – they felt etoy to be. Conceptual business, like conceptual art, is about nothing but the management of signs within the constraints of given institutional forms of market. That this conflict was about nothing made it a conflict about everything. It was a perfectly vectoral struggle. Zai and Gramazio flew to the US to fire up enthusiasm for their cause. They asked Wolfgang Staehle of The Thing to register the domain toywar.com, as a space for anti-eToys activities at some remove from etoy.com, and as a safe haven should eToys prevail with their injunction in having etoy.com taken down. The etoy defense was handled by Marcia Ballard in New York and Robert Freimuth in Los Angeles. In their defense, they argued that etoy had existed since 1994, had registered its globally accessible domain in 1995, and won an international art prize in 1996. To counter a claim by eToys that they had a prior trademark claim because they had bought a trademark from another company that went back to 1990, Ballard and Freimuth argued that this particular trademark only applied to the importation of toys from the previous owner’s New York base and thus had no relevance. They capped their argument by charging that eToys had not shown that its customers were really confused by the existence of etoy. With Christmas looming, eToys wanted a quick settlement, so they offered Zurich-based etoy lawyer Peter Wild $160,000 in shares and cash for the etoy domain. Kubli was prepared to negotiate, but Zai and Gramazio wanted to gamble – and raise the stakes. As Zai recalls: “We did not want to be just the victims; that would have been cheap. We wanted to be giants too.” (Wishart & Boschler: 207) They refused the offer. The case was heard in November 1999 before Judge Rafeedie in the Federal Court. Freimuth, for etoy, argued that federal Court was the right place for what was essentially a trademark matter. Robert Kleiger, for eToys, countered that it should stay where it was because of the claims under the California Unfair Competition act. Judge Rafeedie took little time in agreeing with the eToys lawyer. Wessel’s strategy paid off and eToys won the first skirmish. The first round of a quite different kind of conflict opened when etoy sent out their first ‘toywar’ mass mailing, drawing the attention of the net.art, activism and theory crowd to these events. This drew a report from Felix Stalder in Telepolis: “Fences are going up everywhere, molding what once seemed infinite space into an overcrowded and tightly controlled strip mall.” (Stalder ) The positive feedback from the net only emboldened etoy. For the Los Angeles court, lawyers for etoy filed papers arguing that the sale of ‘shares’ in etoy was not really a stock offering. “The etoy.com website is not about commerce per se, it is about artist and social protest”, they argued. (Wishart & Boschler: 209) They were obliged, in other words, to assert a difference that the art itself had intended to blur in order to escape eToy’s claims under the Unfair Competition Act. Moreover, etoy argued that there was no evidence of a victim. Nobody was claiming to have been fooled by etoy into buying something under false pretences. Ironically enough, art would turn out in hindsight to be a more straightforward transaction here, involving less simulation or dissimulation, than investing in a dot.com. Perhaps we have reached the age when art makes more, not less, claim than business to the rhetorical figure of ‘reality’. Having defended what appeared to be the vulnerable point under the Unfair Competition law, etoy went on the attack. It was the failure of eToys to do a proper search for other trademarks that created the problem in the first place. Meanwhile, in Federal Court, lawyers for etoy launched a counter-suit that reversed the claims against them made by eToys on the trademark question. While the suits and counter suits flew, eToys.com upped their offer to settle to a package of cash and shares worth $400,000. This rather puzzled the etoy lawyers. Those choosing to sue don’t usually try at the same time to settle. Lawyer Peter Wild advised his clients to take the money, but the parallel tactics of eToys.com only encouraged them to dig in their heels. “We felt that this was a tremendous final project for etoy”, says Gramazio. As Zai says, “eToys was our ideal enemy – we were its worst enemy.” (Wishart & Boschler: 210) Zai reported the offer to the net in another mass mail. Most people advised them to take the money, including Doug Rushkoff and Heath Bunting. Paul Garrin counseled fighting on. The etoy agents offered to settle for $750,000. The case came to court in late November 1999 before Judge Shook. The Judge accepted the plausibility of the eToys version of the facts on the trademark issue, which included the purchase of a registered trademark from another company that went back to 1990. He issued an injunction on their behalf, and added in his statement that he was worried about “the great danger of children being exposed to profane and hardcore pornographic issues on the computer.” (Wishart & Boschler: 222) The injunction was all eToys needed to get Network Solutions to shut down the etoy.com domain. Zai sent out a press release in early December, which percolated through Slashdot, rhizome, nettime (Staehle) and many other networks, and catalyzed the net community into action. A debate of sorts started on investor websites such as fool.com. The eToys stock price started to slide, and etoy ‘warriors’ felt free to take the credit for it. The story made the New York Times on 9th December, Washington Post on the 10th, Wired News on the 11th. Network Solutions finally removed the etoy.com domain on the 10th December. Zai responded with a press release: “this is robbery of digital territory, American imperialism, corporate destruction and bulldozing in the way of the 19th century.” (Wishart & Boschler: 237) RTMark set up a campaign fund for toywar, managed by Survival Research Laboratories’ Mark Pauline. The RTMark press release promised a “new internet ‘game’ designed to destroy eToys.com.” (Wishart & Boschler: 239) The RTMark press release grabbed the attention of the Associated Press newswire. The eToys.com share price actually rose on December 13th. Goldman Sachs’ e-commerce analyst Anthony Noto argued that the previous declines in the Etoys share price made it a good buy. Goldman Sachs was the lead underwriter of the eToys IPO. Noto’s writings may have been nothing more than the usual ‘IPOetry’ of the time, but the crash of the internet bubble was some months away yet. The RTMark campaign was called ‘The Twelve Days of Christmas’. It used the Floodnet technique that Ricardo Dominguez used in support of the Zapatistas. As Dominguez said, “this hysterical power-play perfectly demonstrates the intensions of the new net elite; to turn the World Wide Web into their own private home-shopping network.” (Wishart & Boschler: 242) The Floodnet attack may have slowed the eToys.com server down a bit, but it was robust and didn’t crash. Ironically, it ran on open source software. Dominguez claims that the ‘Twelve Days’ campaign, which relied on individuals manually launching Floodnet from their own computers, was not designed to destroy the eToys site, but to make a protest felt. “We had a single-bullet script that could have taken down eToys – a tactical nuke, if you will. But we felt this script did not represent the presence of a global group of people gathered to bear witness to a wrong.” (Wishart & Boschler: 245) While the eToys engineers did what they could to keep the site going, eToys also approached universities and businesses whose systems were being used to host Floodnet attacks. The Thing, which hosted Dominguez’s eToys Floodnet site was taken offline by The Thing’s ISP, Verio. After taking down the Floodnet scripts, The Thing was back up, restoring service to the 200 odd websites that The Thing hosted besides the offending Floodnet site. About 200 people gathered on December 20th at a demonstration against eToys outside the Museum of Modern Art. Among the crowd were Santas bearing signs that said ‘Coal for eToys’. The rally, inside the Museum, was led by the Reverend Billy of the Church of Stop Shopping: “We are drowning in a sea of identical details”, he said. (Wishart & Boschler: 249-250) Meanwhile etoy worked on the Toywar Platform, an online agitpop theater spectacle, in which participants could act as soldiers in the toywar. This would take some time to complete – ironically the dispute threatened to end before this last etoy artwork was ready, giving etoy further incentives to keep the dispute alive. The etoy agents had a new lawyer, Chris Truax, who was attracted to the case by the publicity it was generating. Through Truax, etoy offered to sell the etoy domain and trademark for $3.7 million. This may sound like an insane sum, but to put it in perspective, the business.com site changed hands for $7.5 million around this time. On December 29th, Wessel signaled that eToys was prepared to compromise. The problem was, the Toywar Platform was not quite ready, so etoy did what it could to drag out the negotiations. The site went live just before the scheduled court hearings, January 10th 2000. “TOYWAR.com is a place where all servers and all involved people melt and build a living system. In our eyes it is the best way to express and document what’s going on at the moment: people start to about new ways to fight for their ideas, their lifestyle, contemporary culture and power relations.” (Wishart & Boschler: 263) Meanwhile, in a California courtroom, Truax demanded that Network Solutions restore the etoy domain, that eToys pay the etoy legal expenses, and that the case be dropped without prejudice. No settlement was reached. Negotiations dragged on for another two weeks, with the etoy agents’ attention somewhat divided between two horizons – art and law. The dispute was settled on 25th January. Both parties dismissed their complaints without prejudice. The eToys company would pay the etoy artists $40,000 for legal costs, and contact Network Solutions to reinstate the etoy domain. “It was a pleasure doing business with one of the biggest e-commerce giants in the world” ran the etoy press release. (Wishart & Boschler: 265) That would make a charming end to the story. But what goes around comes around. Brainhard, still pissed off with Zai after leaving the group in San Francisco, filed for the etoy trademark in Austria. After that the internal etoy wranglings just gets boring. But it was fun while it lasted. What etoy grasped intuitively was the nexus between the internet as a cultural space and the transformation of the commodity economy in a yet-more abstract direction – its becoming-vectoral. They zeroed in on the heart of the new era of conceptual business – the brand. As Wittgenstein says of language, what gives words meaning is other words, so too for brands. What gives brands meaning is other brands. There is a syntax for brands as there is for words. What etoy discovered is how to insert a new brand into that syntax. The place of eToys as a brand depended on their business competition with other brands – with Toys ‘R’ Us, for example. For etoy, the syntax they discovered for relating their brand to another one was a legal opposition. What made etoy interesting was their lack of moral posturing. Their abandonment of leftist rhetorics opened them up to exploring the territory where media and business meet, but it also made them vulnerable to being consumed by the very dialectic that created the possibility of staging etoy in the first place. By abandoning obsolete political strategies, they discovered a media tactic, which collapsed for want of a new strategy, for the new vectoral terrain on which we find ourselves. Works Cited Negri, Antonio. Time for Revolution. Continuum, London, 2003. Warhol, Andy. From A to B and Back Again. Picador, New York, 1984. Stalder, Felix. ‘Fences in Cyberspace: Recent events in the battle over domain names’. 19 Jun 2003. <http://felix.openflows.org/html/fences.php>. Wark, McKenzie. ‘A Hacker Manifesto [version 4.0]’ 19 Jun 2003. http://subsol.c3.hu/subsol_2/contributors0/warktext.html. Klein, Naomi. No Logo. Harper Collins, London, 2000. Wishart, Adam & Regula Bochsler. Leaving Reality Behind: etoy vs eToys.com & Other Battles to Control Cyberspace Ecco Books, 2003. Staehle, Wolfgang. ‘<nettime> etoy.com shut down by US court.’ 19 Jun 2003. http://amsterdam.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9912/msg00005.html Links http://amsterdam.nettime.org/Lists-Archives/nettime-l-9912/msg00005.htm http://felix.openflows.org/html/fences.html http://subsol.c3.hu/subsol_2/contributors0/warktext.html Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Wark, McKenzie. "Toywars" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/02-toywars.php>. APA Style Wark, M. (2003, Jun 19). Toywars. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/02-toywars.php>

Introduction In October 2008, the UK’s National Videogame Archive became a reality and after years of negotiation, preparation and planning, this partnership between Nottingham Trent University’s Centre for Contemporary Play research group and The National Media Museum, accepted its first public donations to the collection. These first donations came from Sony’s Computer Entertainment Europe’s London Studios who presented the original, pre-production PlayStation 2 EyeToy camera (complete with its hand-written #1 sticker) and Harmonix who crossed the Atlantic to deliver prototypes of the Rock Band drum kit and guitar controllers along with a slew of games. Since then, we have been inundated with donations, enquiries and volunteers offering their services and it is clear that we have exciting and challenging times ahead of us at the NVA as we seek to continue our collecting programme and preserve, conserve, display and interpret these vital parts of popular culture. This essay, however, is not so much a document of these possible futures for our research or the challenges we face in moving forward as it is a discussion of some of the issues that make game preservation a vital and timely undertaking. In briefly telling the story of the genesis of the NVA, I hope to draw attention to some of the peculiarities (in both senses) of the situation in which videogames currently exist. While considerable attention has been paid to the preservation and curation of new media arts (e.g. Cook et al.), comparatively little work has been undertaken in relation to games. Surprisingly, the games industry has been similarly neglectful of the histories of gameplay and gamemaking. Throughout our research, it has became abundantly clear that even those individuals and companies most intimately associated with the development of this form, do not hold their corporate and personal histories in the high esteem we expected (see also Lowood et al.). And so, despite the well-worn bluster of an industry that proclaims itself as culturally significant as Hollywood, it is surprisingly difficult to find a definitive copy of the boxart of the final release of a Triple-A title let alone any of the pre-production materials. Through our journeys in the past couple of years, we have encountered shoeboxes under CEOs’ desks and proud parents’ collections of tapes and press cuttings. These are the closest things to a formalised archive that we currently have for many of the biggest British game development and publishing companies. Not only is this problematic in and of itself as we run the risk of losing titles and documents forever as well as the stories locked up in the memories of key individuals who grow ever older, but also it is symptomatic of an industry that, despite its public proclamations, neither places a high value on its products as popular culture nor truly recognises their impact on that culture. While a few valorised, still-ongoing, franchises like the Super Mario and Legend of Zelda series are repackaged and (digitally) re-released so as to provide continuity with current releases, a huge number of games simply disappear from view once their short period of retail limelight passes. Indeed, my argument in this essay rests to some extent on the admittedly polemical, and maybe even antagonistic, assertion that the past business and marketing practices of the videogames industry are partly to blame for the comparatively underdeveloped state of game preservation and the seemingly low cultural value placed on old games within the mainstream marketplace. Small wonder, then, that archives and formalised collections are not widespread. However antagonistic this point may seem, this essay does not set out merely to criticise the games industry. Indeed, it is important to recognise that the success and viability of projects such as the NVA is derived partly from close collaboration with industry partners. As such, it is my hope that in addition to contributing to the conversation about the importance and need for formalised strategies of game preservation, this essay goes some way to demonstrating the necessity of universities, museums, developers, publishers, advertisers and retailers tackling these issues in partnership. The Best Game Is the Next Game As will be clear from these opening paragraphs, this essay is primarily concerned with ‘old’ games. Perhaps surprisingly, however, we shall see that ‘old’ games are frequently not that old at all as even the shiniest, and newest of interactive experiences soon slip from view under the pressure of a relentless industrial and institutional push towards the forthcoming release and the ‘next generation’. More surprising still is that ‘old’ games are often difficult to come by as they occupy, at best, a marginalised position in the contemporary marketplace, assuming they are even visible at all. This is an odd situation. Videogames are, as any introductory primer on game studies will surely reveal, big business (see Kerr, for instance, as well as trade bodies such as ELSPA and The ESA for up-to-date sales figures). Given the videogame industry seems dedicated to growing its business and broadening its audiences (see Radd on Sony’s ‘Game 3.0’ strategy, for instance), it seems strange, from a commercial perspective if no other, that publishers’ and developers’ back catalogues are not being mercilessly plundered to wring the last pennies of profit from their IPs. Despite being cherished by players and fans, some of whom are actively engaged in their own private collecting and curation regimes (sometimes to apparently obsessive excess as Jones, among others, has noted), videogames have, nonetheless, been undervalued as part of our national popular cultural heritage by institutions of memory such as museums and archives which, I would suggest, have largely ignored and sometimes misunderstood or misrepresented them. Most of all, however, I wish to draw attention to the harm caused by the videogames industry itself. Consumers’ attentions are focused on ‘products’, on audiovisual (but mainly visual) technicalities and high-definition video specs rather than on the experiences of play and performance, or on games as artworks or artefact. Most damagingly, however, by constructing and contributing to an advertising, marketing and popular critical discourse that trades almost exclusively in the language of instant obsolescence, videogames have been robbed of their historical value and old platforms and titles are reduced to redundant, legacy systems and easily-marginalised ‘retro’ curiosities. The vision of inevitable technological progress that the videogames industry trades in reminds us of Paul Duguid’s concept of ‘supersession’ (see also Giddings and Kennedy, on the ‘technological imaginary’). Duguid identifies supersession as one of the key tropes in discussions of new media. The reductive idea that each new form subsumes and replaces its predecessor means that videogames are, to some extent, bound up in the same set of tensions that undermine the longevity of all new media. Chun rightly notes that, in contrast with more open terms like multimedia, ‘new media’ has always been somewhat problematic. Unaccommodating, ‘it portrayed other media as old or dead; it converged rather than multiplied; it did not efface itself in favor of a happy if redundant plurality’ (1). The very newness of new media and of videogames as the apotheosis of the interactivity and multimodality they promise (Newman, "In Search"), their gleam and shine, is quickly tarnished as they are replaced by ever-newer, ever more exciting, capable and ‘revolutionary’ technologies whose promise and moment in the limelight is, in turn, equally fleeting. As Franzen has noted, obsolescence and the trail of abandoned, superseded systems is a natural, even planned-for, product of an infatuation with the newness of new media. For Kline et al., the obsession with obsolescence leads to the characterisation of the videogames industry as a ‘perpetual innovation economy’ whose institutions ‘devote a growing share of their resources to the continual alteration and upgrading of their products. However, it is my contention here that the supersessionary tendency exerts a more serious impact on videogames than some other media partly because the apparently natural logic of obsolescence and technological progress goes largely unchecked and partly because there remain few institutions dedicated to considering and acting upon game preservation. The simple fact, as Lowood et al. have noted, is that material damage is being done as a result of this manufactured sense of continual progress and immediate, irrefutable obsolescence. By focusing on the upcoming new release and the preview of what is yet to come; by exciting gamers about what is in development and demonstrating the manifest ways in which the sheen of the new inevitably tarnishes the old. That which is replaced is fit only for the bargain bin or the budget-priced collection download, and as such, it is my position that we are systematically undermining and perhaps even eradicating the possibility of a thorough and well-documented history for videogames. This is a situation that we at the National Videogame Archive, along with colleagues in the emerging field of game preservation (e.g. the International Game Developers Association Game Preservation Special Interest Group, and the Keeping Emulation Environments Portable project) are, naturally, keen to address. Chief amongst our concerns is better understanding how it has come to be that, in 2009, game studies scholars and colleagues from across the memory and heritage sectors are still only at the beginning of the process of considering game preservation. The IGDA Game Preservation SIG was founded only five years ago and its ‘White Paper’ (Lowood et al.) is just published. Surprisingly, despite the importance of videogames within popular culture and the emergence and consolidation of the industry as a potent creative force, there remains comparatively little academic commentary or investigation into the specific situation and life-cycles of games or the demands that they place upon archivists and scholars of digital histories and cultural heritage. As I hope to demonstrate in this essay, one of the key tasks of the project of game preservation is to draw attention to the consequences of the concentration, even fetishisation, of the next generation, the new and the forthcoming. The focus on what I have termed ‘the lure of the imminent’ (e.g. Newman, Playing), the fixation on not only the present but also the as-yet-unreleased next generation, has contributed to the normalisation of the discourses of technological advancement and the inevitability and finality of obsolescence. The conflation of gameplay pleasure and cultural import with technological – and indeed, usually visual – sophistication gives rise to a context of endless newness, within which there appears to be little space for the ‘outdated’, the ‘superseded’ or the ‘old’. In a commercial and cultural space in which so little value is placed upon anything but the next game, we risk losing touch with the continuities of development and the practices of play while simultaneously robbing players and scholars of the critical tools and resources necessary for contextualised appreciation and analysis of game form and aesthetics, for instance (see Monnens, "Why", for more on the value of preserving ‘old’ games for analysis and scholarship). Moreover, we risk losing specific games, platforms, artefacts and products as they disappear into the bargain bucket or crumble to dust as media decay, deterioration and ‘bit rot’ (Monnens, "Losing") set in. Space does not here permit a discussion of the scope and extent of the preservation work required (for instance, the NVA sets its sights on preserving, documenting, interpreting and exhibiting ‘videogame culture’ in its broadest sense and recognises the importance of videogames as more than just code and as enmeshed within complex networks of productive, consumptive and performative practices). Neither is it my intention to discuss here the specific challenges and numerous issues associated with archival and exhibition tools such as emulation which seek to rebirth code on up-to-date, manageable, well-supported hardware platforms but which are frequently insensitive to the specificities and nuances of the played experience (see Newman, "On Emulation", for some further notes on videogame emulation, archiving and exhibition and Takeshita’s comments in Nutt on the technologies and aesthetics of glitches, for instance). Each of these issues is vitally important and will, doubtless become a part of the forthcoming research agenda for game preservation scholars. My focus here, however, is rather more straightforward and foundational and though it is deliberately controversial, it is my hope that its casts some light over some ingrained assumptions about videogames and the magnitude and urgency of the game preservation project. Videogames Are Disappearing? At a time when retailers’ shelves struggle under the weight of newly-released titles and digital distribution systems such as Steam, the PlayStation Network, Xbox Live Marketplace, WiiWare, DSiWare et al bring new ways to purchase and consume playable content, it might seem strange to suggest that videogames are disappearing. In addition to what we have perhaps come to think of as the ‘usual suspects’ in the hardware and software publishing marketplace, over the past year or so Apple have, unexpectedly and perhaps even surprising themselves, carved out a new gaming platform with the iPhone/iPod Touch and have dramatically simplified the notoriously difficult process of distributing mobile content with the iTunes App Store. In the face of this apparent glut of games and the emergence and (re)discovery of new markets with the iPhone, Wii and Nintendo DS, videogames seem an ever more a vital and visible part of popular culture. Yet, for all their commercial success and seemingly penetration the simple fact is that they are disappearing. And at an alarming rate. Addressing the IGDA community of game developers and producers, Henry Lowood makes the point with admirable clarity (see also Ruggill and McAllister): If we fail to address the problems of game preservation, the games you are making will disappear, perhaps within a few decades. You will lose access to your own intellectual property, you will be unable to show new developers the games you designed or that inspired you, and you may even find it necessary to re-invent a bunch of wheels. (Lowood et al. 1) For me, this point hit home most persuasively a few years ago when, along with Iain Simons, I was invited by the British Film Institute to contribute a book to their ‘Screen Guides’ series. 100 Videogames (Newman and Simons) was an intriguing prospect that provided us with the challenge and opportunity to explore some of the key moments in videogaming’s forty year history. However, although the research and writing processes proved to be an immensely pleasurable and rewarding experience that we hope culminated in an accessible, informative volume offering insight into some well-known (and some less-well known) games, the project was ultimately tinged with a more than a little disappointment and frustration. Assuming our book had successfully piqued the interest of our readers into rediscovering games previously played or perhaps investigating games for the first time, what could they then do? Where could they go to find these games in order to experience their delights (or their flaws and problems) at first hand? Had our volume been concerned with television or film, as most of the Screen Guides are, then online and offline retailers, libraries, and even archives for less widely-available materials, would have been obvious ports of call. For the student of videogames, however, the choices are not so much limited as practically non-existant. It is only comparatively recently that videogame retailers have shifted away from an almost exclusive focus on new releases and the zeitgeist platforms towards a recognition of old games and systems through the creation of the ‘pre-owned’ marketplace. The ‘pre-owned’ transaction is one in which old titles may be traded in for cash or against the purchase of new releases of hardware or software. Surely, then, this represents the commercial viability of classic games and is a recognition on the part of retail that the new release is not the only game in town. Yet, if we consider more carefully the ‘pre-owned’ model, we find a few telling points. First, there is cold economic sense to the pre-owned business model. In their financial statements for FY08, ‘GAME revealed that the service isn’t just a key part of its offer to consumers, but its also represents an ‘attractive’ gross margin 39 per cent.’ (French). Second, and most important, the premise of the pre-owned business as it is communicated to consumers still offers nothing but primacy to the new release. That one would trade-in one’s old games in order to consume these putatively better new ones speaks eloquently in the language of obsolesce and what Dovey and Kennedy have called the ‘technological imaginary’. The wire mesh buckets of old, pre-owned games are not displayed or coded as treasure troves for the discerning or completist collector but rather are nothing more than bargain bins. These are not classic games. These are cheap games. Cheap because they are old. Cheap because they have had their day. This is a curious situation that affects videogames most unfairly. Of course, my caricature of the videogame retailer is still incomplete as a good deal of the instantly visible shopfloor space is dedicated neither to pre-owned nor new releases but rather to displays of empty boxes often sporting unfinalised, sometimes mocked-up, boxart flaunting titles available for pre-order. Titles you cannot even buy yet. In the videogames marketplace, even the present is not exciting enough. The best game is always the next game. Importantly, retail is not alone in manufacturing this sense of dissatisfaction with the past and even the present. The specialist videogames press plays at least as important a role in reinforcing and normalising the supersessionary discourse of instant obsolescence by fixing readers’ attentions and expectations on the just-visible horizon. Examining the pages of specialist gaming publications reveals them to be something akin to Futurist paeans dedicating anything from 70 to 90% of their non-advertising pages to previews, interviews with developers about still-in-development titles (see Newman, Playing, for more on the specialist gaming press’ love affair with the next generation and the NDA scoop). Though a small number of publications specifically address retro titles (e.g. Imagine Publishing’s Retro Gamer), most titles are essentially vehicles to promote current and future product lines with many magazines essentially operating as delivery devices for cover-mounted CDs/DVDs offering teaser videos or playable demos of forthcoming titles to further whet the appetite. Manufacturing a sense of excitement might seem wholly natural and perhaps even desirable in helping to maintain a keen interest in gaming culture but the effect of the imbalance of popular coverage has a potentially deleterious effect on the status of superseded titles. Xbox World 360’s magnificently-titled ‘Anticip–O–Meter’ ™ does more than simply build anticipation. Like regular features that run under headings such as ‘The Next Best Game in The World Ever is…’, it seeks to author not so much excitement about the imminent release but a dissatisfaction with the present with which unfavourable comparisons are inevitably drawn. The current or previous crop of (once new, let us not forget) titles are not simply superseded but rather are reinvented as yardsticks to judge the prowess of the even newer and unarguably ‘better’. As Ashton has noted, the continual promotion of the impressiveness of the next generation requires a delicate balancing act and a selective, institutionalised system of recall and forgetting that recovers the past as a suite of (often technical) benchmarks (twice as many polygons, higher resolution etc.) In the absence of formalised and systematic collecting, these obsoleted titles run the risk of being forgotten forever once they no longer serve the purpose of demonstrating the comparative advancement of the successors. The Future of Videogaming’s Past Even if we accept the myriad claims of game studies scholars that videogames are worthy of serious interrogation in and of themselves and as part of a multifaceted, transmedial supersystem, we might be tempted to think that the lack of formalised collections, archival resources and readily available ‘old/classic’ titles at retail is of no great significance. After all, as Jones has observed, the videogame player is almost primed to undertake this kind of activity as gaming can, at least partly, be understood as the act and art of collecting. Games such as Animal Crossing make this tendency most manifest by challenging their players to collect objects and artefacts – from natural history through to works of visual art – so as to fill the initially-empty in-game Museum’s cases. While almost all videogames from The Sims to Katamari Damacy can be considered to engage their players in collecting and collection management work to some extent, Animal Crossing is perhaps the most pertinent example of the indivisibility of the gamer/archivist. Moreover, the permeability of the boundary between the fan’s collection of toys, dolls, posters and the other treasured objects of merchandising and the manipulation of inventories, acquisitions and equipment lists that we see in the menus and gameplay imperatives of videogames ensures an extensiveness and scope of fan collecting and archival work. Similarly, the sociality of fan collecting and the value placed on private hoarding, public sharing and the processes of research ‘…bridges to new levels of the game’ (Jones 48). Perhaps we should be as unsurprised that their focus on collecting makes videogames similar to eBay as we are to the realisation that eBay with its competitiveness, its winning and losing states, and its inexorable countdown timer, is nothing if not a game? We should be mindful, however, of overstating the positive effects of fandom on the fate of old games. Alongside eBay’s veneration of the original object, p2p and bittorrent sites reduce the videogame to its barest. Quite apart from the (il)legality of emulation and videogame ripping and sharing (see Conley et al.), the existence of ‘ROMs’ and the technicalities of their distribution reveals much about the peculiar tension between the interest in old games and their putative cultural and economic value. (St)ripped down to the barest of code, ROMs deny the gamer the paratextuality of the instruction manual or boxart. In fact, divorced from its context and robbed of its materiality, ROMs perhaps serve to make the original game even more distant. More tellingly, ROMs are typically distributed by the thousand in zipped files. And so, in just a few minutes, entire console back-catalogues – every game released in every territory – are available for browsing and playing on a PC or Mac. The completism of the collections allows detailed scrutiny of differences in Japanese versus European releases, for instance, and can be seen as a vital investigative resource. However, that these ROMs are packaged into collections of many thousands speaks implicitly of these games’ perceived value. In a similar vein, the budget-priced retro re-release collection helps to diminish the value of each constituent game and serves to simultaneously manufacture and highlight the manifestly unfair comparison between these intriguingly retro curios and the legitimately full-priced games of now and next. Customer comments at Amazon.co.uk demonstrate the way in which historical and technological comparisons are now solidly embedded within the popular discourse (see also Newman 2009b). Leaving feedback on Sega’s PS3/Xbox 360 Sega MegaDrive Ultimate Collection customers berate the publisher for the apparently meagre selection of titles on offer. Interestingly, this charge seems based less around the quality, variety or range of the collection but rather centres on jarring technological schisms and a clear sense of these titles being of necessarily and inevitably diminished monetary value. Comments range from outraged consternation, ‘Wtf, only 40 games?’, ‘I wont be getting this as one disc could hold the entire arsenal of consoles and games from commodore to sega saturn(Maybe even Dreamcast’ through to more detailed analyses that draw attention to the number of bits and bytes but that notably neglect any consideration of gameplay, experientiality, cultural significance or, heaven forbid, fun. “Ultimate” Collection? 32Mb of games on a Blu-ray disc?…here are 40 Megadrive games at a total of 31 Megabytes of data. This was taking the Michael on a DVD release for the PS2 (or even on a UMD for the PSP), but for a format that can store 50 Gigabytes of data, it’s an insult. Sega’s entire back catalogue of Megadrive games only comes to around 800 Megabytes - they could fit that several times over on a DVD. The ultimate consequence of these different but complementary attitudes to games that fix attentions on the future and package up decontextualised ROMs by the thousand or even collections of 40 titles on a single disc (selling for less than half the price of one of the original cartridges) is a disregard – perhaps even a disrespect – for ‘old’ games. Indeed, it is this tendency, this dominant discourse of inevitable, natural and unimpeachable obsolescence and supersession, that provided one of the prime motivators for establishing the NVA. As Lowood et al. note in the title of the IGDA Game Preservation SIG’s White Paper, we need to act to preserve and conserve videogames ‘before it’s too late’.ReferencesAshton, D. ‘Digital Gaming Upgrade and Recovery: Enrolling Memories and Technologies as a Strategy for the Future.’ M/C Journal 11.6 (2008). 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/86›.Buffa, C. ‘How to Fix Videogame Journalism.’ GameDaily 20 July 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/how-to-fix-videogame-journalism/69202/?biz=1›. ———. ‘Opinion: How to Become a Better Videogame Journalist.’ GameDaily 28 July 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/opinion-how-to-become-a-better-videogame-journalist/69236/?biz=1. ———. ‘Opinion: The Videogame Review – Problems and Solutions.’ GameDaily 2 Aug. 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/opinion-the-videogame-review-problems-and-solutions/69257/?biz=1›. ———. ‘Opinion: Why Videogame Journalism Sucks.’ GameDaily 14 July 2006. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.gamedaily.com/articles/features/opinion-why-videogame-journalism-sucks/69180/?biz=1›. Cook, Sarah, Beryl Graham, and Sarah Martin eds. Curating New Media, Gateshead: BALTIC, 2002. Duguid, Paul. ‘Material Matters: The Past and Futurology of the Book.’ In Gary Nunberg, ed. The Future of the Book. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996. 63–101. French, Michael. 'GAME Reveals Pre-Owned Trading Is 18% of Business.’ MCV 22 Apr. 2009. 13 Jun 2009 ‹http://www.mcvuk.com/news/34019/GAME-reveals-pre-owned-trading-is-18-per-cent-of-business›. Giddings, Seth, and Helen Kennedy. ‘Digital Games as New Media.’ In J. Rutter and J. Bryce, eds. Understanding Digital Games. London: Sage. 129–147. Gillen, Kieron. ‘The New Games Journalism.’ Kieron Gillen’s Workblog 2004. 13 June 2009 ‹http://gillen.cream.org/wordpress_html/?page_id=3›. Jones, S. The Meaning of Video Games: Gaming and Textual Strategies, New York: Routledge, 2008. Kerr, A. The Business and Culture of Digital Games. London: Sage, 2006. Lister, Martin, John Dovey, Seth Giddings, Ian Grant and Kevin Kelly. New Media: A Critical Introduction. London and New York: Routledge, 2003. Lowood, Henry, Andrew Armstrong, Devin Monnens, Zach Vowell, Judd Ruggill, Ken McAllister, and Rachel Donahue. Before It's Too Late: A Digital Game Preservation White Paper. IGDA, 2009. 13 June 2009 ‹http://www.igda.org/wiki/images/8/83/IGDA_Game_Preservation_SIG_-_Before_It%27s_Too_Late_-_A_Digital_Game_Preservation_White_Paper.pdf›. Monnens, Devin. ‘Why Are Games Worth Preserving?’ In Before It's Too Late: A Digital Game Preservation White Paper. IGDA, 2009. 13 June 2009 ‹http://www.igda.org/wiki/images/8/83/IGDA_Game_Preservation_SIG_-_Before_It%27s_Too_Late_-_A_Digital_Game_Preservation_White_Paper.pdf›. ———. ‘Losing Digital Game History: Bit by Bit.’ In Before It's Too Late: A Digital Game Preservation White Paper. IGDA, 2009. 13 June 2009 ‹http://www.igda.org/wiki/images/8/83/IGDA_Game_Preservation_SIG_-_Before_It%27s_Too_Late_-_A_Digital_Game_Preservation_White_Paper.pdf›. Newman, J. ‘In Search of the Videogame Player: The Lives of Mario.’ New Media and Society 4.3 (2002): 407-425.———. ‘On Emulation.’ The National Videogame Archive Research Diary, 2009. 13 June 2009 ‹http://www.nationalvideogamearchive.org/index.php/2009/04/on-emulation/›. ———. ‘Our Cultural Heritage – Available by the Bucketload.’ The National Videogame Archive Research Diary, 2009. 10 Apr. 2009 ‹http://www.nationalvideogamearchive.org/index.php/2009/04/our-cultural-heritage-available-by-the-bucketload/›. ———. Playing with Videogames, London: Routledge, 2008. ———, and I. Simons. 100 Videogames. London: BFI Publishing, 2007. Nutt, C. ‘He Is 8-Bit: Capcom's Hironobu Takeshita Speaks.’ Gamasutra 2008. 13 June 2009 ‹http://www.gamasutra.com/view/feature/3752/›. Radd, D. ‘Gaming 3.0. Sony’s Phil Harrison Explains the PS3 Virtual Community, Home.’ Business Week 9 Mar. 2007. 13 June 2009 ‹http://www.businessweek.com/innovate/content/mar2007/id20070309_764852.htm?chan=innovation_game+room_top+stories›. Ruggill, Judd, and Ken McAllister. ‘What If We Do Nothing?’ Before It's Too Late: A Digital Game Preservation White Paper. IGDA, 2009. 13 June 2009. ‹http://www.igda.org/wiki/images/8/83/IGDA_Game_Preservation_SIG_-_Before_It%27s_Too_Late_-_A_Digital_Game_Preservation_White_Paper.pdf›. 16-19.

Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.

This article investigates the prosthesis of identity through the process of branding. It examines cross-cultural manifestations of this phenomena from sixth millennium BCE Syria to twelfth century Japan and Britain. From the Neolithic Era, humanity has sort to extend their identities using pictorial signs that were characteristically simple. Designed to be distinctive and instantly recognisable, the totemic symbols served to signal the origin of the bearer. Subsequently, the development of branding coincided with periods of increased in mobility both in respect to geography and social strata. This includes fifth millennium Mesopotamia, nineteenth century Britain, and America during the 1920s.There are fewer articles of greater influence on contemporary culture than A Theory of Human Motivation written by Abraham Maslow in 1943. Nearly seventy-five years later, his theories about the societal need for “belongingness” and “esteem” remain a mainstay of advertising campaigns (Maslow). Although the principles are used to sell a broad range of products from shampoo to breakfast cereal they are epitomised by apparel. This is with refence to garments and accessories bearing corporation logos. Whereas other purchased items, imbued with abstract products, are intended for personal consumption the public display of these symbols may be interpreted as a form of signalling. The intention of the wearers is to literally seek the fulfilment of the aforementioned social needs. This article investigates the use of brands as prosthesis.Coats and Crests: Identity Garnered on Garments in the Middle Ages and the Muromachi PeriodA logo, at its most basic, is a pictorial sign. In his essay, The Visual Language, Ernest Gombrich described the principle as reducing images to “distinctive features” (Gombrich 46). They represent a “simplification of code,” the meaning of which we are conditioned to recognise (Gombrich 46). Logos may also be interpreted as a manifestation of totemism. According to anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss, the principle exists in all civilisations and reflects an effort to evoke the power of nature (71-127). Totemism is also a method of population distribution (Levi-Strauss 166).This principle, in a form garnered on garments, is manifested in Mon Kiri. The practice of cutting out family crests evolved into a form of corporate branding in Japan during the Meiji Period (1868-1912) (Christensen 14). During the Muromachi period (1336-1573) the crests provided an integral means of identification on the battlefield (Christensen 13). The adorning of crests on armour was also exercised in Europe during the twelfth century, when the faces of knights were similarly obscured by helmets (Family Crests of Japan 8). Both Mon Kiri and “Coat[s] of Arms” utilised totemic symbols (Family Crests of Japan 8; Elven 14; Christensen 13). The mon for the imperial family (figs. 1 & 2) during the Muromachi Period featured chrysanthemum and paulownia flowers (Goin’ Japaneque). “Coat[s] of Arms” in Britain featured a menagerie of animals including lions (fig. 3), horses and eagles (Elven).The prothesis of identity through garnering symbols on the battlefield provided “safety” through demonstrating “belongingness”. This constituted a conflation of two separate “needs” in the “hierarchy of prepotency” propositioned by Maslow. Fig. 1. The mon symbolising the Imperial Family during the Muromachi Period featured chrysanthemum and paulownia. "Kamon (Japanese Family Crests): Ancient Key to Samurai Culture." Goin' Japaneque! 15 Nov. 2015. 27 July 2019 <http://goinjapanesque.com/05983/>.Fig. 2. An example of the crest being utilised on a garment can be found in this portrait of samurai Oda Nobunaga. "Japan's 12 Most Famous Samurai." All About Japan. 27 Aug. 2018. 27 July 2019 <https://allabout-japan.com/en/article/5818/>.Fig. 3. A detail from the “Index of Subjects of Crests.” Elven, John Peter. The Book of Family Crests: Comprising Nearly Every Family Bearing, Properly Blazoned and Explained, Accompanied by Upwards of Four Thousand Engravings. Henry Washbourne, 1847.The Pursuit of Prestige: Prosthetic Pedigree from the Late Georgian to the Victorian Eras In 1817, the seal engraver to Prince Regent, Alexander Deuchar, described the function of family crests in British Crests: Containing The Crest and Mottos of The Families of Great Britain and Ireland; Together with Those of The Principal Cities and Heraldic Terms as follows: The first approach to civilization is the distinction of ranks. So necessary is this to the welfare and existence of society, that, without it, anarchy and confusion must prevail… In an early stage, heraldic emblems were characteristic of the bearer… Certain ordinances were made, regulating the mode of bearing arms, and who were entitled to bear them. (i-v)The partitioning of social classes in Britain had deteriorated by the time this compendium was published, with displays of “conspicuous consumption” displacing “heraldic emblems” as a primary method of status signalling (Deuchar 2; Han et al. 18). A consumerism born of newfound affluence, and the desire to signify this wealth through luxury goods, was as integral to the Industrial Revolution as technological development. In Rebels against the Future, published in 1996, Kirkpatrick Sale described the phenomenon:A substantial part of the new population, though still a distinct minority, was made modestly affluent, in some places quite wealthy, by privatization of of the countryside and the industrialization of the cities, and by the sorts of commercial and other services that this called forth. The new money stimulated the consumer demand… that allowed a market economy of a scope not known before. (40)This also reflected improvements in the provision of “health, food [and] education” (Maslow; Snow 25-28). With their “physiological needs” accommodated, this ”substantial part” of the population were able to prioritised their “esteem needs” including the pursuit for prestige (Sale 40; Maslow).In Britain during the Middle Ages laws “specified in minute detail” what each class was permitted to wear (Han et al. 15). A groom, for example, was not able to wear clothing that exceeded two marks in value (Han et al. 15). In a distinct departure during the Industrial Era, it was common for the “middling and lower classes” to “ape” the “fashionable vices of their superiors” (Sale 41). Although mon-like labels that were “simplified so as to be conspicuous and instantly recognisable” emerged in Europe during the nineteenth century their application on garments remained discrete up until the early twentieth century (Christensen 13-14; Moore and Reid 24). During the 1920s, the French companies Hermes and Coco Chanel were amongst the clothing manufacturers to pioneer this principle (Chaney; Icon).During the 1860s, Lincolnshire-born Charles Frederick Worth affixed gold stamped labels to the insides of his garments (Polan et al. 9; Press). Operating from Paris, the innovation was consistent with the introduction of trademark laws in France in 1857 (Lopes et al.). He would become known as the “Father of Haute Couture”, creating dresses for royalty and celebrities including Empress Eugene from Constantinople, French actress Sarah Bernhardt and Australian Opera Singer Nellie Melba (Lopes et al.; Krick). The clothing labels proved and ineffective deterrent to counterfeit, and by the 1890s the House of Worth implemented other measures to authenticate their products (Press). The legitimisation of the origin of a product is, arguably, the primary function of branding. This principle is also applicable to subjects. The prothesis of brands, as totemic symbols, assisted consumers to relocate themselves within a new system of population distribution (Levi-Strauss 166). It was one born of commerce as opposed to heraldry.Selling of Self: Conferring Identity from the Neolithic to Modern ErasIn his 1817 compendium on family crests, Deuchar elaborated on heraldry by writing:Ignoble birth was considered as a stain almost indelible… Illustrious parentage, on the other hand, constituted the very basis of honour: it communicated peculiar rights and privileges, to which the meaner born man might not aspire. (v-vi)The Twinings Logo (fig. 4) has remained unchanged since the design was commissioned by the grandson of the company founder Richard Twining in 1787 (Twining). In addition to reflecting the heritage of the family-owned company, the brand indicated the origin of the tea. This became pertinent during the nineteenth century. Plantations began to operate from Assam to Ceylon (Jones 267-269). Amidst the rampant diversification of tea sources in the Victorian era, concerns about the “unhygienic practices” of Chinese producers were proliferated (Wengrow 11). Subsequently, the brand also offered consumers assurance in quality. Fig. 4. The Twinings Logo reproduced from "History of Twinings." Twinings. 24 July 2019 <https://www.twinings.co.uk/about-twinings/history-of-twinings>.The term ‘brand’, adapted from the Norse “brandr”, was introduced into the English language during the sixteenth century (Starcevic 179). At its most literal, it translates as to “burn down” (Starcevic 179). Using hot elements to singe markings onto animals been recorded as early as 2700 BCE in Egypt (Starcevic 182). However, archaeologists concur that the modern principle of branding predates this practice. The implementation of carved seals or stamps to make indelible impressions of handcrafted objects dates back to Prehistoric Mesopotamia (Starcevic 183; Wengrow 13). Similar traditions developed during the Bronze Age in both China and the Indus Valley (Starcevic 185). In all three civilisations branding facilitated both commerce and aspects of Totemism. In the sixth millennium BCE in “Prehistoric” Mesopotamia, referred to as the Halaf period, stone seals were carved to emulate organic form such as animal teeth (Wengrow 13-14). They were used to safeguard objects by “confer[ring] part of the bearer’s personality” (Wengrow 14). They were concurrently applied to secure the contents of vessels containing “exotic goods” used in transactions (Wengrow 15). Worn as amulets (figs. 5 & 6) the seals, and the symbols they produced, were a physical extension of their owners (Wengrow 14).Fig. 5. Recreation of stamp seal amulets from Neolithic Mesopotamia during the sixth millennium BCE. Wengrow, David. "Prehistories of Commodity Branding." Current Anthropology 49.1 (2008): 14.Fig. 6. “Lot 25Y: Rare Syrian Steatite Amulet – Fertility God 5000 BCE.” The Salesroom. 27 July 2019 <https://www.the-saleroom.com/en-gb/auction-catalogues/artemis-gallery-ancient-art/catalogue-id-srartem10006/lot-a850d229-a303-4bae-b68c-a6130005c48a>. Fig. 7. Recreation of stamp seal designs from Mesopotamia from the late fifth to fourth millennium BCE. Wengrow, David. "Prehistories of Commodity Branding." Current Anthropology 49. 1 (2008): 16.In the following millennia, the seals would increase exponentially in application and aesthetic complexity (fig. 7) to support the development of household cum cottage industries (Wengrow 15). In addition to handcrafts, sealed vessels would transport consumables such as wine, aromatic oils and animal fats (Wengrow 18). The illustrations on the seals included depictions of rituals undertaken by human figures and/or allegories using animals. It can be ascertained that the transition in the Victorian Era from heraldry to commerce, from family to corporation, had precedence. By extension, consumers were able to participate in this process of value attribution using brands as signifiers. The principle remained prevalent during the modern and post-modern eras and can be respectively interpreted using structuralist and post-structuralist theory.Totemism to Simulacrum: The Evolution of Advertising from the Modern to Post-Modern Eras In 2011, Lisa Chaney wrote of the inception of the Coco Chanel logo (fig. 8) in her biography Chanel: An Intimate Life: A crucial element in the signature design of the Chanel No.5 bottle is the small black ‘C’ within a black circle set as the seal at the neck. On the top of the lid are two more ‘C’s, intertwined back to back… from at least 1924, the No5 bottles sported the unmistakable logo… these two ‘C’s referred to Gabrielle, – in other words Coco Chanel herself, and would become the logo for the House of Chanel. Chaney continued by describing Chanel’s fascination of totemic symbols as expressed through her use of tarot cards. She also “surrounded herself with objects ripe with meaning” such as representations of wheat and lions in reference prosperity and to her zodiac symbol ‘Leo’ respectively. Fig. 8. No5 Chanel Perfume, released in 1924, featured a seal-like logo attached to the bottle neck. “No5.” Chanel. 25 July 2019 <https://www.chanel.com/us/fragrance/p/120450/n5-parfum-grand-extrait/>.Fig. 9. This illustration of the bottle by Georges Goursat was published in a women’s magazine circa 1920s. “1921 Chanel No5.” Inside Chanel. 26 July 2019 <http://inside.chanel.com/en/timeline/1921_no5>; “La 4éme Fête de l’Histoire Samedi 16 et dimache 17 juin.” Ville de Perigueux. Musée d’art et d’archéologie du Périgord. 28 Mar. 2018. 26 July 2019 <https://www.perigueux-maap.fr/category/archives/page/5/>. This product was considered the “financial basis” of the Chanel “empire” which emerged during the second and third decades of the twentieth century (Tikkanen). Chanel is credited for revolutionising Haute Couture by introducing chic modern designs that emphasised “simplicity and comfort.” This was as opposed to the corseted highly embellished fashion that characterised the Victorian Era (Tikkanen). The lavish designs released by the House of Worth were, in and of themselves, “conspicuous” displays of “consumption” (Veblen 17). In contrast, the prestige and status associated with the “poor girl” look introduced by Chanel was invested in the story of the designer (Tikkanen). A primary example is her marinière or sailor’s blouse with a Breton stripe that epitomised her ascension from café singer to couturier (Tikkanen; Burstein 8). This signifier might have gone unobserved by less discerning consumers of fashion if it were not for branding. Not unlike the Prehistoric Mesopotamians, this iteration of branding is a process which “confer[s]” the “personality” of the designer into the garment (Wengrow 13 -14). The wearer of the garment is, in turn, is imbued by extension. Advertisers in the post-structuralist era embraced Levi-Strauss’s structuralist anthropological theories (Williamson 50). This is with particular reference to “bricolage” or the “preconditioning” of totemic symbols (Williamson 173; Pool 50). Subsequently, advertising creatives cum “bricoleur” employed his principles to imbue the brands with symbolic power. This symbolic capital was, arguably, transferable to the product and, ultimately, to its consumer (Williamson 173).Post-structuralist and semiotician Jean Baudrillard “exhaustively” critiqued brands and the advertising, or simulacrum, that embellished them between the late 1960s and early 1980s (Wengrow 10-11). In Simulacra and Simulation he wrote,it is the reflection of a profound reality; it masks and denatures a profound reality; it masks the absence of a profound reality; it has no relation to any reality whatsoever: it is its own pure simulacrum. (6)The symbolic power of the Chanel brand resonates in the ‘profound reality’ of her story. It is efficiently ‘denatured’ through becoming simplified, conspicuous and instantly recognisable. It is, as a logo, physically juxtaposed as simulacra onto apparel. This simulacrum, in turn, effects the ‘profound reality’ of the consumer. In 1899, economist Thorstein Veblen wrote in The Theory of the Leisure Class:Conspicuous consumption of valuable goods it the means of reputability to the gentleman of leisure… costly entertainments, such as potlatch or the ball, are peculiarly adapted to serve this end… he consumes vicariously for his host at the same time that he is witness to the consumption… he is also made to witness his host’s facility in etiquette. (47)Therefore, according to Veblen, it was the witnessing of “wasteful” consumption that “confers status” as opposed the primary conspicuous act (Han et al. 18). Despite television being in its experimental infancy advertising was at “the height of its powers” during the 1920s (Clark et al. 18; Hill 30). Post-World War I consumers, in America, experienced an unaccustomed level of prosperity and were unsuspecting of the motives of the newly formed advertising agencies (Clark et al. 18). Subsequently, the ‘witnessing’ of consumption could be constructed across a plethora of media from the newly emerged commercial radio to billboards (Hill viii–25). The resulting ‘status’ was ‘conferred’ onto brand logos. Women’s magazines, with a legacy dating back to 1828, were a primary locus (Hill 10).Belonging in a Post-Structuralist WorldIt is significant to note that, in a post-structuralist world, consumers do not exclusively seek upward mobility in their selection of brands. The establishment of counter-culture icon Levi-Strauss and Co. was concurrent to the emergence of both The House of Worth and Coco Chanel. The Bavarian-born Levi Strauss commenced selling apparel in San Francisco in 1853 (Levi’s). Two decades later, in partnership with Nevada born tailor Jacob Davis, he patented the “riveted-for-strength” workwear using blue denim (Levi’s). Although the ontology of ‘jeans’ is contested, references to “Jene Fustyan” date back the sixteenth century (Snyder 139). It involved the combining cotton, wool and linen to create “vestments” for Geonese sailors (Snyder 138). The Two Horse Logo (fig. 10), depicting them unable to pull apart a pair of jeans to symbolise strength, has been in continuous use by Levi Strauss & Co. company since its design in 1886 (Levi’s). Fig. 10. The Two Horse Logo by Levi Strauss & Co. has been in continuous use since 1886. Staff Unzipped. "Two Horses. One Message." Heritage. Levi Strauss & Co. 1 July 2011. 25 July 2019 <https://www.levistrauss.com/2011/07/01/two-horses-many-versions-one-message/>.The “rugged wear” would become the favoured apparel amongst miners at American Gold Rush (Muthu 6). Subsequently, between the 1930s – 1960s Hollywood films cultivated jeans as a symbol of “defiance” from Stage Coach staring John Wayne in 1939 to Rebel without A Cause staring James Dean in 1955 (Muthu 6; Edgar). Consequently, during the 1960s college students protesting in America (fig. 11) against the draft chose the attire to symbolise their solidarity with the working class (Hedarty). Notwithstanding a 1990s fashion revision of denim into a diversity of garments ranging from jackets to skirts, jeans have remained a wardrobe mainstay for the past half century (Hedarty; Muthu 10). Fig. 11. Although the brand label is not visible, jeans as initially introduced to the American Goldfields in the nineteenth century by Levi Strauss & Co. were cultivated as a symbol of defiance from the 1930s – 1960s. It documents an anti-war protest that occurred at the Pentagon in 1967. Cox, Savannah. "The Anti-Vietnam War Movement." ATI. 14 Dec. 2016. 16 July 2019 <https://allthatsinteresting.com/vietnam-war-protests#7>.In 2003, the journal Science published an article “Does Rejection Hurt? An Fmri Study of Social Exclusion” (Eisenberger et al.). The cross-institutional study demonstrated that the neurological reaction to rejection is indistinguishable to physical pain. Whereas during the 1940s Maslow classified the desire for “belonging” as secondary to “physiological needs,” early twenty-first century psychologists would suggest “[social] acceptance is a mechanism for survival” (Weir 50). In Simulacra and Simulation, Jean Baudrillard wrote: Today abstraction is no longer that of the map, the double, the mirror or the concept. Simulation is no longer that of a territory, a referential being or a substance. It is the generation by models of a real without origin or reality: a hyperreal… (1)In the intervening thirty-eight years since this document was published the artifice of our interactions has increased exponentially. In order to locate ‘belongness’ in this hyperreality, the identities of the seekers require a level of encoding. Brands, as signifiers, provide a vehicle.Whereas in Prehistoric Mesopotamia carved seals, worn as amulets, were used to extend the identity of a person, in post-digital China WeChat QR codes (fig. 12), stored in mobile phones, are used to facilitate transactions from exchanging contact details to commerce. Like other totems, they provide access to information such as locations, preferences, beliefs, marital status and financial circumstances. These individualised brands are the most recent incarnation of a technology that has developed over the past eight thousand years. The intermediary iteration, emblems affixed to garments, has remained prevalent since the twelfth century. Their continued salience is due to their visibility and, subsequent, accessibility as signifiers. Fig. 12. It may be posited that Wechat QR codes are a form individualised branding. Like other totems, they store information pertaining to the owner’s location, beliefs, preferences, marital status and financial circumstances. “Join Wechat groups using QR code on 2019.” Techwebsites. 26 July 2019 <https://techwebsites.net/join-wechat-group-qr-code/>.Fig. 13. Brands function effectively as signifiers is due to the international distribution of multinational corporations. This is the shopfront of Chanel in Dubai, which offers customers apparel bearing consistent insignia as the Parisian outlet at on Rue Cambon. Customers of Chanel can signify to each other with the confidence that their products will be recognised. “Chanel.” The Dubai Mall. 26 July 2019 <https://thedubaimall.com/en/shop/chanel>.Navigating a post-structuralist world of increasing mobility necessitates a rudimental understanding of these symbols. Whereas in the nineteenth century status was conveyed through consumption and witnessing consumption, from the twentieth century onwards the garnering of brands made this transaction immediate (Veblen 47; Han et al. 18). The bricolage of the brands is constructed by bricoleurs working in any number of contemporary creative fields such as advertising, filmmaking or song writing. They provide a system by which individuals can convey and recognise identities at prima facie. They enable the prosthesis of identity.ReferencesBaudrillard, Jean. Simulacra and Simulation. Trans. Sheila Faria Glaser. United States: University of Michigan Press, 1994.Burstein, Jessica. Cold Modernism: Literature, Fashion, Art. United States: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012.Chaney, Lisa. Chanel: An Intimate Life. United Kingdom: Penguin Books Limited, 2011.Christensen, J.A. Cut-Art: An Introduction to Chung-Hua and Kiri-E. New York: Watson-Guptill Publications, 1989. Clark, Eddie M., Timothy C. Brock, David E. Stewart, David W. Stewart. Attention, Attitude, and Affect in Response to Advertising. United Kingdom: Taylor & Francis Group, 1994.Deuchar, Alexander. British Crests: Containing the Crests and Mottos of the Families of Great Britain and Ireland Together with Those of the Principal Cities – Primary So. London: Kirkwood & Sons, 1817.Ebert, Robert. “Great Movie: Stage Coach.” Robert Ebert.com. 1 Aug. 2011. 10 Mar. 2019 <https://www.rogerebert.com/reviews/great-movie-stagecoach-1939>.Elven, John Peter. The Book of Family Crests: Comprising Nearly Every Family Bearing, Properly Blazoned and Explained, Accompanied by Upwards of Four Thousand Engravings. London: Henry Washbourne, 1847.Eisenberger, Naomi I., Matthew D. Lieberman, and Kipling D. Williams. "Does Rejection Hurt? An Fmri Study of Social Exclusion." Science 302.5643 (2003): 290-92.Family Crests of Japan. California: Stone Bridge Press, 2007.Gombrich, Ernst. "The Visual Image: Its Place in Communication." Scientific American 272 (1972): 82-96.Hedarty, Stephanie. "How Jeans Conquered the World." BBC World Service. 28 Feb. 2012. 26 July 2019 <https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-17101768>. Han, Young Jee, Joseph C. Nunes, and Xavier Drèze. "Signaling Status with Luxury Goods: The Role of Brand Prominence." Journal of Marketing 74.4 (2010): 15-30.Hill, Daniel Delis. Advertising to the American Woman, 1900-1999. United States of Ame: Ohio State University Press, 2002."History of Twinings." Twinings. 24 July 2019 <https://www.twinings.co.uk/about-twinings/history-of-twinings>. icon-icon: Telling You More about Icons. 18 Dec. 2016. 26 July 2019 <http://www.icon-icon.com/en/hermes-logo-the-horse-drawn-carriage/>. Jones, Geoffrey. Merchants to Multinationals: British Trading Companies in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2002.Kamon (Japanese Family Crests): Ancient Key to Samurai Culture." Goin' Japaneque! 15 Nov. 2015. 27 July 2019 <http://goinjapanesque.com/05983/>. Krick, Jessa. "Charles Frederick Worth (1825-1895) and the House of Worth." Heilburnn Timeline of Art History. The Met. Oct. 2004. 23 July 2019 <https://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/wrth/hd_wrth.htm>. Levi’s. "About Levis Strauss & Co." 25 July 2019 <https://www.levis.com.au/about-us.html>. Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Totemism. London: Penguin, 1969.Lopes, Teresa de Silva, and Paul Duguid. Trademarks, Brands, and Competitiveness. Abingdon: Routledge, 2010.Maslow, Abraham. "A Theory of Human Motivation." British Journal of Psychiatry 208.4 (1942): 313-13.Moore, Karl, and Susan Reid. "The Birth of Brand: 4000 Years of Branding History." Business History 4.4 (2008).Muthu, Subramanian Senthikannan. Sustainability in Denim. Cambridge Woodhead Publishing, 2017.Polan, Brenda, and Roger Tredre. The Great Fashion Designers. Oxford: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2009.Pool, Roger C. Introduction. Totemism. New ed. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969.Press, Claire. Wardrobe Crisis: How We Went from Sunday Best to Fast Fashion. Melbourne: Schwartz Publishing, 2016.Sale, K. Rebels against the Future: The Luddites and Their War on the Industrial Revolution: Lessons for the Computer Age. Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1996.Snow, C.P. The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959. Snyder, Rachel Louise. Fugitive Denim: A Moving Story of People and Pants in the Borderless World of Global Trade. New York: W.W. Norton, 2008.Starcevic, Sladjana. "The Origin and Historical Development of Branding and Advertising in the Old Civilizations of Africa, Asia and Europe." Marketing 46.3 (2015): 179-96.Tikkanen, Amy. "Coco Chanel." Encyclopaedia Britannica. 19 Apr. 2019. 25 July 2019 <https://www.britannica.com/biography/Coco-Chanel>.Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study in the Evolution of Institutions. London: Macmillan, 1975.Weir, Kirsten. "The Pain of Social Rejection." American Psychological Association 43.4 (2012): 50.Williamson, Judith. Decoding Advertisements: Ideology and Meaning in Advertising. Ideas in Progress. London: Boyars, 1978.

In 2013, the Capricornia Arts Mob (CAM), an Indigenous collective of artists situated in Rockhampton, central Queensland, Australia, successfully tendered for one of three public art projects that were grouped under the title Flood Markers (Roberts; Roberts and Mackay; Robinson and Mackay). Commissioned as part of the Queensland Government's Community Development and Engagement Initiative, Flood Markers aims to increase awareness of Rockhampton’s history, with particular focus on the Fitzroy River and the phenomena of flooding. Honouring Land Connections is CAM’s contribution to the project and consists of several “memory poles” that stand alongside the Fitzroy River in Toonooba Park. Rockhampton lies on Dharumbal Country with Toonooba being the Dharumbal name for the Fitzroy River and the inspiration for the work due to its cultural significance to the Aboriginal people of that region. The name Toonooba, as well as other images and icons including boomerangs, spears, nets, water lily, and frogs, amongst others, are carved, burnt, painted and embedded into the large ironbark poles. These stand with the river on one side and the colonial infrastructure of Rockhampton on the other (see fig. 1, 2 and 3).Figure 1 Figure 2Figure 3Within this article, we discuss Honouring Land Connections as having two main functions which contribute to its significance as Indigenous cultural expression and identity affirmation. Firstly, the memory poles (as well as the process of sourcing materials and producing the final product) are a manifestation of Country and a representation of its stories and lived memories. Honouring Land Connections provides a means for Aboriginal people to revel in Country and maintain connections to a vital component of their being as Indigenous. Secondly, by revealing Indigenous stories, experiences, and memories, Honouring Land Connections emphasises Indigenous voices and perspectives within a place dominated by Eurocentric outlooks and knowledges. Toonooba provides the backdrop on which the complexities of cultural and identity formation within settler-colonial spaces are highlighted whilst revelling in continuous Indigenous presence.Flood Markers as ArtArtists throughout the world have used flood markers as a means of visual expression through which to explore and reveal local histories, events, environments, and socio-cultural understandings of the relationships between persons, places, and the phenomena of flooding. Geertz describes art as a social text embedded within wider socio-cultural systems; providing insight into cultural, social, political, economic, gendered, religious, ethnic, environmental, and biographical contexts. Flood markers are not merely metric tools used for measuring the height of a river, but rather serve as culture artefacts or indexes (Gell Art and Agency; Gell "Technology of Enchantment") that are products and producers of socio-culture contexts and the memories and experiences embedded within them. Through different methods, mediums, and images, artists have created experiential and intellectual spaces where those who encounter their work are encouraged to engage their surroundings in thought provoking and often-new ways.In some cases, flood markers have brought attention to the “character and natural history” of a particular place, where artists such as Louise Lavarack have sought to provoke consciousness of the movement of water across flood plains (Lavarack). In other works, flood markers have served as memorials to individuals such as Gilbert White whose daughter honoured his life and research through installing a glass spire at Boulder Creek, Colorado in 2011 (White). Tragedies such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005 have also been commemorated through flood markers. Artist Christopher Saucedo carved 1,836 waves into a freestanding granite block; each wave representing a life lost (University of New Orleans). The weight of the granite symbolises the endurance and resilience of those who faced, and will continue to face, similar forces of nature. The Pillar of Courage erected in 2011 in Ipswich, Queensland, similarly contains the words “resilience, community, strength, heroes, caring and unity” with each word printed on six separate sections of the pillar, representing the six major floods that have hit the region (Chudleigh).Whilst these flood markers provide valuable insights into local histories, specific to each environmental and socio-cultural context, works such as the Pillar of Courage fail to address Indigenous relationships to Country. By framing flooding as a “natural disaster” to be overcome, rather than an expression of Country to be listened to and understood, Euro and human-centric perspectives are prioritised over Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Indigenous knowledges however encourages a reorientation of Eurocentric responses and relationships to Country, and in doing so challenge compartmentalised views of “nature” where flooding is separated from land and Country (Ingold Perception; Seton and Bradley; Singer). Honouring Land Connections symbolises the voice and eternal presence of Toonooba and counters presentations of flooding that depict it as historian Heather Goodall (36) once saw “as unusual events of disorder in which the river leaves its proper place with catastrophic results.”Country To understand flooding from Indigenous perspectives it is first necessary to discuss Country and apprehend what it means for Indigenous peoples. Country refers to the physical, cosmological, geographical, relational, and emotional setting upon which Indigenous identities and connections to place and kin are embedded. Far from a passive geographic location upon which interactions take place, Country is an active and responsive agent that shapes and contextualises social interactions between and amongst all living beings. Bob Morgan writes of how “Country is more than issues of land and geography; it is about spirituality and identity, knowing who we are and who we are connected to; and it helps us understand how all living things are connected.” Country is also an epistemological frame that is filled with knowledge that may be known and familiarised whilst being knowledge itself (Langton "Sacred"; Rose Dingo; Yunupingu).Central to understanding Country is the fact that it refers to a living being’s spiritual homeland which is the ontological place where relationships are formed and maintained (Yunupingu). As Country nurtures and provides the necessities for survival and prosperity, Indigenous people (but also non-Indigenous populations) have moral obligations to care for Country as kin (Rose Nourishing Terrains). Country is epistemic, relational, and ontological and refers to both physical locations as well as modes of “being” (Heidegger), meaning it is carried from place to place as an embodiment within a person’s consciousness. Sally Morgan (263) describes how “our country is alive, and no matter where we go, our country never leaves us.” Country therefore is fluid and mobile for it is ontologically inseparable to one’s personhood, reflected through phrases such as “I am country” (B. Morgan 204).Country is in continuous dialogue with its surroundings and provides the setting upon which human and non-human beings; topographical features such as mountains and rivers; ancestral beings and spirits such as the Rainbow Snake; and ecological phenomena such as winds, tides, and floods, interact and mutually inform each other’s existence (Rose Nourishing Terrains). For Aboriginal people, understanding Country requires “deep listening” (Atkinson; Ungunmerr), a responsive awareness that moves beyond monological and human-centric understandings of the world and calls for deeper understandings of the mutual and co-dependant relationships that exist within it. The awareness of such mutuality has been discussed through terms such as “kincentrism” (Salmón), “meshworks” (Ingold Lines), “webs of connection” (Hokari), “nesting” (Malpas), and “native science” (Cajete). Such concepts are ways of theorising “place” as relational, physical, and mental locations made up of numerous smaller interactions, each of which contribute to the identity and meaning of place. Whilst each individual agent or object retains its own autonomy, such autonomy is dependent on its wider relation to others, meaning that place is a location where “objectivity, subjectivity and inter-subjectivity converge” (Malpas 35) and where the very essence of place is revealed.Flooding as DialogueWhen positioned within Indigenous frameworks, flooding is both an agent and expression of Toonooba and Country. For the phenomenon to occur however, numerous elements come into play such as the fall of rain; the layout of the surrounding terrain; human interference through built weirs and dams; and the actions and intervention of ancestral beings and spirits. Furthermore, flooding has a direct impact on Country and all life within it. This is highlighted by Dharumbal Elder Uncle Billy Mann (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann") who speaks of the importance of flooding in bringing water to inland lagoons which provide food sources for Dharumbal people, especially at times when the water in Toonooba is low. Such lagoons remain important places for fishing, hunting, recreational activities, and cultural practices but are reliant on the flow of water caused by the flowing, and at times flooding river, which Uncle Mann describes as the “lifeblood” of Dharumbal people and Country (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann"). Through her research in the Murray-Darling region of New South Wales, Weir writes of how flooding sustains life though cycles that contribute to ecological balance, providing nourishment and food sources for all beings (see also Cullen and Cullen 98). Water’s movement across land provokes the movement of animals such as mice and lizards, providing food for snakes. Frogs emerge from dry clay plains, finding newly made waterholes. Small aquatic organisms flourish and provide food sources for birds. Golden and silver perch spawn, and receding waters promote germination and growth. Aboriginal artist Ron Hurley depicts a similar cycle in a screen-print titled Waterlily–Darambal Totem. In this work Hurley shows floodwaters washing away old water lily roots that have been cooked in ant bed ovens as part of Dharumbal ceremonies (UQ Anthropology Museum). The cooking of the water lily exposes new seeds, which rains carry to nearby creeks and lagoons. The seeds take root and provide food sources for the following year. Cooking water lily during Dharumbal ceremonies contributes to securing and maintaining a sustainable food source as well as being part of Dharumbal cultural practice. Culture, ecological management, and everyday activity are mutually connected, along with being revealed and revelled in. Aboriginal Elder and ranger Uncle Fred Conway explains how Country teaches Aboriginal people to live in balance with their surroundings (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). As Country is in constant communication, numerous signifiers can be observed on land and waterscapes, indicating the most productive and sustainable time to pursue certain actions, source particular foods, or move to particular locations. The best time for fishing in central Queensland for example is when Wattles are in bloom, indicating a time when fish are “fatter and sweeter” (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). In this case, the Wattle is 1) autonomous, having its own life cycle; 2) mutually dependant, coming into being because of seasonal weather patterns; and 3) an agent of Country that teaches those with awareness how to respond and benefit from its lessons.Dialogue with Country As Country is sentient and responsive, it is vital that a person remains contextually aware of their actions on and towards their surroundings. Indigenous peoples seek familiarity with Country but also ensure that they themselves are known and familiarised by it (Rose Dingo). In a practice likened to “baptism”, Langton ("Earth") describes how Aboriginal Elders in Cape York pour water over the head of newcomers as a way of introducing them to Country, and ensuring that Country knows those who walk upon it. These introductions are done out of respect for Country and are a way of protecting outsiders from the potentially harmful powers of ancestral beings. Toussaint et al. similarly note how during mortuary rites, parents of the deceased take water from rivers and spit it back into the land, symbolising the spirit’s return to Country.Dharumbal man Robin Hatfield demonstrates the importance of not interfering with the dialogue of Country through recalling being told as a child not to disturb Barraru or green frogs. Memmott (78) writes that frogs share a relationship with the rain and flooding caused by Munda-gadda, the Rainbow Snake. Uncle Dougie Hatfield explains the significance of Munda-gadda to his Country stating how “our Aboriginal culture tells us that all the waterways, lagoons, creeks, rivers etc. and many landforms were created by and still are protected by the Moonda-Ngutta, what white people call the Rainbow Snake” (Memmott 79).In the case of Robin Hatfield, to interfere with Barraru’s “business” is to threaten its dialogue with Munda-gadda and in turn the dialogue of Country in form of rain. In addition to disrupting the relational balance between the frog and Munda-gadda, such actions potentially have far-reaching social and cosmological consequences. The rain’s disruption affects the flood plains, which has direct consequences for local flora and transportation and germination of water lily seeds; fauna, affecting the spawning of fish and their movement into lagoons; and ancestral beings such as Munda-gadda who continue to reside within Toonooba.Honouring Land Connections provided artists with a means to enter their own dialogue with Country and explore, discuss, engage, negotiate, and affirm aspects of their indigeneity. The artists wanted the artwork to remain organic to demonstrate honour and respect for Dharumbal connections with Country (Roberts). This meant that materials were sourced from the surrounding Country and the poles placed in a wave-like pattern resembling Munda-gadda. Alongside the designs and symbols painted and carved into the poles, fish skins, birds, nests, and frogs are embalmed within cavities that are cut into the wood, acting as windows that allow viewers to witness components of Country that are often overlooked (see fig. 4). Country therefore is an equal participant within the artwork’s creation and continuing memories and stories. More than a representation of Country, Honouring Land Connections is a literal manifestation of it.Figure 4Opening Dialogue with Non-Indigenous AustraliaHonouring Land Connections is an artistic and cultural expression that revels in Indigenous understandings of place. The installation however remains positioned within a contested “hybrid” setting that is informed by both Indigenous and settler-colonial outlooks (Bhabha). The installation for example is separated from the other two artworks of Flood Markers that explore Rockhampton’s colonial and industrial history. Whilst these are positioned within a landscaped area, Honouring Land Connections is placed where the grass is dying, seating is lacking, and is situated next to a dilapidated coast guard building. It is a location that is as quickly left behind as it is encountered. Its separation from the other two works is further emphasised through its depiction in the project brief as a representation of Rockhampton’s pre-colonial history. Presenting it in such a way has the effect of bookending Aboriginal culture in relation to European settlement, suggesting that its themes belong to a time past rather than an immediate present. Almost as if it is a revelation in and of itself. Within settler-colonial settings, place is heavily politicised and often contested. In what can be seen as an ongoing form of colonialism, Eurocentric epistemologies and understandings of place continue to dominate public thought, rhetoric, and action in ways that legitimise White positionality whilst questioning and/or subjugating other ways of knowing, being, and doing (K. Martin; Moreton-Robinson; Wolfe). This turns places such as Toonooba into agonistic locations of contrasting and competing interests (Bradfield). For many Aboriginal peoples, the memories and emotions attached to a particular place can render it as either comfortable and culturally safe, or as unsafe, unsuitable, unwelcoming, and exclusionary (Fredericks). Honouring Land Connections is one way of publicly asserting and recognising Toonooba as a culturally safe, welcoming, and deeply meaningful place for Indigenous peoples. Whilst the themes explored in Honouring Land Connections are not overtly political, its presence on colonised/invaded land unsettles Eurocentric falsities and colonial amnesia (B. Martin) of an uncontested place and history in which Indigenous voices and knowledges are silenced. The artwork is a physical reminder that encourages awareness—particularly for non-Indigenous populations—of Indigenous voices that are continuously demanding recognition of Aboriginal place within Country. Similar to the boomerangs carved into the poles representing flooding as a natural expression of Country that will return (see fig. 5), Indigenous peoples continue to demand that the wider non-Indigenous population acknowledge, respect, and morally responded to Aboriginal cultures and knowledges.Figure 5Conclusion Far from a historic account of the past, the artists of CAM have created an artwork that promotes awareness of an immediate and emerging Indigenous presence on Country. It creates a space that is welcoming to Indigenous people, allowing them to engage with and affirm aspects of their living histories and cultural identities. Through sharing stories and providing “windows” into Aboriginal culture, Country, and lived experiences (which like the frogs of Toonooba are so often overlooked), the memory poles invite and welcome an open dialogue with non-Indigenous Australians where all may consider their shared presence and mutual dependence on each other and their surroundings.The memory poles are mediatory agents that stand on Country, revealing and bearing witness to the survival, resistance, tenacity, and continuity of Aboriginal peoples within the Rockhampton region and along Toonooba. Honouring Land Connections is not simply a means of reclaiming the river as an Indigenous space, for reclamation signifies something regained after it has been lost. What the memory poles signify is something eternally present, i.e. Toonooba is and forever will be embedded in Aboriginal Country in which we all, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, human and non-human, share. The memory poles serve as lasting reminders of whose Country Rockhampton is on and describes the life ways of that Country, including times of flood. Through celebrating and revelling in the presence of Country, the artists of CAM are revealing the deep connection they have to Country to the wider non-Indigenous community.ReferencesAtkinson, Judy. Trauma Trails, Recreating Song Lines: The Transgenerational Effects of Trauma in Indigenous Australia. Spinifex Press, 2002.Bhabha, Homi, K. The Location of Culture. Taylor and Francis, 2012.Bradfield, Abraham. "Decolonizing the Intercultural: A Call for Decolonizing Consciousness in Settler-Colonial Australia." Religions 10.8 (2019): 469.Cajete, Gregory. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. 1st ed. Clear Light Publishers, 2000.Chudleigh, Jane. "Flood Memorial Called 'Pillar of Courage' Unveiled in Goodna to Mark the Anniversary of the Natural Disaster." The Courier Mail 2012. 16 Jan. 2020 <http://www.couriermail.com.au/questnews/flood-memorial-called-pillar-of-courage-unveiled-in-goodna-to-mark-the-anniversary-of-the-natural-disaster/news-story/575b1a8c44cdd6863da72d64f9e96f2d>.Cullen, Peter, and Vicky Cullen. This Land, Our Water: Water Challenges for the 21st Century. ATF P, 2011.Fitzroy Basin Association. "Carnarvon Gorge with Fred Conway." 8 Dec. 2010 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RbOP60JOfYo>.———. "The Fitzroy River with Billy Mann." 8 Dec. 2019 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=00ELbpIUa_Y>.Fredericks, Bronwyn. "Understanding and Living Respectfully within Indigenous Places." Indigenous Places: World Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium Journal 4 (2008): 43-49.Geertz, Clifford. "Art as a Cultural System." MLN 91.6 (1976): 1473-99.Gell, Alfred. Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory. Clarendon P, 1998.———. "The Technology of Enchantment and the Enchantment of Technology." Anthropology, Art, and Aesthetics, eds. J. Coote and A. Shelton. Clarendon P, 1992. 40-63.Goodall, Heather. "The River Runs Backwards." Words for Country: Landscape & Language in Australia, eds. Tim Bonyhady and Tom Griffiths. U of New South Wales P, 2002. 30-51.Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time. 1st English ed. SCM P, 1962.Hokari, Minoru. Gurindji Journey: A Japanese Historian in the Outback. U of New South Wales P, 2011.Ingold, Tim. Lines: A Brief History. Routledge, 2007.———. The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling & Skill. Routledge, 2000.Langton, Marcia. "Earth, Wind, Fire and Water: The Social and Spiritual Construction of Water in Aboriginal Societies." Social Archaeology of Australian Indigenous Societies, eds. Bruno David et al. Aboriginal Studies P, 2006. 139-60.———. "The Edge of the Sacred, the Edge of Death: Sensual Inscriptions." Inscribed Landscapes: Marking and Making Place, eds. Bruno David and M. Wilson. U of Hawaii P, 2002. 253-69.Lavarack, Louise. "Threshold." 17 Jan. 2019 <http://www.louiselavarack.com.au/>.Malpas, Jeff. Place and Experience: A Philosophical Topography. Cambridge UP, 1999.Martin, Brian. "Immaterial Land." Carnal Knowledge: Towards a 'New Materialism' through the Arts, eds. E. Barret and B. Bolt. Tauris, 2013. 185-04.Martin, Karen Lillian. Please Knock before You Enter: Aboriginal Regulation of Outsiders and the Implications for Researchers. Post Pressed, 2008.Memmott, Paul. "Research Report 10: Aboriginal Social History and Land Affiliation in the Rockhampton-Shoalwater Bay Region." Commonwealth Commission of Inquiry, Shoalwater Bay Capricornia Coast, Queensland: Research Reports, ed. John T. Woodward. A.G.P.S., 1994. 1-107.Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. The White Possessive: Property, Power, and Indigenous Sovereignty. U of Minnesota P, 2015.Morgan, Bob. "Country – a Journey to Cultural and Spiritual Healing." Heartsick for Country: Stories of Love, Spirit and Creation, eds. S. Morgan et al. Freemantle P, 2008: 201-20.Roberts, Alice. "Flood Markers Unveiled on Fitzroy." ABC News 5 Mar. 2014. 10 Mar. 2014 <https://www.abc.net.au/local/photos/2014/03/05/3957151.htm>.Roberts, Alice, and Jacquie Mackay. "Flood Artworks Revealed on Fitzroy Riverbank." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 20104 <http://www.abc.net.au/local/stories/2013/10/29/3879048.htm?site=capricornia>.Robinson, Paul, and Jacquie Mackay. "Artwork Portray Flood Impact." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 2014 <http://www.abc.net.au/lnews/2013-10-29/artworks-portray-flood-impact/5051856>.Rose, Deborah Bird. Dingo Makes Us Human: Life and Land in an Aboriginal Australian Culture. Cambridge UP, 1992.———. Nourishing Terrains: Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape and Wilderness. Australian Heritage Commission, 1996.Salmón, Enrique. "Kincentric Ecology: Indigenous Perceptions of the Human-Nature Relationship." Ecological Applications 10.5 (2000): 1327-32.Seton, Kathryn A., and John J. Bradley. "'When You Have No Law You Are Nothing': Cane Toads, Social Consequences and Management Issues." The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5.3 (2004): 205-25.Singer, Peter. Practical Ethics. 3rd ed. Cambridge UP, 2011.Toussaint, Sandy, et al. "Water Ways in Aboriginal Australia: An Interconnected Analysis." Anthropological Forum 15.1 (2005): 61-74.Ungunmerr, Miriam-Rose. "To Be Listened To in Her Teaching: Dadirri: Inner Deep Listening and Quiet Still Awareness." EarthSong Journal: Perspectives in Ecology, Spirituality and Education 3.4 (2017): 14-15.University of New Orleans. "Fine Arts at the University of New Orleans: Christopher Saucedo." 31 Aug. 2013 <http://finearts.uno.edu/christophersaucedofaculty.html>.UQ Anthropology Museum. "UQ Anthropology Museum: Online Catalogue." 6 Dec. 2019 <https://catalogue.anthropologymuseum.uq.edu.au/item/26030>.Weir, Jessica. Murray River Country: An Ecological Dialogue with Traditional Owners. Aboriginal Studies Press, 2009.White, Mary Bayard. "Boulder Creek Flood Level Marker Projects." WEAD: Women Eco Artists Dialog. 15 Jan. 2020 <https://directory.weadartists.org/colorado-marking-floods>.Wolfe, Patrick. "Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native." Journal of Genocide Research 8.4 (2006): 387-409.Yunupingu, Galarrwuy. Our Land Is Our Life: Land Rights – Past, Present and Future. University of Queensland Press, 1997.

Working drawings are produced, when a house is designed, to envisage an imagined building. They are a tangible representation of an object that has no tangible existence. These working drawings act as a manual for constructing the house; they represent that which is to be built. The house comes into being, therefore, via this set of drawings. This is known as documentation. However, these drawings record the house at an ideal moment in time; they capture the house in stasis. They do not represent the future life of the house, the changes and traces the inhabitants make upon a space, nor do they document the path of the person, the arc of their actions, within the space of the house. Other types of documentation of the house allow these elements to be included. Documentation that is produced after-the-event, that interprets ‘the existing’, is absent from discourses on documentation; the realm of post factum documentation is a less examined form of documentation. This paper investigates post factum documentation of the house, and the alternative ways of making, producing and, therefore, thinking about, the house that it offers. This acknowledges the body in the space of architecture, and the inhabitation of space, and as a dynamic process. This then leads to the potential of the‘model of an action’ representing the motion and temporality inherent within the house. Architecture may then be seen as that which encloses the inhabitant. The word ‘document’ refers to a record or evidence of events. It implies a chronological sequence: the document comes after-the-event, that is, it is post factum. Within architecture, however, the use of the word documentation, predominantly, refers to working drawings that are made to ‘get to’ a building, drawings being the dominant representation within architecture. Robin Evans calls this notion, of architecture being brought into existence through drawing, the principle of reversed directionality (Evans 1997, 1989). Although it may be said that these types of drawings document the idea, or document the imagined reality of the building, their main emphasis, and reading, is in getting to something. In this case, the term documentation is used, not due to the documents’ placement within a process, of coming after the subject-object, but in referring to the drawings’ role. Other architectural drawings do exist that are a record of what is seen, but these are not the dominant drawing practice within architecture. Documentation within architecture regards the act of drawing as that process upon which the object is wholly dependent for its coming into existence. Drawing is defined as the pre-eminent methodology for generation of the building; drawings are considered the necessary initial step towards the creation of the 1:1 scale object. During the designing phase, the drawings are primary, setting out an intention. Drawings, therefore, are regarded as having a prescriptive endpoint rather than being part of an open-ended improvisation. Drawings, in getting to a building, draw out something, the act of drawing searches for and uncovers the latent design, drawing it into existence. They are seen as getting to the core of the design. Drawings display a technique of making and are influenced by their medium. Models, in getting to a building, may be described in the same way. The act of modelling, of making manifest two-dimensional sketches into a three-dimensional object, operates similarly in possessing a certain power in assisting the design process to unfurl. Drawing, as recording, alters the object. This act of drawing is used to resolve, and to edit, by excluding and omitting, as much as by including, within its page. Models similarly made after-the-fact are interpretive and consciously aware of their intentions. In encapsulating the subject-object, the model as documentation is equally drawing out meaning. This type of documentation is not neutral, but rather involves interpretation and reflection through representational editing. Working drawings record the house at an ideal moment in time: at the moment the builders leave the site and the owners unlock the front door. These drawings capture the house in stasis. There is often the notion that until the owners of a new house move in, the house has been empty, unlived in. But the life of the house cannot be fixed to any one starting point; rather it has different phases of life from conception to ruin. With working drawings being the dominant representation of the house, they exclude much; both the life of the house before this act of inhabitation, and the life that occurs after it. The transformations that occur at each phase of construction are never shown in a set of working drawings. When a house is built, it separates itself from the space it resides within: the domain of the house is marked off from the rest of the site. The house has a skin of a periphery, that inherently creates an outside and an inside (Kreiser 88). As construction continues, there is a freedom in the structure which closes down; potential becomes prescriptive as choices are made and embodied in material. The undesignedness of the site, that exists before the house is planned, becomes lost once the surveyors’ pegs are in place (Wakely 92). Next, the skeletal frame of open volumes becomes roofed, and then becomes walled, and walking through the frame becomes walking through doorways. One day an interior is created. The interior and exterior of the house are now two different things, and the house has definite edges (Casey 290). At some point, the house becomes lockable, its security assured through this act of sealing. It is this moment that working drawings capture. Photographs comprise the usual documentation of houses once they are built, and yet they show no lived-in-ness, no palimpsest of occupancy. They do not observe the changes and traces the inhabitants make upon a space, nor do they document the path of the person, the arc of their actions, within the space of the house. American architects and artists Elizabeth Diller and Ricardo Scofidio have written of these traces of the everyday that punctuate floor and wall surfaces: the intersecting rings left by coffee glasses on a tabletop, the dust under a bed that becomes its plan analog when the bed is moved, the swing etched into the floor by a sagging door. (Diller & Scofidio 99) It is these marks, these traces, that are omitted from the conventional documentation of a built house. To examine an alternative way of documenting, and to redress these omissions, a redefinition of the house is needed. A space can be delineated by its form, its edges, or it can be defined by the actions that are performed, and the connections between people that occur, within it. To define the house by what it encapsulates, rather than being seen as an object in space, allows a different type of documentation to be employed. By defining a space as that which accommodates actions, rooms may be delineated by the reach of a person, carved out by the actions of a person, as though they are leaving a trace as they move, a windscreen wiper of living, through the repetition of an act. Reverse directional documentation does not directly show the actions that take place within a house; we must infer these from the rooms’ fittings and fixtures, and the names on the plan. In a similar way, Italo Calvino, in Invisible Cities, defines a city by the relationships between its inhabitants, rather than by its buildings: in Ersilia, to establish the relationships that sustain the city’s life, the inhabitants stretch strings from the corners of the houses, white or black or grey or black-and-white according to whether they mark a relationship of blood, of trade, authority, agency. When the strings become so numerous that you can no longer pass among them, the inhabitants leave: the houses are dismantled; only the strings and their supports remain … Thus, when travelling in the territory of Ersilia, you come upon the ruins of the abandoned cities without the walls which do not last, without the bones of the dead which the wind rolls away: spiderwebs of intricate relationships seeking a form. (Calvino 62) By defining architecture by that which it encapsulates, form or materiality may be given to the ‘spiderwebs of intricate relationships’. Modelling the actions that are performed in the space of architecture, therefore, models the architecture. This is referred to as a model of an action. In examining the model of an action, the possibilities of post factum documentation of the house may be seen. The Shinkenchiku competition The Plan-Less House (2006), explored these ideas of representing a house without using the conventional plan to do so. A suggested alternative was to map the use of the house by its inhabitants, similar to the idea of the model of an action. The house could be described by a technique of scanning: those areas that came into contact with the body would be mapped. Therefore, the representation of the house is not connected with spatial division, that is, by marking the location of walls, but rather with its use by its inhabitants. The work of Diller and Scofidio and Allan Wexler and others explores this realm. One inquiry they share is the modelling of the body in the space of architecture: to them, the body is inseparable from the conception of space. By looking at their work, and that of others, three different ways of representing this inhabitation of space are seen. These are: to represent the objects involved in a particular action, or patterns of movement, that occurs in the space, in a way that highlights the action; to document the action itself; or to document the result of the action. These can all be defined as the model of an action. The first way, the examination of the body in a space via an action’s objects, is explored by American artist Allan Wexler, who defines architecture as ‘choreography without a choreographer, structuring its inhabitant’s movements’ (Galfetti 22). In his project ‘Crate House’ (1981), Wexler examines the notion of the body in a space via an action’s objects. He divided the house into its basic activities: bedroom, bathroom, kitchen and living room. Each of these is then defined by their artefacts, contained in their own crate on wheels, which is rolled out when needed. At any point in time, the entire house becomes the activity due to its crate: when a room such as the kitchen is needed, that crate is rolled in through one of the door openings. When the occupant is tired, the entire house becomes a bedroom, and when the occupant is hungry, it becomes a kitchen … I view each crate as if it is a diorama in a natural history museum — the pillow, the spoon, the flashlight, the pot, the nail, the salt. We lose sight of everyday things. These things I isolate, making them sculpture: their use being theatre. (Galfetti 42–6) The work of Andrea Zittel explores similar ideas. ‘A–Z Comfort Unit’ (1994), is made up of five segments, the centrepiece being a couch/bed, which is surrounded by four ancillary units on castors. These offer a library, kitchen, home office and vanity unit. The structure allows the lodger never to need to leave the cocoon-like bed, as all desires are an arm’s reach away. The ritual of eating a meal is examined in Wexler’s ‘Scaffold Furniture’ (1988). This project isolates the components of the dining table without the structure of the table. Instead, the chair, plate, cup, glass, napkin, knife, fork, spoon and lamp are suspended by scaffolding. Their connection, rather than being that of objects sharing a tabletop, is seen to be the (absent) hand that uses them during a meal; the act of eating is highlighted. In these examples, the actions performed within a space are represented by the objects involved in the action. A second way of representing the patterns of movement within a space is to represent the action itself. The Japanese tea ceremony breaks the act of drinking into many parts, separating and dissecting the whole as a way of then reassembling it as though it is one continuous action. Wexler likens this to an Eadweard Muybridge film of a human in motion (Galfetti 31). This one action is then housed in a particular building, so that when devoid of people, the action itself still has a presence. Another way of documenting the inhabitation of architecture, by drawing the actions within the space, is time and motion studies, such as those of Rene W.P. Leanhardt (Diller & Scofidio 40–1). In one series of photographs, lights were attached to a housewife’s wrists, to demonstrate the difference in time and effort required in the preparation of a dinner prepared entirely from scratch in ninety minutes, and a pre-cooked, pre-packaged dinner of the same dish, which took only twelve minutes. These studies are lines of light, recorded as line drawings on a photograph of the kitchen. They record the movement of the person in the room of the action they perform, but they also draw the kitchen in a way conventional documentation does not. A recent example of the documentation of an action was undertaken by Asymptote and the students at Columbia University Graduate School of Architecture in their exhibition at the Venice Biennale of Architecture in 2000. A gymnast moving through the interior space of the pavilion was recorded using a process of digitisation and augmentation. Using modelling procedures, the spatial information was then reconstructed to become a full-scale architectural re-enactment of the gymnast’s trajectory through the room (Feireiss 40). This is similar to a recent performance by Australian contemporary dance company Chunky Move, called ‘Glow’. Infra-red video tracking took a picture of the dancer twenty-five times a second. This was used to generate shapes and images based on the movements of a solo dancer, which were projected onto the floor and the dancer herself. In the past, when the company has used DVDs or videos, the dancer has had to match what they were doing to the projection. This shifts the technology to following the dancer (Bibby 3). A third way of representing the inhabitation of architecture is to document the result of an action. Raoul Bunschoten writes of the marks of a knife being the manifestation of the act of cutting, as an analogy: incisions imply the use of a cutting tool. Together, cuts and cutting tool embrace a special condition. The actual movement of the incision is fleeting, the cut or mark stays behind, the knife moves on, creating an apparent discontinuity … The space of the cut is a reminder of the knife, its shape and its movements: the preparation, the swoop through the air, the cutting, withdrawal, the moving away. These movements remain implicitly connected with the cut as its imaginary cause, as a mnemonic programme about a hand holding a knife, incising a surface, severing skin. (Bunschoten 40) As a method of documenting actions, the paintings of Jackson Pollack can be seen as a manifestation of an act. In the late 1940s, Pollack began to drip paint onto a canvas laid flat on the floor; his tools were sticks and old caked brushes. This process clarified his work, allowing him to walk around it and work from all four sides. Robert Hughes describes it as ‘painting “from the hip” … swinging paintstick in flourishes and frisks that required an almost dancelike movement of the body’ (Hughes 154). These paintings made manifest Pollack’s gestures. As his arm swung in space, the dripping paint followed that arc, to be preserved on a flat plane as pictorial space (Hughes 262). Wexler, in another study, recorded the manifestation of an action. He placed a chair in a one-room building. It was attached to lengths of timber that extended outdoors through slots in the walls of the building. As the chair moved inside the building, its projections carved grooves in the ground outside. As the chair moved in a particular pattern, deeper grooves were created: ‘Eventually, the occupant of the chair has no choice in his movement; the architecture moves him.’ (Galfetti 14) The pattern of movement creates a result, which in turn influences the movement. By redefining architecture by what it encapsulates rather than by the enclosure itself, allows architecture to be documented by the post factum model of an action that occurs in that space. This leads to the exploration of architecture, formed by the body within it, since the documentation and representation of architecture starts to affect the reading of architecture. Architecture may then be seen as that which encloses the inhabitant. The documentation of the body and the space it makes concerns the work of the Hungarian architect Imre Makovecz. His exploration is of the body and the space it makes. Makovecz, and a circle of like-minded architects and artists, embarked on a series of experiments analysing the patterns of human motion and subsequently set up a competition based around the search for a minimum existential space. This consisted of mapping human motion in certain spatial conditions and situations. Small light bulbs were attached to points on the limbs and joints and photographed, creating a series of curves and forms. This led to a competition called ‘Minimal Space’ (1971–2), in which architects, artists and designers were invited to consider a minimal space for containing the human body, a new notion of personal containment. Makovecz’s own response took the form of a bell-like capsule composed of a double shell expressing its presence and location in both time and space (Heathcote 120). Vito Acconci, an artist turned architect by virtue of his installation work, explored this notion of enclosure in his work (Feireiss 38). In 1980 Acconci began his series of ‘self-erecting architectures’, vehicles or instruments involving one or more viewers whose operation erected simple buildings (Acconci & Linker 114). In his project ‘Instant House’ (1980), a set of walls lies flat on the floor, forming an open cruciform shape. By sitting in the swing in the centre of this configuration, the visitor activates an apparatus of cables and pulleys causing walls to rise and form a box-like house. It is a work that explores the idea of enclosing, of a space being something that has to be constructed, in the same way for example one builds up meaning (Reed 247–8). This documentation of architecture directly references the inhabitation of architecture. The post factum model of architecture is closely linked to the body in space and the actions it performs. Examining the actions and movement patterns within a space allows the inhabitation process to be seen as a dynamic process. David Owen describes the biological process of ‘ecopoiesis’: the process of a system making a home for itself. He describes the building and its occupants jointly as the new system, in a system of shaping and reshaping themselves until there is a tolerable fit (Brand 164). The definition of architecture as being that which encloses us, interests Edward S. Casey: in standing in my home, I stand here and yet feel surrounded (sheltered, challenged, drawn out, etc.) by the building’s boundaries over there. A person in this situation is not simply in time or simply in space but experiences an event in all its engaging and unpredictable power. In Derrida’s words, ‘this outside engages us in the very thing we are’, and we find ourselves subjected to architecture rather than being the controlling subject that plans or owns, uses or enjoys it; in short architecture ‘comprehends us’. (Casey 314) This shift in relationship between the inhabitant and architecture shifts the documentation and reading of the exhibition of architecture. Casey’s notion of architecture comprehending the inhabitant opens the possibility for an alternate exhibition of architecture, the documentation of that which is beyond the inhabitant’s direction. Conventional documentation shows a quiescence to the house. Rather than attempting to capture the flurry — the palimpsest of occupancy — within the house, it is presented as stilled, inert and dormant. In representing the house this way, a lull is provided, fostering a steadiness of gaze: a pause is created, within which to examine the house. However, the house is then seen as object, rather than that which encapsulates motion and temporality. Defining, and thus documenting, the space of architecture by its actions, extends the perimeter of architecture. No longer is the house bounded by its doors and walls, but rather by the extent of its patterns of movement. Post factum documentation allows this altering of the definition of architecture, as it includes the notion of the model of an action. By appropriating, clarifying and reshaping situations that are relevant to the investigation of post factum documentation, the notion of the inhabitation of the house as a definition of architecture may be examined. This further examines the relationship between architectural representation, the architectural image, and the image of architecture. References Acconci, V., and K. Linker. Vito Acconci. New York: Rizzoli, 1994. Bibby, P. “Dancer in the Dark Is Light Years Ahead.” Sydney Morning Herald 22 March 2007: 3. Brand, S. How Buildings Learn: What Happens after They’re Built. London: Phoenix Illustrated, 1997. Bunschoten, R. “Cutting the Horizon: Two Theses on Architecture.” Forum (Nov. 1992): 40–9. Calvino, I. Invisible Cities. London: Picador, 1979. Casey, E.S. The Fate of Place. California: U of California P, 1998. Diller, E., and R. Scofidio. Flesh: Architectural Probes. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1994. Evans, R. Translations from Drawing to Building and Other Essays. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1997. ———. “Architectural Projection.” Eds. E. Blau and E. Kaufman. Architecture and Its Image: Four Centuries of Architectural Representation: Works from the Collection of the Canadian Center for Architecture. Exhibition catalogue. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1989. 19–35. Feireiss, K., ed. The Art of Architecture Exhibitions. Rotterdam: Netherlands Architecture Institute, 2001. Galfetti, G.G., ed. Allan Wexler. Barcelona: GG Portfolio, 1998. Glanville, R. “An Irregular Dodekahedron and a Lemon Yellow Citroen.” In L. van Schaik, ed., The Practice of Practice: Research in the Medium of Design. Melbourne: RMIT University Press, 2003. 258–265. Heathcote, E. Imre Mackovecz: The Wings of the Soul. West Sussex: Academy Editions, 1997. Hughes, R. The Shock of the New: Art and the Century of Change. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1980. Kreiser, C. “On the Loss of (Dark) Inside Space.” Daidalos 36 (June 1990): 88–99. Reed, C. ed. Not at Home: The Suppression of Domesticity in Modern Art and Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 1996. “Shinkenchiku Competition 2006: The Plan-Less House.” The Japan Architect 64 (Winter 2007): 7–12. Small, D. Paper John. USA: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1987. Wakely, M. Dream Home. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. 2003. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Macken, Marian. "And Then We Moved In: Post Factum Documentation of the House." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/04-macken.php>. APA Style Macken, M. (Aug. 2007) "And Then We Moved In: Post Factum Documentation of the House," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/04-macken.php>.

Until the 1980s research into computer technology was developing outside of a context of media culture. Until the 1970s the computer was seen as a highly effective calculator and a tool for the use in government, military and economic life. Its popular image from the 1940s to 1950s was that of a calculator. At that time the computer was a large machine which only white lab-coated engineers could understand. The computer was studied as a technical instrument, not from the viewpoint of the user. The peculiar communication between the user -- engineers at this point -- and the machine was described in caricatures like those in Electric Media (Brown & Marks 100). Many comics handled the issue of understanding. In one cartoon one engineer asks another: "Do you ever feel that it is trying to tell us something?" And in Robert Sherman Townes's novel "Problem of Emmy", the computer (Emmy) acts out of control and prints the words: "WHO AM I WHO AM I WHO AM I?". In these examples the man-machine relationship was taken under consideration, but the attitude towards the relationship was that of a master-tool way. The user was pronouncedly in control and the machine just a passive tool. After the 1980s the image of the computer was turning into that of a playful toy and a game machine, thanks to the game houses' and marketing departments' efforts. Suddenly the player was playing with the computer, and even fairly often got beaten by it. That definitely raises feelings towards the machine! The playing situation was so intensive that the player did not often pay any attention to the interface, and the roles were not so clear anymore. This was a step towards the idea of natural communication between human and machine. Later science fiction influenced depictions of virtual reality, and haptic interfaces mediated the ideas into reality. In this paper I will discuss the man-machine relationship from the viewpoint of interface design. My expertise is in electronic games, and thus I will use examples from the game industry. This paper is a sidetrack of RAID -- Research of Adaptive User Interface Design, which was going on at the University of Lapland, Finland in 1995-1999. The RAID project was about research into adaptive interface design from the viewpoint of media archaeology, electronic games, toys and media art. Early Visions Already in the 1960s, MIT professor J.C.R. Licklider wrote about man-machine symbiosis. He saw that "man machine symbiosis is an expected development in cooperative interaction between men and electronic computers". He believed that it would lead to a new kind of cooperative partnership between man and machine (9). Licklider's visions are important, because the relationship between man and machine was seen generally differently at those days. At the time of the first mainframe computers in the 1940s, man and machine were seen as separate entities from the viewpoint of data processing. The operator put in data to the machine, which processed it by its own language which only the machine and very few engineers could understand. Fear -- a fearful affection -- has affected the development of machines and the idea of man-machine relationships throughout the decades. One reason for this is that the ordinary person had no contact to the computer. That has led to fears that when cooperating with the machine, the user will become enslaved by it, or sucked into it, as in Charlie Chaplin's film Modern Times (1936). The machine captivates its user's body, punishes it and makes its movement impossible at the end. Or the machine will keep the body's freedom, but adapt its functions to work by the automatic rhythm: the human body will be subordinated to the machine or made a part of it. What Is the Interface? In reality there still is a mediator between the user and the machine: the interface. It is a connector -- a boundary surface -- that enables the user to control the machine. There has been no doubt who is in charge of whom, but the public image of the machine is changing from "computer as a tool" to "computer as an entertainment medium". That is also changing the somewhat fearful relationship to the computer, because such applications place the player much more intensively immersed in the game world. The machine as a tool does not lose its meaning but its functionality and usability are being developed towards more entertainment-like attributes. The interface is an environment and a structural system that consists of the physical machine, a virtual programming environment, and the user. The system becomes perfect when all its parts will unite as a functional, interactive whole. Significant thresholds will arise through the hapticity of the interface, on one hand questioning the bodily relationship between user and machine and on the other hand creating new ways of being with the machine. New haptic (wearable computing) and spatial (sensors in a reactive space) interfaces raise the question of man-machine symbiosis from a new perspective. Interfaces in a Game World In games the man-machine relationship is seen with much less emotion than when using medical applications, for example. The strength of electronic games is in the goal-oriented interaction. The passivity of older machines has been replaced by the information platform where the player's actions have an immediate effect in the virtual world. The player is already surrounded by the computer: at home sitting by the computer holding a joystick and in the arcades sometimes sitting inside the computer or even being tied up with the computer (as in gyroscope VR applications). The symbiosis in game environments is essential and simple. During the 1980s and 1990s a lot of different virtual reality gear variants were developed in the "VR boom". Some systems were more or less masked arcade game machines that did not offer any real virtuality. Virtuality was seen as a new way of working with a machine, but most of the applications did not support the idea far enough. Neither did the developers pay attention to interface design nor to new ways of experiencing and feeling pleasure through the machine. At that time the most important thing was to build a plausible "virtual reality system". Under the futuristic cover of the machine there was usually a PC and a joystick or mouse. Usually a system could easily be labelled as a virtual theater, a dome or a cabin, which all refer to entertainment simulators. At the beginning of the 1990s, data glasses and gloves were the most widely used interfaces within the new interaction systems. Later the development turned from haptic interfaces towards more spatial ideas -- from wearable systems to interaction environments. Still there are only few innovative applications available. One good example is Vivid Group's old Mandala VR system which was later in the 1990s developed further to the Holopod system. It has been promoted as the interface of the future and new way of being with the computer. As in the film Modern Times so also with Holopod the player is in a way sucked inside the game world. But this time with the user's consent. Behind the Holopod is Vivid Group's Mandala VGC (Video Gesture Control) technology which they have been developing since 1986. The Mandala VGC system combines real time video images of the player with the game scene. The player in the real world is the protagonist in the game world. So the real world and the game world are united. That makes it possible to sense the real time movement as well as interaction between the platform and the player. Also other manufacturers like American Holoplex has developed similar systems. Their system is called ThunderCam. Like Konami's Dance Dance Revolution, it asks heavy physical involvement in the Street Fighter combat game. Man-Man and Man-Machine Cooperation One of the most important elements in electronic games has been reaction ability. Now the playing is turning closer to a new sport. Different force feedback systems combined with haptic interfaces will create much more diverse examples of action. For example, the Japanese Konami corporation has developed a haptic version of a popular Playstation dance game where karaoke and an electronic version of the Twister game are combined. Besides new man-machine cooperative applications, there are also under development some multi-user environments where the user interacts with the computer-generated world as well as with other players. The Land of Snow and Ice has been under development for about a year now in the University of Lapland, Finland. It is a tourism project that is supposed to be able to create a sensation of the arctic environment throughout the year. Temperature and atmosphere are created with the help of refrigerating equipment. In the space there are virtual theatre and enhanced ski-doo as interfaces. The 3-D software makes the sensation very intense, and a hydraulic platform extends the experience. The Land of Snow and Ice is interesting from the point of view of the man-machine relationship in the way that it brings a new idea to the interface design: the use of everyday objects as interfaces. The machine is "hidden" inside an everyday object and one is interacting and using the machine in a more natural way. For example, the Norwegian media artist Stahl Stenslie has developed "an 'intelligent' couch through which you communicate using your body through tactile and visual stimuli". Besides art works he has also talked about new everyday communication environments, where the table in a café could be a communication tool. One step towards Stenslie's idea has already become reality in Lasipalatsi café in Helsinki, Finland. The tables are good for their primary purpose, but you can also surf the Internet and read your e-mail with them, while drinking your tea. These kind of ideas have also been presented within 'intelligent home' speculations. Intelligent homes have gained acceptance and there are already several intelligent homes in the world. Naturally there will always be opposition, because the surface between man and machine is still a very delicate issue. In spite of this, I see such homogeneous countries as Finland, for example, to be a good testing ground for a further development of new man-machine interaction systems. Pleasure seems to be one of the key words of the future, and with the new technology, one can make everyday routines easier, pleasure more intense and the Internet a part of social communication: within the virtual as well as in real world communities. In brief, I have introduced two ideas: using games as a testing ground, and embedding haptic and spatial interfaces inside everyday objects. It is always difficult to predict the future and there are always at least technology, marketing forces, popular culture and users that will affect what the man-machine relationship of the future will be like. I see games and game interfaces as the new developing ground for a new kind of man-machine relationship. References Barfield, W., and T.A. Furness. Virtual Environments and Advanced Interface Design. New York: Oxford UP, 1995. Brown, Les, and Sema Marks. Electric Media. New York: Hargrove Brace Jovanovich, 1974. Burdea, G., and P. Coiffet. Virtual Reality Technology. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1994. Greelish, David. "Hictorically Brewed Magazine. A Retrospective." Classic Computing. 1 Sep. 1999 <http://www.classiccomputing.com/mag.php>. Huhtamo, Erkki. "Odottavasta Operaattorista Kärsimättömäksi Käyttäjäksi. Interaktiivisuuden Arkeologiaa." Mediaevoluutiota. Eds. Kari Hintikka and Seppo Kuivakari. Rovaniemi: U of Lapland P, 1997. Jones, Steve, ed. Virtual Culture: Identity and Communication in Cybersociety. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1997. Kuivakari, Seppo, ed. Keholliset Käyttöliittymät. Helsinki: TEKES, 1999. 1 Sep. 1999 <http://media.urova.fi/~raid>. Licklider, J.C.R. "Man-Computer Symbiosis." 1960. 1 Sep. 1999 <http://memex.org/licklider.pdf>. Picard, Rosalind W. Affective Computing. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT P, 1997. "Return of the Luddites". Interview with Kirkpatrick Sale. Wired Magazine June 1995. Stenslie, Stahl. Artworks. 1 Sep. 1999 <http://sirene.nta.no/stahl/>. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Sonja Kangas. "From Haptic Interfaces to Man-Machine Symbiosis." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.6 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9909/haptic.php>. Chicago style: Sonja Kangas, "From Haptic Interfaces to Man-Machine Symbiosis," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 6 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9909/haptic.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Sonja Kangas. (1999) From haptic interfaces to man-machine symbiosis. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(6). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9909/haptic.php> ([your date of access]).

1991 An afternoon in late 1991 found me on a Sydney bus reading Brett Easton Ellis’ American Psycho (1991). A disembarking passenger paused at my side and, as I glanced up, hissed, ‘I don’t know how you can read that filth’. As she continued to make her way to the front of the vehicle, I was as stunned as if she had struck me physically. There was real vehemence in both her words and how they were delivered, and I can still see her eyes squeezing into slits as she hesitated while curling her mouth around that final angry word: ‘filth’. Now, almost fifteen years later, the memory is remarkably vivid. As the event is also still remarkable; this comment remaining the only remark ever made to me by a stranger about anything I have been reading during three decades of travelling on public transport. That inflamed commuter summed up much of the furore that greeted the publication of American Psycho. More than this, and unusually, condemnation of the work both actually preceded, and affected, its publication. Although Ellis had been paid a substantial U.S. $300,000 advance by Simon & Schuster, pre-publication stories based on circulating galley proofs were so negative—offering assessments of the book as: ‘moronic … pointless … themeless … worthless (Rosenblatt 3), ‘superficial’, ‘a tapeworm narrative’ (Sheppard 100) and ‘vile … pornography, not literature … immoral, but also artless’ (Miner 43)—that the publisher cancelled the contract (forfeiting the advance) only months before the scheduled release date. CEO of Simon & Schuster, Richard E. Snyder, explained: ‘it was an error of judgement to put our name on a book of such questionable taste’ (quoted in McDowell, “Vintage” 13). American Psycho was, instead, published by Random House/Knopf in March 1991 under its prestige paperback imprint, Vintage Contemporary (Zaller; Freccero 48) – Sonny Mehta having signed the book to Random House some two days after Simon & Schuster withdrew from its agreement with Ellis. While many commented on the fact that Ellis was paid two substantial advances, it was rarely noted that Random House was a more prestigious publisher than Simon & Schuster (Iannone 52). After its release, American Psycho was almost universally vilified and denigrated by the American critical establishment. The work was criticised on both moral and aesthetic/literary/artistic grounds; that is, in terms of both what Ellis wrote and how he wrote it. Critics found it ‘meaningless’ (Lehmann-Haupt C18), ‘abysmally written … schlock’ (Kennedy 427), ‘repulsive, a bloodbath serving no purpose save that of morbidity, titillation and sensation … pure trash, as scummy and mean as anything it depicts, a dirty book by a dirty writer’ (Yardley B1) and ‘garbage’ (Gurley Brown 21). Mark Archer found that ‘the attempt to confuse style with content is callow’ (31), while Naomi Wolf wrote that: ‘overall, reading American Psycho holds the same fascination as watching a maladjusted 11-year-old draw on his desk’ (34). John Leo’s assessment sums up the passionate intensity of those critical of the work: ‘totally hateful … violent junk … no discernible plot, no believable characterization, no sensibility at work that comes anywhere close to making art out of all the blood and torture … Ellis displays little feel for narration, words, grammar or the rhythm of language’ (23). These reviews, as those printed pre-publication, were titled in similarly unequivocal language: ‘A Revolting Development’ (Sheppard 100), ‘Marketing Cynicism and Vulgarity’ (Leo 23), ‘Designer Porn’ (Manguel 46) and ‘Essence of Trash’ (Yardley B1). Perhaps the most unambiguous in its message was Roger Rosenblatt’s ‘Snuff this Book!’ (3). Of all works published in the U.S.A. at that time, including those clearly carrying X ratings, the Los Angeles chapter of the National Organization for Women (NOW) selected American Psycho for special notice, stating that the book ‘legitimizes inhuman and savage violence masquerading as sexuality’ (NOW 114). Judging the book ‘the most misogynistic communication’ the organisation had ever encountered (NOW L.A. chapter president, Tammy Bruce, quoted in Kennedy 427) and, on the grounds that ‘violence against women in any form is no longer socially acceptable’ (McDowell, “NOW” C17), NOW called for a boycott of the entire Random House catalogue for the remainder of 1991. Naomi Wolf agreed, calling the novel ‘a violation not of obscenity standards, but of women’s civil rights, insofar as it results in conditioning male sexual response to female suffering or degradation’ (34). Later, the boycott was narrowed to Knopf and Vintage titles (Love 46), but also extended to all of the many products, companies, corporations, firms and brand names that are a feature of Ellis’s novel (Kauffman, “American” 41). There were other unexpected responses such as the Walt Disney Corporation barring Ellis from the opening of Euro Disney (Tyrnauer 101), although Ellis had already been driven from public view after receiving a number of death threats and did not undertake a book tour (Kennedy 427). Despite this, the book received significant publicity courtesy of the controversy and, although several national bookstore chains and numerous booksellers around the world refused to sell the book, more than 100,000 copies were sold in the U.S.A. in the fortnight after publication (Dwyer 55). Even this success had an unprecedented effect: when American Psycho became a bestseller, The New York Times announced that it would be removing the title from its bestseller lists because of the book’s content. In the days following publication in the U.S.A., Canadian customs announced that it was considering whether to allow the local arm of Random House to, first, import American Psycho for sale in Canada and, then, publish it in Canada (Kirchhoff, “Psycho” C1). Two weeks later, when the book was passed for sale (Kirchhoff, “Customs” C1), demonstrators protested the entrance of a shipment of the book. In May, the Canadian Defence Force made headlines when it withdrew copies of the book from the library shelves of a navy base in Halifax (Canadian Press C1). Also in May 1991, the Australian Office of Film and Literature Classification (OFLC), the federal agency that administers the classification scheme for all films, computer games and ‘submittable’ publications (including books) that are sold, hired or exhibited in Australia, announced that it had classified American Psycho as ‘Category 1 Restricted’ (W. Fraser, “Book” 5), to be sold sealed, to only those over 18 years of age. This was the first such classification of a mainstream literary work since the rating scheme was introduced (Graham), and the first time a work of literature had been restricted for sale since Philip Roth’s Portnoy’s Complaint in 1969. The chief censor, John Dickie, said the OFLC could not justify refusing the book classification (and essentially banning the work), and while ‘as a satire on yuppies it has a lot going for it’, personally he found the book ‘distasteful’ (quoted in W. Fraser, “Sensitive” 5). Moreover, while this ‘R’ classification was, and remains, a national classification, Australian States and Territories have their own sale and distribution regulation systems. Under this regime, American Psycho remains banned from sale in Queensland, as are all other books in this classification category (Vnuk). These various reactions led to a flood of articles published in the U.S.A., Canada, Australia and the U.K., voicing passionate opinions on a range of issues including free speech and censorship, the corporate control of artistic thought and practice, and cynicism on the part of authors and their publishers about what works might attract publicity and (therefore) sell in large numbers (see, for instance, Hitchens 7; Irving 1). The relationship between violence in society and its representation in the media was a common theme, with only a few commentators (including Norman Mailer in a high profile Vanity Fair article) suggesting that, instead of inciting violence, the media largely reflected, and commented upon, societal violence. Elayne Rapping, an academic in the field of Communications, proposed that the media did actively glorify violence, but only because there was a market for such representations: ‘We, as a society love violence, thrive on violence as the very basis of our social stability, our ideological belief system … The problem, after all, is not media violence but real violence’ (36, 38). Many more commentators, however, agreed with NOW, Wolf and others and charged Ellis’s work with encouraging, and even instigating, violent acts, and especially those against women, calling American Psycho ‘a kind of advertising for violence against women’ (anthropologist Elliot Leyton quoted in Dwyer 55) and, even, a ‘how-to manual on the torture and dismemberment of women’ (Leo 23). Support for the book was difficult to find in the flood of vitriol directed against it, but a small number wrote in Ellis’s defence. Sonny Mehta, himself the target of death threats for acquiring the book for Random House, stood by this assessment, and was widely quoted in his belief that American Psycho was ‘a serious book by a serious writer’ and that Ellis was ‘remarkably talented’ (Knight-Ridder L10). Publishing director of Pan Macmillan Australia, James Fraser, defended his decision to release American Psycho on the grounds that the book told important truths about society, arguing: ‘A publisher’s office is a clearing house for ideas … the real issue for community debate [is] – to what extent does it want to hear the truth about itself, about individuals within the community and about the governments the community elects. If we care about the preservation of standards, there is none higher than this. Gore Vidal was among the very few who stated outright that he liked the book, finding it ‘really rather inspired … a wonderfully comic novel’ (quoted in Tyrnauer 73). Fay Weldon agreed, judging the book as ‘brilliant’, and focusing on the importance of Ellis’s message: ‘Bret Easton Ellis is a very good writer. He gets us to a ‘T’. And we can’t stand it. It’s our problem, not his. American Psycho is a beautifully controlled, careful, important novel that revolves around its own nasty bits’ (C1). Since 1991 As unlikely as this now seems, I first read American Psycho without any awareness of the controversy raging around its publication. I had read Ellis’s earlier works, Less than Zero (1985) and The Rules of Attraction (1987) and, with my energies fully engaged elsewhere, cannot now even remember how I acquired the book. Since that angry remark on the bus, however, I have followed American Psycho’s infamy and how it has remained in the public eye over the last decade and a half. Australian OFLC decisions can be reviewed and reversed – as when Pasolini’s final film Salo (1975), which was banned in Australia from the time of its release in 1975 until it was un-banned in 1993, was then banned again in 1998 – however, American Psycho’s initial classification has remained unchanged. In July 2006, I purchased a new paperback copy in rural New South Wales. It was shrink-wrapped in plastic and labelled: ‘R. Category One. Not available to persons under 18 years. Restricted’. While exact sales figures are difficult to ascertain, by working with U.S.A., U.K. and Australian figures, this copy was, I estimate, one of some 1.5 to 1.6 million sold since publication. In the U.S.A., backlist sales remain very strong, with some 22,000 copies sold annually (Holt and Abbott), while lifetime sales in the U.K. are just under 720,000 over five paperback editions. Sales in Australia are currently estimated by Pan MacMillan to total some 100,000, with a new printing of 5,000 copies recently ordered in Australia on the strength of the book being featured on the inaugural Australian Broadcasting Commission’s First Tuesday Book Club national television program (2006). Predictably, the controversy around the publication of American Psycho is regularly revisited by those reviewing Ellis’s subsequent works. A major article in Vanity Fair on Ellis’s next book, The Informers (1994), opened with a graphic description of the death threats Ellis received upon the publication of American Psycho (Tyrnauer 70) and then outlined the controversy in detail (70-71). Those writing about Ellis’s two most recent novels, Glamorama (1999) and Lunar Park (2005), have shared this narrative strategy, which also forms at least part of the frame of every interview article. American Psycho also, again predictably, became a major topic of discussion in relation to the contracting, making and then release of the eponymous film in 2000 as, for example, in Linda S. Kauffman’s extensive and considered review of the film, which spent the first third discussing the history of the book’s publication (“American” 41-45). Playing with this interest, Ellis continues his practice of reusing characters in subsequent works. Thus, American Psycho’s Patrick Bateman, who first appeared in The Rules of Attraction as the elder brother of the main character, Sean – who, in turn, makes a brief appearance in American Psycho – also turns up in Glamorama with ‘strange stains’ on his Armani suit lapels, and again in Lunar Park. The book also continues to be regularly cited in discussions of censorship (see, for example, Dubin; Freccero) and has been included in a number of university-level courses about banned books. In these varied contexts, literary, cultural and other critics have also continued to disagree about the book’s impact upon readers, with some persisting in reading the novel as a pornographic incitement to violence. When Wade Frankum killed seven people in Sydney, many suggested a link between these murders and his consumption of X-rated videos, pornographic magazines and American Psycho (see, for example, Manne 11), although others argued against this (Wark 11). Prosecutors in the trial of Canadian murderer Paul Bernardo argued that American Psycho provided a ‘blueprint’ for Bernardo’s crimes (Canadian Press A5). Others have read Ellis’s work more positively, as for instance when Sonia Baelo Allué compares American Psycho favourably with Thomas Harris’s The Silence of the Lambs (1988) – arguing that Harris not only depicts more degrading treatment of women, but also makes Hannibal Lecter, his antihero monster, sexily attractive (7-24). Linda S. Kauffman posits that American Psycho is part of an ‘anti-aesthetic’ movement in art, whereby works that are revoltingly ugly and/or grotesque function to confront the repressed fears and desires of the audience and explore issues of identity and subjectivity (Bad Girls), while Patrick W. Shaw includes American Psycho in his work, The Modern American Novel of Violence because, in his opinion, the violence Ellis depicts is not gratuitous. Lost, however, in much of this often-impassioned debate and dialogue is the book itself – and what Ellis actually wrote. 21-years-old when Less than Zero was published, Ellis was still only 26 when American Psycho was released and his youth presented an obvious target. In 1991, Terry Teachout found ‘no moment in American Psycho where Bret Easton Ellis, who claims to be a serious artist, exhibits the workings of an adult moral imagination’ (45, 46), Brad Miner that it was ‘puerile – the very antithesis of good writing’ (43) and Carol Iannone that ‘the inclusion of the now famous offensive scenes reveals a staggering aesthetic and moral immaturity’ (54). Pagan Kennedy also ‘blamed’ the entire work on this immaturity, suggesting that instead of possessing a developed artistic sensibility, Ellis was reacting to (and, ironically, writing for the approval of) critics who had lauded the documentary realism of his violent and nihilistic teenage characters in Less than Zero, but then panned his less sensational story of campus life in The Rules of Attraction (427-428). Yet, in my opinion, there is not only a clear and coherent aesthetic vision driving Ellis’s oeuvre but, moreover, a profoundly moral imagination at work as well. This was my view upon first reading American Psycho, and part of the reason I was so shocked by that charge of filth on the bus. Once familiar with the controversy, I found this view shared by only a minority of commentators. Writing in the New Statesman & Society, Elizabeth J. Young asked: ‘Where have these people been? … Books of pornographic violence are nothing new … American Psycho outrages no contemporary taboos. Psychotic killers are everywhere’ (24). I was similarly aware that such murderers not only existed in reality, but also in many widely accessed works of literature and film – to the point where a few years later Joyce Carol Oates could suggest that the serial killer was an icon of popular culture (233). While a popular topic for writers of crime fiction and true crime narratives in both print and on film, a number of ‘serious’ literary writers – including Truman Capote, Norman Mailer, Kate Millet, Margaret Atwood and Oates herself – have also written about serial killers, and even crossed over into the widely acknowledged as ‘low-brow’ true crime genre. Many of these works (both popular or more literary) are vivid and powerful and have, as American Psycho, taken a strong moral position towards their subject matter. Moreover, many books and films have far more disturbing content than American Psycho, yet have caused no such uproar (Young and Caveney 120). By now, the plot of American Psycho is well known, although the structure of the book, noted by Weldon above (C1), is rarely analysed or even commented upon. First person narrator, Patrick Bateman, a young, handsome stockbroker and stereotypical 1980s yuppie, is also a serial killer. The book is largely, and innovatively, structured around this seeming incompatibility – challenging readers’ expectations that such a depraved criminal can be a wealthy white professional – while vividly contrasting the banal, and meticulously detailed, emptiness of Bateman’s life as a New York über-consumer with the scenes where he humiliates, rapes, tortures, murders, mutilates, dismembers and cannibalises his victims. Although only comprising some 16 out of 399 pages in my Picador edition, these violent scenes are extreme and certainly make the work as a whole disgustingly confronting. But that is the entire point of Ellis’s work. Bateman’s violence is rendered so explicitly because its principal role in the novel is to be inescapably horrific. As noted by Baelo Allué, there is no shift in tone between the most banally described detail and the description of violence (17): ‘I’ve situated the body in front of the new Toshiba television set and in the VCR is an old tape and appearing on the screen is the last girl I filmed. I’m wearing a Joseph Abboud suit, a tie by Paul Stuart, shoes by J. Crew, a vest by someone Italian and I’m kneeling on the floor beside a corpse, eating the girl’s brain, gobbling it down, spreading Grey Poupon over hunks of the pink, fleshy meat’ (Ellis 328). In complete opposition to how pornography functions, Ellis leaves no room for the possible enjoyment of such a scene. Instead of revelling in the ‘spine chilling’ pleasures of classic horror narratives, there is only the real horror of imagining such an act. The effect, as Kauffman has observed is, rather than arousing, often so disgusting as to be emetic (Bad Girls 249). Ellis was surprised that his detractors did not understand that he was trying to be shocking, not offensive (Love 49), or that his overall aim was to symbolise ‘how desensitised our culture has become towards violence’ (quoted in Dwyer 55). Ellis was also understandably frustrated with readings that conflated not only the contents of the book and their meaning, but also the narrator and author: ‘The acts described in the book are truly, indisputably vile. The book itself is not. Patrick Bateman is a monster. I am not’ (quoted in Love 49). Like Fay Weldon, Norman Mailer understood that American Psycho posited ‘that the eighties were spiritually disgusting and the author’s presentation is the crystallization of such horror’ (129). Unlike Weldon, however, Mailer shied away from defending the novel by judging Ellis not accomplished enough a writer to achieve his ‘monstrous’ aims (182), failing because he did not situate Bateman within a moral universe, that is, ‘by having a murderer with enough inner life for us to comprehend him’ (182). Yet, the morality of Ellis’s project is evident. By viewing the world through the lens of a psychotic killer who, in many ways, personifies the American Dream – wealthy, powerful, intelligent, handsome, energetic and successful – and, yet, who gains no pleasure, satisfaction, coherent identity or sense of life’s meaning from his endless, selfish consumption, Ellis exposes the emptiness of both that world and that dream. As Bateman himself explains: ‘Surface, surface, surface was all that anyone found meaning in. This was civilisation as I saw it, colossal and jagged’ (Ellis 375). Ellis thus situates the responsibility for Bateman’s violence not in his individual moral vacuity, but in the barren values of the society that has shaped him – a selfish society that, in Ellis’s opinion, refused to address the most important issues of the day: corporate greed, mindless consumerism, poverty, homelessness and the prevalence of violent crime. Instead of pornographic, therefore, American Psycho is a profoundly political text: Ellis was never attempting to glorify or incite violence against anyone, but rather to expose the effects of apathy to these broad social problems, including the very kinds of violence the most vocal critics feared the book would engender. Fifteen years after the publication of American Psycho, although our societies are apparently growing in overall prosperity, the gap between rich and poor also continues to grow, more are permanently homeless, violence – whether domestic, random or institutionally-sanctioned – escalates, and yet general apathy has intensified to the point where even the ‘ethics’ of torture as government policy can be posited as a subject for rational debate. The real filth of the saga of American Psycho is, thus, how Ellis’s message was wilfully ignored. While critics and public intellectuals discussed the work at length in almost every prominent publication available, few attempted to think in any depth about what Ellis actually wrote about, or to use their powerful positions to raise any serious debate about the concerns he voiced. Some recent critical reappraisals have begun to appreciate how American Psycho is an ‘ethical denunciation, where the reader cannot but face the real horror behind the serial killer phenomenon’ (Baelo Allué 8), but Ellis, I believe, goes further, exposing the truly filthy causes that underlie the existence of such seemingly ‘senseless’ murder. But, Wait, There’s More It is ironic that American Psycho has, itself, generated a mini-industry of products. A decade after publication, a Canadian team – filmmaker Mary Harron, director of I Shot Andy Warhol (1996), working with scriptwriter, Guinevere Turner, and Vancouver-based Lions Gate Entertainment – adapted the book for a major film (Johnson). Starring Christian Bale, Chloë Sevigny, Willem Dafoe and Reese Witherspoon and, with an estimated budget of U.S.$8 million, the film made U.S.$15 million at the American box office. The soundtrack was released for the film’s opening, with video and DVDs to follow and the ‘Killer Collector’s Edition’ DVD – closed-captioned, in widescreen with surround sound – released in June 2005. Amazon.com lists four movie posters (including a Japanese language version) and, most unexpected of all, a series of film tie-in action dolls. The two most popular of these, judging by E-Bay, are the ‘Cult Classics Series 1: Patrick Bateman’ figure which, attired in a smart suit, comes with essential accoutrements of walkman with headphones, briefcase, Wall Street Journal, video tape and recorder, knife, cleaver, axe, nail gun, severed hand and a display base; and the 18” tall ‘motion activated sound’ edition – a larger version of the same doll with fewer accessories, but which plays sound bites from the movie. Thanks to Stephen Harris and Suzie Gibson (UNE) for stimulating conversations about this book, Stephen Harris for information about the recent Australian reprint of American Psycho and Mark Seebeck (Pan Macmillan) for sales information. References Archer, Mark. “The Funeral Baked Meats.” The Spectator 27 April 1991: 31. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. First Tuesday Book Club. First broadcast 1 August 2006. Baelo Allué, Sonia. “The Aesthetics of Serial Killing: Working against Ethics in The Silence of the Lambs (1988) and American Psycho (1991).” Atlantis 24.2 (Dec. 2002): 7-24. Canadian Press. “Navy Yanks American Psycho.” The Globe and Mail 17 May 1991: C1. Canadian Press. “Gruesome Novel Was Bedside Reading.” Kitchener-Waterloo Record 1 Sep. 1995: A5. Dubin, Steven C. “Art’s Enemies: Censors to the Right of Me, Censors to the Left of Me.” Journal of Aesthetic Education 28.4 (Winter 1994): 44-54. Dwyer, Victor. “Literary Firestorm: Canada Customs Scrutinizes a Brutal Novel.” Maclean’s April 1991: 55. Ellis, Bret Easton. American Psycho. London: Macmillan-Picador, 1991. ———. Glamorama. New York: Knopf, 1999. ———. The Informers. New York: Knopf, 1994. ———. Less than Zero. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985. ———. Lunar Park. New York: Knopf, 2005. ———. The Rules of Attraction. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987. Fraser, James. :The Case for Publishing.” The Bulletin 18 June 1991. Fraser, William. “Book May Go under Wraps.” The Sydney Morning Herald 23 May 1991: 5. ———. “The Sensitive Censor and the Psycho.” The Sydney Morning Herald 24 May 1991: 5. Freccero, Carla. “Historical Violence, Censorship, and the Serial Killer: The Case of American Psycho.” Diacritics: A Review of Contemporary Criticism 27.2 (Summer 1997): 44-58. Graham, I. “Australian Censorship History.” Libertus.net 9 Dec. 2001. 17 May 2006 http://libertus.net/censor/hist20on.html>. Gurley Brown, Helen. Commentary in “Editorial Judgement or Censorship?: The Case of American Psycho.” The Writer May 1991: 20-23. Harris, Thomas. The Silence of the Lambs. New York: St Martins Press, 1988. Harron, Mary (dir.). American Psycho [film]. Edward R. Pressman Film Corporation, Lions Gate Films, Muse Productions, P.P.S. Films, Quadra Entertainment, Universal Pictures, 2004. Hitchens, Christopher. “Minority Report.” The Nation 7-14 January 1991: 7. Holt, Karen, and Charlotte Abbott. “Lunar Park: The Novel.” Publishers Weekly 11 July 2005. 13 Aug. 2006 http://www.publishersweekly.com/article/CA624404.html? pubdate=7%2F11%2F2005&display=archive>. Iannone, Carol. “PC & the Ellis Affair.” Commentary Magazine July 1991: 52-4. Irving, John. “Pornography and the New Puritans.” The New York Times Book Review 29 March 1992: Section 7, 1. 13 Aug. 2006 http://www.nytimes.com/books/97/06/15/lifetimes/25665.html>. Johnson, Brian D. “Canadian Cool Meets American Psycho.” Maclean’s 10 April 2000. 13 Aug. 2006 http://www.macleans.ca/culture/films/article.jsp?content=33146>. Kauffman, Linda S. “American Psycho [film review].” Film Quarterly 54.2 (Winter 2000-2001): 41-45. ———. Bad Girls and Sick Boys: Fantasies in Contemporary Art and Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. Kennedy, Pagan. “Generation Gaffe: American Psycho.” The Nation 1 April 1991: 426-8. Kirchhoff, H. J. “Customs Clears Psycho: Booksellers’ Reaction Mixed.” The Globe and Mail 26 March 1991: C1. ———. “Psycho Sits in Limbo: Publisher Awaits Customs Ruling.” The Globe and Mail 14 March 1991: C1. Knight-Ridder News Service. “Vintage Picks up Ellis’ American Psycho.” Los Angeles Daily News 17 November 1990: L10. Lehmann-Haupt, Christopher. “Psycho: Wither Death without Life?” The New York Times 11 March 1991: C18. Leo, John. “Marketing Cynicism and Vulgarity.” U.S. News & World Report 3 Dec. 1990: 23. Love, Robert. “Psycho Analysis: Interview with Bret Easton Ellis.” Rolling Stone 4 April 1991: 45-46, 49-51. Mailer, Norman. “Children of the Pied Piper: Mailer on American Psycho.” Vanity Fair March 1991: 124-9, 182-3. Manguel, Alberto. “Designer Porn.” Saturday Night 106.6 (July 1991): 46-8. Manne, Robert. “Liberals Deny the Video Link.” The Australian 6 Jan. 1997: 11. McDowell, Edwin. “NOW Chapter Seeks Boycott of ‘Psycho’ Novel.” The New York Times 6 Dec. 1990: C17. ———. “Vintage Buys Violent Book Dropped by Simon & Schuster.” The New York Times 17 Nov. 1990: 13. Miner, Brad. “Random Notes.” National Review 31 Dec. 1990: 43. National Organization for Women. Library Journal 2.91 (1991): 114. Oates, Joyce Carol. “Three American Gothics.” Where I’ve Been, and Where I’m Going: Essays, Reviews and Prose. New York: Plume, 1999. 232-43. Rapping, Elayne. “The Uses of Violence.” Progressive 55 (1991): 36-8. Rosenblatt, Roger. “Snuff this Book!: Will Brett Easton Ellis Get Away with Murder?” New York Times Book Review 16 Dec. 1990: 3, 16. Roth, Philip. Portnoy’s Complaint. New York: Random House, 1969. Shaw, Patrick W. The Modern American Novel of Violence. Troy, NY: Whitson, 2000. Sheppard, R. Z. “A Revolting Development.” Time 29 Oct. 1990: 100. Teachout, Terry. “Applied Deconstruction.” National Review 24 June 1991: 45-6. Tyrnauer, Matthew. “Who’s Afraid of Bret Easton Ellis?” Vanity Fair 57.8 (Aug. 1994): 70-3, 100-1. Vnuk, Helen. “X-rated? Outdated.” The Age 21 Sep. 2003. 17 May 2006 http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2003/09/19/1063625202157.html>. Wark, McKenzie. “Video Link Is a Distorted View.” The Australian 8 Jan. 1997: 11. Weldon, Fay. “Now You’re Squeamish?: In a World as Sick as Ours, It’s Silly to Target American Psycho.” The Washington Post 28 April 1991: C1. Wolf, Naomi. “The Animals Speak.” New Statesman & Society 12 April 1991: 33-4. Yardley, Jonathan. “American Psycho: Essence of Trash.” The Washington Post 27 Feb. 1991: B1. Young, Elizabeth J. “Psycho Killers. Last Lines: How to Shock the English.” New Statesman & Society 5 April 1991: 24. Young, Elizabeth J., and Graham Caveney. Shopping in Space: Essays on American ‘Blank Generation’ Fiction. London: Serpent’s Tail, 1992. Zaller, Robert “American Psycho, American Censorship and the Dahmer Case.” Revue Francaise d’Etudes Americaines 16.56 (1993): 317-25. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brien, Donna Lee. "The Real Filth in : A Critical Reassessment." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/01-brien.php>. APA Style Brien, D. (Nov. 2006) "The Real Filth in American Psycho: A Critical Reassessment," M/C Journal, 9(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/01-brien.php>.

Ways of Seeing"Images … define our experiences more precisely in areas where words are inadequate." (Berger 33)"Different skins, you know, different ways of seeing the world." (Morrison)The research question animating this article is: 'How does an individual creative worker re-present themselves as a contemporary - and evolving - brand?' Berger notes that the "principal aim has been to start a process of questioning" (5), and the raw material energising this exploration is the life's work of Richard Morrison, the creative director and artist who is the key moving force behind The Morrison Studio collective of designers, film makers and visual effects artists, working globally but based in London. The challenge of maintaining currency in this visually creative marketplace includes seeing what is unique about your potential contribution to a larger project, and communicating it in such a way that this forms an integral part of an evolving brand - on trend, bleeding edge, but reliably professional. One of the classic outputs of Morrison's oeuvre, for example, is the title sequence for Terry Gilliam's Brazil.Passion cannot be seen yet Morrison conceives it as the central engine that harnesses skills, information and innovative ways of working to deliver the unexpected and the unforgettable. Morrison's perception is that the design itself can come after the creative artist has really seen and understood the client's perspective. As he says: "What some clients are interested in is 'How can we make money from what we're doing?'" Seeing the client, and the client's motivating needs, is central to Morrison's presentation of self as a brand: "the broader your outlook as a creative, the more chance you have of getting it right". Jones and Warren draw attention to one aspect of this dynamic: "Wealthy and private actors, both private and state, historically saw creative practice as something that money was spent on - commissioning a painting or a sculpture, giving salaries to composers to produce new works and so forth. Today, creativity has been reimagined as something that should directly or indirectly make money" (293). As Berger notes, "We never look at just one thing; we are always looking at the relation between things and ourselves…The world-as-it-is is more than pure objective fact, it includes consciousness" (9, 11). What is our consciousness around the creative image?Individuality is central to Berger's vision of the image in the "specific vision of the image-maker…the result of an increasing consciousness of individuality, accompanying an increasing awareness of history" (10). Yet, as Berger argues "although every image embodies a way of seeing, our perception or appreciation of an image depends also upon our own way of seeing" (10). Later, Berger links the meanings viewers attribute to images as indicating the "historical experience of our relation to the past…the experience of seeking to give meaning to our lives" (33). The seeing and the seeking go hand in hand, and constitute a key reason for Berger's assertion that "the entire art of the past has now become a political issue" (33). This partly reflects the ways in which it is seen, and in which it is presented for view, by whom, where and in which circumstances.The creation of stand-out images in the visually-saturated 21st century demands a nuanced understanding of ways in which an idea can be re-presented for consumption in a manner that makes it fresh and arresting. The focus on the individual also entails an understanding of the ways in which others are valuable, or vital, in completing a coherent package of skills to address the creative challenge to hand. It is self-evident that other people see things differently, and can thus enrich the broadened outlook identified as important for "getting it right". Morrison talks about "little core teams, there's four or five of you in a hub… [sometimes] spread all round the world, but because of the Internet and the way things work you can still all be connected". Team work and members' individual personalities are consequently combined, in Morrison's view, with the core requirement of passion. As Morrison argues, "personality will carry you a long way in the creative field".Morrison's key collaborator, senior designer and creative partner/art director Dean Wares lives in Valencia, Spain whereas Morrison is London-based and their clients are globally-dispersed. Although Morrison sees the Internet as a key technology for collaboratively visualising the ways in which to make a visual impact, Berger points to the role of the camera in relation to the quintessential pre-mechanical image: the painting. It is worth acknowledging here that Berger explicitly credits Walter Benjamin, including the use of his image (34), as the foundation for many of Berger's ideas, specifically referencing Benjamin's essay "The work of art in the age of mechanical reproduction". Noting that, prior to the invention of the camera, a painting could never be seen in more than one place at a time, Berger suggests that the camera foments a revolutionary transformation: "its meaning changes. Or, more exactly, its meaning multiplies and fragments into many meanings" (19). This disruption is further fractured once that camera-facilitated image is viewed on a screen, ubiquitous to Morrison's stock in trade, but in Berger's day (1972) particularly associated with the television:The painting enters each viewer's house. There it is surrounded by his wallpaper, his furniture, his mementoes. It enters the atmosphere of his family. It becomes their talking point. It lends its meaning to their meaning. At the same time it enters a million other houses and, in each of them, is seen in a different context. Because of the camera, the painting now travels to the spectator, rather than the spectator to the painting. In its travels, its meaning is diversified. (Berger, 19-20)Even so, that image, travelling through space and time is seen on the screen in a sequential and temporal context: "because a film unfolds in time and a painting does not. In a film the way one image follows another, their succession constructs an argument which becomes irreversible. In a painting all its elements are there to be seen simultaneously." Both these dynamics, the still and the sequence, are key to the work of a visual artist such as Morrison responsible for branding a film, television series or event. But the works also create an unfolding sequence which tells a different story to each recipient according to the perceptions of the viewer/reader. For example, instead of valorising Gilliam's Brazil, Morrison's studio could have been tagged with Annaud's Enemy at the Gates or, even, the contemporary Sky series, Niel Jordan's Riviera. Knowing this sequence, and that the back catalogue begins with The Who's Quadrophenia (1979), changes the way we see what the Morrison Studio is doing now.Ways of WorkingRichard Morrison harnesses an evolutionary metaphor to explain his continuing contribution to the industry: "I've adapted, and not been a dinosaur who's just sunk in the mud". He argues that there is a need to explore where "the next niche is and be prepared for change 'cause the only constant thing in life is change. So as a creative you need to have that known." Effectively, adaptation and embracing innovation has become a key part of the Morrison Studio's brand. It is trumpeted in the decision that Morrison and Ware made when they decided to continue their work together, even after Ware moved to Spain. This demonstrated, in an age of faxes and landlines, that the Morrison Studio could make cross country collaboration work: the multiple locations championed the fact that they were open for business "without boundaries".There was travel, too, and in those early pre-Internet days of remote location Morrison was a frequent visitor to the United States. "I'd be working in Los Angeles and he'd be wherever he was […] we'd use snail mail to actually get stuff across, literally post it by FedEx […]." The intercontinental (as opposed to inter-Europe) collaboration had the added value of offering interlocking working days: "I'd go to sleep, he wakes up […] We were actually doubling our capacity." If anything, these dynamics are more entrenched with better communications. Currah argues that Hollywood attempts to manage the disruptive potential of the internet by "seeking to create a 'closed' sphere of innovation on a global scale […] legitimated, enacted and performed within relational networks" (359). The Morrison Studio's own dispersed existence is one element of these relational networks.The specific challenge of technological vulnerability was always present, however, long before the Internet: "We'd have a case full of D1 tapes" - the professional standard video tape (1986-96) - "and we'd carefully make sure they'd go through the airport so they don't get rubbed […] what we were doing is we were fitting ourselves up for the new change". At the same time, although the communication technologies change, there are constants in the ways that people use them. Throughout Morrison's career, "when I'm working for Americans, which I'm doing a lot, they expect me to be on the telephone at midnight [because of time zones]. […] They think 'Oh I want to speak to Richard now. Oh it's midnight, so what?' They still phone up. That's constant, that never goes away." He argues that American clients are more complex to communicate with than his Scandinavian clients, giving the example that people assume a UK-US consistency because they share the English language. But "although you think they're talking in a tongue that's the same, their meaning and understanding can sometimes be quite a bit different." He uses the example of the A4 sheet of paper. It has different dimensions in the US than in the UK, illustrating those different ways of seeing.Morrison believes that there are four key constants in his company's continuing success: deadlines; the capacity to scope a job so that you know who and how many people to pull in to it to meet the deadline; librarian skills; and insecurity. The deadlines have always been imposed on creative organisations by their clients, but being able to deliver to deadlines involves networks and self-knowledge: "If you can't do it yourself find a friend, find somebody that's good at adding up, find somebody that's good at admin. You know, don't try and take on what you can't do. Put your hand up straight away, call in somebody that can help you". Chapain and Comunian's work on creative and cultural industries (CCIs) also highlights the importance of "a new centrality to the role of individuals and their social networks in understanding the practice of CCIs" (718).Franklin et al. suggest that this approach, adopted by The Morrison Studio, is a microcosm of the independent film sector as a whole. They argue that "the lifecycle of a film is segmented into sequential stages, moving through development, financing, production, sales, distribution and exhibition stages to final consumption. Different companies, each with specialized project tasks, take on responsibility and relative financial risk and reward at each stage" (323). The importance that Morrison places on social networks, however, highlights the importance of flexibility within relationships of trust - to the point where it might be as valid to engage someone on the basis of a history of working with that person as on the basis of that person's prior experience. As Cristopherson notes, "many creative workers are in vaguely defined and rapidly changing fields, seemingly making up their careers as they go along" (543).The skills underlying Morrison's approach to creative collaboration, however, include a clear understanding of one's own strength and weaknesses and a cool evaluation of others, "just quietly research people". This people-based research includes both the capabilities of potential colleagues, in order to deliver the required product in the specified time frame, along with research into creative people whose work is admired and who might provide a blueprint for how to arrive at an individual's dream role. Morrison gives the example of Quentin Tarantino's trajectory to directing: "he started in a video rental and all he did is watch lots and lots of films, particularly westerns and Japanese samurai films and decided 'I can do that'". One of his great pleasures now is to mentor young designers to help them find their way in the industry. That's a strategy that may pay dividends into the future, via Storper and Scott's "traded and untraded interdependencies" which are, according to Gornostaeva, "expressed as the multiple economic and social transactions that the participants ought to conduct if they wish to perpetuate their existence" (39).As for the library skills, he says that they are crucial but a bit comical:It's a bit like being a constant librarian in old-fashioned terms, you know, 'Where is that stuff stored?' Because it's not stored in a plan chest anymore where you open the drawer and there it is. It's now stored in, you know, big computers, in a cloud. 'Where did we put that file? Did we dump it down? Have we marked it up? […] Where's it gone? What did we do it on?'While juggling the demands of technology, people and product The Morrison brand involves both huge confidence and chronic insecurity. The confidence is evident in the low opinion Morrison has of the opportunities offered by professional disruptor sites such as 99designs: "I can't bear anything like that. I can see why it's happening but I think what you're doing is devaluing yourself even before you start […] it would destroy your self-belief in what you're doing". At the same time, Morrison says, his security is his own insecurity: "I'm always out hunting to see what could be next […] the job you finish could be your last job."Ways of BrandingChristopherson argues that there is "considerable variation in the occupational identities of new media workers among advanced economies. In some economies, new media work is evolving in a form that is closer to that of the professional [in contrast to economies where it is] an entrepreneurial activity in which new media workers sell skills and services in a market" (543). For The Morrison Studio, its breadth, history and experience supports their desire to be branded as professional, but their working patterns entirely resonate with, and are integrated within, the entrepreneurial. Seeing their activity in this way is a juxtaposition with the proposition advanced by Berger that:The existing social conditions make the individual feel powerless. He lives in the contradiction between what he is and what he would like to be. Either he then becomes fully conscious of the contradiction and its causes, and so joins the political struggle for a full democracy which entails, among other things, the overthrow of capitalism; or else he lives, continually subject to an envy which, compounded with his sense of powerlessness, dissolves into recurrent day-dreams (148).The role of the brand, and its publicity, is implicated by Berger in both the tension between what an individual is and what s/he would like to be; and in the creation of an envy that subjugates people. For Berger, the brand is about publicity and the commodifying of the future. Referring to publicity images, Berger argues that "they never speak of the present. Often they refer to the past and always they speak of the future". Brands are created and marketed by such publicity images that are often, these days, incorporated within social media and websites. At the same time, Berger argues that "Publicity is about social relationships, not objects [or experiences]. Its promise is not of pleasure, but of happiness: happiness as judged from the outside by others. The happiness of being envied is glamour." It is the dual pressure from the perception of the gap between the individual's actual and potential life, and the daydreaming and envy of that future, that helps construct Berger's powerless individual.Morrison's view, fashioned in part by his success at adapting, at not being a dinosaur that sinks into the mud, is that the authenticity lies in the congruence of the brand and the belief. "A personal brand can help you straight away but as long as you believe it […] You have to be true to what you're about and then it works. And then the thing becomes you [… you] just go for it and, you know, don't worry about failure. Failure will happen anyway".Berger's commentary on publicity is partially divergent from branding. Publicity is generally a managed message, on that is paid for and promoted by the person or entity concerned. A brand is a more holistic construction and is implicated in ways of seeing in that different people will have very different perceptions of the same brand. Morrison's view of his personal brand, and the brand of the Morrison Studio, is that it encompasses much more than design expertise and technical know-how. He lionises the role of passion and talks about the importance of ways of managing deadlines, interlocking skills sets, creative elements and the insecurity of uncertainty.For the producers who hire Morrison, and help build his brand, Berger's observation of the importance of history and the promise for the future remains key to their hiring decisions. Although carefully crafted, creative images are central to the Morrison Studio's work, it is not the surface presentation of those images that determines the way their work is perceived by people in the film industry, it is the labour and networks that underpin those images. While Morrison's outputs form part of the visual environment critiqued in Ways of Seeing, it is informed by the dynamics of international capitalism via global networks and mobility. Although one of myriad small businesses that help make the film industry the complex and productive creative sphere that it is, Morrison Studios does not so much seek to create a public brand as to be known and valued by the small group of industry players upon whom the Studio relies for its existence. Their continued future depends upon the ways in which they are seen.ReferencesBenjamin, Walter. Illuminations: Essays and Reflections. United States of America, 1969.Berger, John. Ways of Seeing. London: Penguin Books, 1972.Brazil. Dir. Terry Gilliam. Universal Pictures. 1985. Film. Chapain, Caroline, and Roberta Comunian. "Enabling and Inhibiting the Creative Economy: The Role of the Local and Regional Dimensions in England." Regional Studies 44.6 (2010): 717-734. Christopherson, Susan. "The Divergent Worlds of New Media: How Policy Shapes Work in the Creative Economy." Review of Policy Research 21.4 (2004): 543-558. Currah, Andrew. "Hollywood, the Internet and the World: A Geography of Disruptive Innovation." Industry and Innovation 14.4 (2007): 359-384. Enemies at the Gates. Dir. Jean-Jacques Annaud. Paramount. 2001. FilmFranklin, Michael, et al. "Innovation in the Application of Digital Tools for Managing Uncertainty: The Case of UK Independent Film." Creativity and Innovation Management 22.3 (2013): 320-333. Gornostaeva, Galina. "The Wolves and Lambs of the Creative City: The Sustainability of Film and Television Producers in London." Geographical Review (2009): 37-60. Jones, Phil, and Saskia Warren. "Time, Rhythm and the Creative Economy." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 41.3 (2016): 286-296. Morrison, Richard. Personal Interview. 13 Oct 2016.The Morrison Studio. The Morrison Studio, 2017. 16 June 2017 <https://themorrisonstudio.com/>.Quadrophenia. Dir. Franc Roddam. Brent Walker Film Distributing. 1979. Film.Riviera. Dir. Neil Jordan. Sky Atlantic HD. 2017. Film.Storper, Michael, and Scott, Allen. "The Geographical Foundations and Social Regulation of Flexible Production Complexes". The Power of Geography: How Territory Shapes Social Life. Eds. Jennifer Wolch and Michael Dear. New York: Routledge, 1989. 21-40.

Biology teaches us that organisms adapt—or don’t; sociology claims that people adapt—or don’t. We know that ideas can adapt; sometimes even institutions can adapt. Or not. Various papers in this issue attest in exciting ways to precisely such adaptations and maladaptations. (See, for example, the articles in this issue by Lelia Green, Leesa Bonniface, and Tami McMahon, by Lexey A. Bartlett, and by Debra Ferreday.) Adaptation is a part of nature and culture, but it’s the latter alone that interests me here. (However, see the article by Hutcheon and Bortolotti for a discussion of nature and culture together.) It’s no news to anyone that not only adaptations, but all art is bred of other art, though sometimes artists seem to get carried away. My favourite example of excess of association or attribution can be found in the acknowledgements page to a verse drama called Beatrice Chancy by the self-defined “maximalist” (not minimalist) poet, novelist, librettist, and critic, George Elliot Clarke. His selected list of the incarnations of the story of Beatrice Cenci, a sixteenth-century Italian noblewoman put to death for the murder of her father, includes dramas, romances, chronicles, screenplays, parodies, sculptures, photographs, and operas: dramas by Vincenzo Pieracci (1816), Percy Bysshe Shelley (1819), Juliusz Slowacki (1843), Waldter Landor (1851), Antonin Artaud (1935) and Alberto Moravia (1958); the romances by Francesco Guerrazi (1854), Henri Pierangeli (1933), Philip Lindsay (1940), Frederic Prokosch (1955) and Susanne Kircher (1976); the chronicles by Stendhal (1839), Mary Shelley (1839), Alexandre Dumas, père (1939-40), Robert Browning (1864), Charles Swinburne (1883), Corrado Ricci (1923), Sir Lionel Cust (1929), Kurt Pfister (1946) and Irene Mitchell (1991); the film/screenplay by Bertrand Tavernier and Colo O’Hagan (1988); the parody by Kathy Acker (1993); the sculpture by Harriet Hosmer (1857); the photograph by Julia Ward Cameron (1866); and the operas by Guido Pannain (1942), Berthold Goldschmidt (1951, 1995) and Havergal Brian (1962). (Beatrice Chancy, 152) He concludes the list with: “These creators have dallied with Beatrice Cenci, but I have committed indiscretions” (152). An “intertextual feast”, by Clarke’s own admission, this rewriting of Beatrice’s story—especially Percy Bysshe Shelley’s own verse play, The Cenci—illustrates brilliantly what Northrop Frye offered as the first principle of the production of literature: “literature can only derive its form from itself” (15). But in the last several decades, what has come to be called intertextuality theory has shifted thinking away from looking at this phenomenon from the point of view of authorial influences on the writing of literature (and works like Harold Bloom’s famous study of the Anxiety of Influence) and toward considering our readerly associations with literature, the connections we (not the author) make—as we read. We, the readers, have become “empowered”, as we say, and we’ve become the object of academic study in our own right. Among the many associations we inevitably make, as readers, is with adaptations of the literature we read, be it of Jane Austin novels or Beowulf. Some of us may have seen the 2006 rock opera of Beowulf done by the Irish Repertory Theatre; others await the new Neil Gaiman animated film. Some may have played the Beowulf videogame. I personally plan to miss the upcoming updated version that makes Beowulf into the son of an African explorer. But I did see Sturla Gunnarsson’s Beowulf and Grendel film, and yearned to see the comic opera at the Lincoln Centre Festival in 2006 called Grendel, the Transcendence of the Great Big Bad. I am not really interested in whether these adaptations—all in the last year or so—signify Hollywood’s need for a new “monster of the week” or are just the sign of a desire to cash in on the success of The Lord of the Rings. For all I know they might well act as an ethical reminder of the human in the alien in a time of global strife (see McGee, A4). What interests me is the impact these multiple adaptations can have on the reader of literature as well as on the production of literature. Literature, like painting, is usually thought of as what Nelson Goodman (114) calls a one-stage art form: what we read (like what we see on a canvas) is what is put there by the originating artist. Several major consequences follow from this view. First, the implication is that the work is thus an original and new creation by that artist. However, even the most original of novelists—like Salman Rushdie—are the first to tell you that stories get told and retold over and over. Indeed his controversial novel, The Satanic Verses, takes this as a major theme. Works like the Thousand and One Nights are crucial references in all of his work. As he writes in Haroun and the Sea of Stories: “no story comes from nowhere; new stories are born of old” (86). But illusion of originality is only one of the implications of seeing literature as a one-stage art form. Another is the assumption that what the writer put on paper is what we read. But entire doctoral programs in literary production and book history have been set up to study how this is not the case, in fact. Editors influence, even change, what authors want to write. Designers control how we literally see the work of literature. Beatrice Chancy’s bookend maps of historical Acadia literally frame how we read the historical story of the title’s mixed-race offspring of an African slave and a white slave owner in colonial Nova Scotia in 1801. Media interest or fashion or academic ideological focus may provoke a publisher to foreground in the physical presentation different elements of a text like this—its stress on race, or gender, or sexuality. The fact that its author won Canada’s Governor General’s Award for poetry might mean that the fact that this is a verse play is emphasised. If the book goes into a second edition, will a new preface get added, changing the framework for the reader once again? As Katherine Larson has convincingly shown, the paratextual elements that surround a work of literature like this one become a major site of meaning generation. What if literature were not a one-stage an art form at all? What if it were, rather, what Goodman calls “two-stage” (114)? What if we accept that other artists, other creators, are needed to bring it to life—editors, publishers, and indeed readers? In a very real and literal sense, from our (audience) point of view, there may be no such thing as a one-stage art work. Just as the experience of literature is made possible for readers by the writer, in conjunction with a team of professional and creative people, so, arguably all art needs its audience to be art; the un-interpreted, un-experienced art work is not worth calling art. Goodman resists this move to considering literature a two-stage art, not at all sure that readings are end products the way that performance works are (114). Plays, films, television shows, or operas would be his prime examples of two-stage arts. In each of these, a text (a playtext, a screenplay, a score, a libretto) is moved from page to stage or screen and given life, by an entire team of creative individuals: directors, actors, designers, musicians, and so on. Literary adaptations to the screen or stage are usually considered as yet another form of this kind of transcription or transposition of a written text to a performance medium. But the verbal move from the “book” to the diminutive “libretto” (in Italian, little book or booklet) is indicative of a view that sees adaptation as a step downward, a move away from a primary literary “source”. In fact, an entire negative rhetoric of “infidelity” has developed in both journalistic reviewing and academic discourse about adaptations, and it is a morally loaded rhetoric that I find surprising in its intensity. Here is the wonderfully critical description of that rhetoric by the king of film adaptation critics, Robert Stam: Terms like “infidelity,” “betrayal,” “deformation,” “violation,” “bastardisation,” “vulgarisation,” and “desecration” proliferate in adaptation discourse, each word carrying its specific charge of opprobrium. “Infidelity” carries overtones of Victorian prudishness; “betrayal” evokes ethical perfidy; “bastardisation” connotes illegitimacy; “deformation” implies aesthetic disgust and monstrosity; “violation” calls to mind sexual violence; “vulgarisation” conjures up class degradation; and “desecration” intimates religious sacrilege and blasphemy. (3) I join many others today, like Stam, in challenging the persistence of this fidelity discourse in adaptation studies, thereby providing yet another example of what, in his article here called “The Persistence of Fidelity: Adaptation Theory Today,” John Connor has called the “fidelity reflex”—the call to end an obsession with fidelity as the sole criterion for judging the success of an adaptation. But here I want to come at this same issue of the relation of adaptation to the adapted text from another angle. When considering an adaptation of a literary work, there are other reasons why the literary “source” text might be privileged. Literature has historical priority as an art form, Stam claims, and so in some people’s eyes will always be superior to other forms. But does it actually have priority? What about even earlier performative forms like ritual and song? Or to look forward, instead of back, as Tim Barker urges us to do in his article here, what about the new media’s additions to our repertoire with the advent of electronic technology? How can we retain this hierarchy of artistic forms—with literature inevitably on top—in a world like ours today? How can both the Romantic ideology of original genius and the capitalist notion of individual authorship hold up in the face of the complex reality of the production of literature today (as well as in the past)? (In “Amen to That: Sampling and Adapting the Past”, Steve Collins shows how digital technology has changed the possibilities of musical creativity in adapting/sampling.) Like many other ages before our own, adaptation is rampant today, as director Spike Jonze and screenwriter Charlie Kaufman clearly realised in creating Adaptation, their meta-cinematic illustration-as-send-up film about adaptation. But rarely has a culture denigrated the adapter as a secondary and derivative creator as much as we do the screenwriter today—as Jonze explores with great irony. Michelle McMerrin and Sergio Rizzo helpfully explain in their pieces here that one of the reasons for this is the strength of auteur theory in film criticism. But we live in a world in which works of literature have been turned into more than films. We now have literary adaptations in the forms of interactive new media works and videogames; we have theme parks; and of course, we have the more common television series, radio and stage plays, musicals, dance works, and operas. And, of course, we now have novelisations of films—and they are not given the respect that originary novels are given: it is the adaptation as adaptation that is denigrated, as Deborah Allison shows in “Film/Print: Novelisations and Capricorn One”. Adaptations across media are inevitably fraught, and for complex and multiple reasons. The financing and distribution issues of these widely different media alone inevitably challenge older capitalist models. The need or desire to appeal to a global market has consequences for adaptations of literature, especially with regard to its regional and historical specificities. These particularities are what usually get adapted or “indigenised” for new audiences—be they the particularities of the Spanish gypsy Carmen (see Ioana Furnica, “Subverting the ‘Good, Old Tune’”), those of the Japanese samurai genre (see Kevin P. Eubanks, “Becoming-Samurai: Samurai [Films], Kung-Fu [Flicks] and Hip-Hop [Soundtracks]”), of American hip hop graffiti (see Kara-Jane Lombard, “‘To Us Writers, the Differences Are Obvious’: The Adaptation of Hip Hop Graffiti to an Australian Context”) or of Jane Austen’s fiction (see Suchitra Mathur, “From British ‘Pride’ to Indian ‘Bride’: Mapping the Contours of a Globalised (Post?)Colonialism”). What happens to the literary text that is being adapted, often multiple times? Rather than being displaced by the adaptation (as is often feared), it most frequently gets a new life: new editions of the book appear, with stills from the movie adaptation on its cover. But if I buy and read the book after seeing the movie, I read it differently than I would have before I had seen the film: in effect, the book, not the adaptation, has become the second and even secondary text for me. And as I read, I can only “see” characters as imagined by the director of the film; the cinematic version has taken over, has even colonised, my reader’s imagination. The literary “source” text, in my readerly, experiential terms, becomes the secondary work. It exists on an experiential continuum, in other words, with its adaptations. It may have been created before, but I only came to know it after. What if I have read the literary work first, and then see the movie? In my imagination, I have already cast the characters: I know what Gabriel and Gretta Conroy of James Joyce’s story, “The Dead,” look and sound like—in my imagination, at least. Then along comes John Huston’s lush period piece cinematic adaptation and the director superimposes his vision upon mine; his forcibly replaces mine. But, in this particular case, Huston still arguably needs my imagination, or at least my memory—though he may not have realised it fully in making the film. When, in a central scene in the narrative, Gabriel watches his wife listening, moved, to the singing of the Irish song, “The Lass of Aughrim,” what we see on screen is a concerned, intrigued, but in the end rather blank face: Gabriel doesn’t alter his expression as he listens and watches. His expression may not change—but I know exactly what he is thinking. Huston does not tell us; indeed, without the use of voice-over, he cannot. And since the song itself is important, voice-over is impossible. But I know exactly what he is thinking: I’ve read the book. I fill in the blank, so to speak. Gabriel looks at Gretta and thinks: There was grace and mystery in her attitude as if she were a symbol of something. He asked himself what is a woman standing on the stairs in the shadow, listening to distant music, a symbol of. If he were a painter he would paint her in that attitude. … Distant Music he would call the picture if he were a painter. (210) A few pages later the narrator will tell us: At last she turned towards them and Gabriel saw that there was colour on her cheeks and that her eyes were shining. A sudden tide of joy went leaping out of his heart. (212) This joy, of course, puts him in a very different—disastrously different—state of mind than his wife, who (we later learn) is remembering a young man who sang that song to her when she was a girl—and who died, for love of her. I know this—because I’ve read the book. Watching the movie, I interpret Gabriel’s blank expression in this knowledge. Just as the director’s vision can colonise my visual and aural imagination, so too can I, as reader, supplement the film’s silence with the literary text’s inner knowledge. The question, of course, is: should I have to do so? Because I have read the book, I will. But what if I haven’t read the book? Will I substitute my own ideas, from what I’ve seen in the rest of the film, or from what I’ve experienced in my own life? Filmmakers always have to deal with this problem, of course, since the camera is resolutely externalising, and actors must reveal their inner worlds through bodily gesture or facial expression for the camera to record and for the spectator to witness and comprehend. But film is not only a visual medium: it uses music and sound, and it also uses words—spoken words within the dramatic situation, words overheard on the street, on television, but also voice-over words, spoken by a narrating figure. Stephen Dedalus escapes from Ireland at the end of Joseph Strick’s 1978 adaptation of Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man with the same words as he does in the novel, where they appear as Stephen’s diary entry: Amen. So be it. Welcome, O life! I go to encounter for the millionth time the reality of experience and to forge in the smithy of my soul the uncreated conscience of my race. … Old father, old artificer, stand me now and ever in good stead. (253) The words from the novel also belong to the film as film, with its very different story, less about an artist than about a young Irishman finally able to escape his family, his religion and his country. What’s deliberately NOT in the movie is the irony of Joyce’s final, benign-looking textual signal to his reader: Dublin, 1904 Trieste, 1914 The first date is the time of Stephen’s leaving Dublin—and the time of his return, as we know from the novel Ulysses, the sequel, if you like, to this novel. The escape was short-lived! Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man has an ironic structure that has primed its readers to expect not escape and triumph but something else. Each chapter of the novel has ended on this kind of personal triumphant high; the next has ironically opened with Stephen mired in the mundane and in failure. Stephen’s final words in both film and novel remind us that he really is an Icarus figure, following his “Old father, old artificer”, his namesake, Daedalus. And Icarus, we recall, takes a tumble. In the novel version, we are reminded that this is the portrait of the artist “as a young man”—later, in 1914, from the distance of Trieste (to which he has escaped) Joyce, writing this story, could take some ironic distance from his earlier persona. There is no such distance in the film version. However, it stands alone, on its own; Joyce’s irony is not appropriate in Strick’s vision. His is a different work, with its own message and its own, considerably more romantic and less ironic power. Literary adaptations are their own things—inspired by, based on an adapted text but something different, something other. I want to argue that these works adapted from literature are now part of our readerly experience of that literature, and for that reason deserve the same attention we give to the literary, and not only the same attention, but also the same respect. I am a literarily trained person. People like me who love words, already love plays, but shouldn’t we also love films—and operas, and musicals, and even videogames? There is no need to denigrate words that are heard (and visualised) in order to privilege words that are read. Works of literature can have afterlives in their adaptations and translations, just as they have pre-lives, in terms of influences and models, as George Eliot Clarke openly allows in those acknowledgements to Beatrice Chancy. I want to return to that Canadian work, because it raises for me many of the issues about adaptation and language that I see at the core of our literary distrust of the move away from the written, printed text. I ended my recent book on adaptation with a brief examination of this work, but I didn’t deal with this particular issue of language. So I want to return to it, as to unfinished business. Clarke is, by the way, clear in the verse drama as well as in articles and interviews that among the many intertexts to Beatrice Chancy, the most important are slave narratives, especially one called Celia, a Slave, and Shelley’s play, The Cenci. Both are stories of mistreated and subordinated women who fight back. Since Clarke himself has written at length about the slave narratives, I’m going to concentrate here on Shelley’s The Cenci. The distance from Shelley’s verse play to Clarke’s verse play is a temporal one, but it is also geographic and ideological one: from the old to the new world, and from a European to what Clarke calls an “Africadian” (African Canadian/African Acadian) perspective. Yet both poets were writing political protest plays against unjust authority and despotic power. And they have both become plays that are more read than performed—a sad fate, according to Clarke, for two works that are so concerned with voice. We know that Shelley sought to calibrate the stylistic registers of his work with various dramatic characters and effects to create a modern “mixed” style that was both a return to the ancients and offered a new drama of great range and flexibility where the expression fits what is being expressed (see Bruhn). His polemic against eighteenth-century European dramatic conventions has been seen as leading the way for realist drama later in the nineteenth century, with what has been called its “mixed style mimesis” (Bruhn) Clarke’s adaptation does not aim for Shelley’s perfect linguistic decorum. It mixes the elevated and the biblical with the idiomatic and the sensual—even the vulgar—the lushly poetic with the coarsely powerful. But perhaps Shelley’s idea of appropriate language fits, after all: Beatrice Chancy is a woman of mixed blood—the child of a slave woman and her slave owner; she has been educated by her white father in a convent school. Sometimes that educated, elevated discourse is heard; at other times, she uses the variety of discourses operative within slave society—from religious to colloquial. But all the time, words count—as in all printed and oral literature. Clarke’s verse drama was given a staged reading in Toronto in 1997, but the story’s, if not the book’s, real second life came when it was used as the basis for an opera libretto. Actually the libretto commission came first (from Queen of Puddings Theatre in Toronto), and Clarke started writing what was to be his first of many opera texts. Constantly frustrated by the art form’s demands for concision, he found himself writing two texts at once—a short libretto and a longer, five-act tragic verse play to be published separately. Since it takes considerably longer to sing than to speak (or read) a line of text, the composer James Rolfe keep asking for cuts—in the name of economy (too many singers), because of clarity of action for audience comprehension, or because of sheer length. Opera audiences have to sit in a theatre for a fixed length of time, unlike readers who can put a book down and return to it later. However, what was never sacrificed to length or to the demands of the music was the language. In fact, the double impact of the powerful mixed language and the equally potent music, increases the impact of the literary text when performed in its operatic adaptation. Here is the verse play version of the scene after Beatrice’s rape by her own father, Francis Chancey: I was black but comely. Don’t glance Upon me. This flesh is crumbling Like proved lies. I’m perfumed, ruddied Carrion. Assassinated. Screams of mucking juncos scrawled Over the chapel and my nerves, A stickiness, as when he finished Maculating my thighs and dress. My eyes seep pus; I can’t walk: the floors Are tizzy, dented by stout mauling. Suddenly I would like poison. The flesh limps from my spine. My inlets crimp. Vultures flutter, ghastly, without meaning. I can see lice swarming the air. … His scythe went shick shick shick and slashed My flowers; they lay, murdered, in heaps. (90) The biblical and the violent meet in the texture of the language. And none of that power gets lost in the opera adaptation, despite cuts and alterations for easier aural comprehension. I was black but comely. Don’t look Upon me: this flesh is dying. I’m perfumed, bleeding carrion, My eyes weep pus, my womb’s sopping With tears; I can hardly walk: the floors Are tizzy, the sick walls tumbling, Crumbling like proved lies. His scythe went shick shick shick and cut My flowers; they lay in heaps, murdered. (95) Clarke has said that he feels the libretto is less “literary” in his words than the verse play, for it removes the lines of French, Latin, Spanish and Italian that pepper the play as part of the author’s critique of the highly educated planter class in Nova Scotia: their education did not guarantee ethical behaviour (“Adaptation” 14). I have not concentrated on the music of the opera, because I wanted to keep the focus on the language. But I should say that the Rolfe’s score is as historically grounded as Clarke’s libretto: it is rooted in African Canadian music (from ring shouts to spirituals to blues) and in Scottish fiddle music and local reels of the time, not to mention bel canto Italian opera. However, the music consciously links black and white traditions in a way that Clarke’s words and story refuse: they remain stubbornly separate, set in deliberate tension with the music’s resolution. Beatrice will murder her father, and, at the very moment that Nova Scotia slaves are liberated, she and her co-conspirators will be hanged for that murder. Unlike the printed verse drama, the shorter opera libretto functions like a screenplay, if you will. It is not so much an autonomous work unto itself, but it points toward a potential enactment or embodiment in performance. Yet, even there, Clarke cannot resist the lure of words—even though they are words that no audience will ever hear. The stage directions for Act 3, scene 2 of the opera read: “The garden. Slaves, sunflowers, stars, sparks” (98). The printed verse play is full of these poetic associative stage directions, suggesting that despite his protestations to the contrary, Clarke may have thought of that version as one meant to be read by the eye. After Beatrice’s rape, the stage directions read: “A violin mopes. Invisible shovelsful of dirt thud upon the scene—as if those present were being buried alive—like ourselves” (91). Our imaginations—and emotions—go to work, assisted by the poet’s associations. There are many such textual helpers—epigraphs, photographs, notes—that we do not have when we watch and listen to the opera. We do have the music, the staged drama, the colours and sounds as well as the words of the text. As Clarke puts the difference: “as a chamber opera, Beatrice Chancy has ascended to television broadcast. But as a closet drama, it play only within the reader’s head” (“Adaptation” 14). Clarke’s work of literature, his verse drama, is a “situated utterance, produced in one medium and in one historical and social context,” to use Robert Stam’s terms. In the opera version, it was transformed into another “equally situated utterance, produced in a different context and relayed through a different medium” (45-6). I want to argue that both are worthy of study and respect by wordsmiths, by people like me. I realise I’ve loaded the dice: here neither the verse play nor the libretto is primary; neither is really the “source” text, for they were written at the same time and by the same person. But for readers and audiences (my focus and interest here), they exist on a continuum—depending on which we happen to experience first. As Ilana Shiloh explores here, the same is true about the short story and film of Memento. I am not alone in wanting to mount a defence of adaptations. Julie Sanders ends her new book called Adaptation and Appropriation with these words: “Adaptation and appropriation … are, endlessly and wonderfully, about seeing things come back to us in as many forms as possible” (160). The storytelling imagination is an adaptive mechanism—whether manifesting itself in print or on stage or on screen. The study of the production of literature should, I would like to argue, include those other forms taken by that storytelling drive. If I can be forgiven a move to the amusing—but still serious—in concluding, Terry Pratchett puts it beautifully in his fantasy story, Witches Abroad: “Stories, great flapping ribbons of shaped space-time, have been blowing and uncoiling around the universe since the beginning of time. And they have evolved. The weakest have died and the strongest have survived and they have grown fat on the retelling.” In biology as in culture, adaptations reign. References Bloom, Harold. The Anxiety of Influence. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. Bruhn, Mark J. “’Prodigious Mixtures and Confusions Strange’: The Self-Subverting Mixed Style of The Cenci.” Poetics Today 22.4 (2001). Clarke, George Elliott. “Beatrice Chancy: A Libretto in Four Acts.” Canadian Theatre Review 96 (1998): 62-79. ———. Beatrice Chancy. Victoria, BC: Polestar, 1999. ———. “Adaptation: Love or Cannibalism? Some Personal Observations”, unpublished manuscript of article. Frye, Northrop. The Educated Imagination. Toronto: CBC, 1963. Goodman, Nelson. Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of Symbols. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968. Hutcheon, Linda, and Gary R. Bortolotti. “On the Origin of Adaptations: Rethinking Fidelity Discourse and “Success”—Biologically.” New Literary History. Forthcoming. Joyce, James. Dubliners. 1916. New York: Viking, 1967. ———. A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. 1916. Penguin: Harmondsworth, 1960. Larson, Katherine. “Resistance from the Margins in George Elliott Clarke’s Beatrice Chancy.” Canadian Literature 189 (2006): 103-118. McGee, Celia. “Beowulf on Demand.” New York Times, Arts and Leisure. 30 April 2006. A4. Rushdie, Salman. The Satanic Verses. New York: Viking, 1988. ———. Haroun and the Sea of Stories. London: Granta/Penguin, 1990. Sanders, Julie. Adaptation and Appropriation. London and New York: Routledge, 160. Shelley, Percy Bysshe. The Cenci. Ed. George Edward Woodberry. Boston and London: Heath, 1909. Stam, Robert. “Introduction: The Theory and Practice of Adaptation.” Literature and Film: A Guide to the Theory and Practice of Film Adaptation. Oxford: Blackwell, 2005. 1-52. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Hutcheon, Linda. "In Defence of Literary Adaptation as Cultural Production." M/C Journal 10.2 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/01-hutcheon.php>. APA Style Hutcheon, L. (May 2007) "In Defence of Literary Adaptation as Cultural Production," M/C Journal, 10(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/01-hutcheon.php>.

Introduction‘Dream’ has been researched across numerous fields in its multiplicity within both a physical and emotional capacity. For Pagel et al., there is no fixed definition of what ‘dream’ is or are. However, in an advertising context, ’dream’ is the idealised version of our desires, re-visualised in real life (Coombes and Batchelor 103). It could be said that for countless consumers, advertising imagery has elicited dreams of living the perfect life and procuring material pleasures (Manca et al.; Hood). Goodis asserts, “advertising doesn’t always mirror how people are acting but how they are dreaming, in a sense what we are doing is wrapping up your emotions and selling them back to you” (qtd. in Back and Quaade 65). One component of this notion of ‘dream’ in advertising is captured by wishful images of the face and body in their ‘perfect form’ presented in a field of other beauty ideals. For our purposes, ‘dream’ is a “philosophical concept” (Pagel et al. 14) by which dreams are a series of aspirations and desires that consumers internalise, while at the same time, find difficult to achieve. ‘Dream’, then, will be used to critically explore how the beauty and advertising industries collectively employ ethnic ambiguity in addition to other tactics and strategies to sell us dream-like visions of idealised beauty. Forever Dreaming: The Introduction of Ethnic AmbiguityWe can link dreams to beauty as both areas of analysis contain many cultural interpretations and can be deconstructed to reveal different meanings (Sontag). In many ways, beauty is another dream and Sontag notes that the concept of beauty is often linked to certain physical traits that an individual possesses. These physical traits are capitalised upon by product marketing by which Hood claims, aims to enhance one, or even more, of them. For example, lipstick is not marketed as simply as a mixture of wax and pigment but rather a way to “obtain beauty, find romance or gain confidence” (7). As a result, global beauty brands can find long term marketing success through meaningful product marketing. This long-term marketing success relies on influencing human behaviour and perceptions. As a result of meaningful marketing, consumers may find themselves driven to purchase implicit qualities in products advertised to reflect their dreams (Hood).Following the 1980s, this version of meaningful marketing has become a driving purpose for advertising agencies around the globe (Steel). Advertising agencies rely on deeper human insights, identifying latent desires to create a brief that must ultimately sell a dream (Steel). The ideal strategy needs to define something that will build brand loyalty and encourage consumers to have a symbiotic relationship connecting their dreams with the product being sold. As Hood argues, “advertising consists of selling not just things but also dreams”. While this concept is one that “some see as inherently damning”, it is also inherently necessary (7). We understand that people are emotional beings, investing in the artefacts they build, obtain or use with significance “beyond merely utilitarian” (7). For these reasons, beauty advertisers act as the purveyors of dreams in the form of physical perfection as an articulation of consumer’s own aspirations of beauty.These aspirations of dream beauty are a direct representation of our thoughts and feelings. As such, it should be noted that we as consumers are often encouraged to draw inspiration from imagery that is often times seen as ethnically ambiguous. “Ethnic ambiguity” is the absence of any one prominent ethnic or racial feature that is easily discernible to one specific group (Garcia 234; Harrison et al.). An example of this ethnic ambiguity can be seen in marketing campaigns by high end makeup artist and her eponymous range of cosmetics, Charlotte Tilbury. Most notably, in a 2015 launch for her “Makeup Wardrobe”, Tilbury’s makeup palettes boasted 10 aspirational ‘looks’ and personas that could be achieved simply through purchase. The images of women featured on a figurative ‘wheel of fortune’ digital display used to market products online. This digital ‘wheel of fortune’ comprised of ethnically ambiguous models against descriptive persona’s such as “The Dolce Vita” and “The Glamour Muse”. These kinds of digital marketing tools required consumers to make a decision based on what their dream ‘look’ is through an ethnically ambiguous lens and from here are guided to purchase their desired aesthetic. Like Charlotte Tilbury, the beauty industry has seen a growing body of cosmetic brands that employ ethnic ambiguity to sell dreams of homogenised beauty. We will see the ways in which modern day beauty brands, such as Kylie Jenner Cosmetics and Fenty Beauty have come to adopt ethnic ambiguity or embrace entire ethnic and racial groups in order to expand their consumer influence.Aspirational Ambiguity: Dreams of DisempowermentSince the early 2000s, beauty advertising has seen a prominent rise in the use of ethnically ambiguous models. Some see this as an effort to answer the global desire for diversity and inclusion. However, the notion that beauty standards transcend racial boundaries and is inclusive, is simply another form of appropriating and fetishising ethnicity (R. Sengupta). In many ways, these manufactured dream-like versions of beauty have evolved to reach wider markets, in the hope that consumers will be emboldened to both embrace their racial heritage, and at the same time conform to homogenised standards of beauty (Frith et al.; Harrison et al.).In this bid to diversify and extend consumer reach, there are three prominent reasons why ethnically ambiguous models are more likely to be featured over models whose African, Indigenous, and/or Asian heritage is more prominent. Firstly, ethnically ambiguous models do not seem to conform to a particular notion of what is considered beautiful. For many decades, popular culture has been saturated with images of thin, of young, of narrow noses and hips, of blonde, blue eyes, and Caucasian hair textures (Harrison et al.; Hunter; Saraswati). These Westernised beauty ideals have been historically shaped through years of colonial influence, grounded in an imbalance of power and imposed to create a culture of dominance and oppression (Saraswati). Secondly, ethnic models are featured to convey “the sense of the ‘exotic’, and their ‘otherness’ acts to normalise and entrench the dominant ideal of white beauty” (qtd. in Redmond 175). ‘Otherness’ can be defined as the opposite of the majority, in Westernised society this ‘other’ can mean “people who are other than white, male, able bodied, heterosexual” (qtd. in Graycar 74). This ‘otherness’ showcased by ethnically ambiguous models draws viewers in. Physical features that were possessed by one specific ethnic group such as African, Asian, Latinx or Indigenous peoples have now become blended and are no longer confined to one race. Additionally, ethnically ambiguous models enable white consumers to dream about an exotic local or lifestyle, while at the same time providing ethnic audiences a way to see themselves.Finally, it is undeniable that ethnically ambiguous and mixed-race models have become desirable due to a historical preference for light skin (Saraswati). The visual references of light-skinned beauty epitomise a colonial dream and this standardisation has been transferred to indigenous peoples, or ethnic minorities in Western countries. According to Harrison et al, “marketers use mixed-race representations as cultural currency by mythologising mixed-race bodies as the new beauty standard” to represent a racial bridge, “tailored to ameliorate perceived racial divides” (503). Therefore, ethnically ambiguous models have an assumed advantage over their racially dominant counterparts, because they appear to straddle various racial boundaries. They are constructed to embody whomever, from wherever and whenever, fetishising their roleplay for the industry, when it pleases. This further exoticises multi-racial beauty models and renders them a commodified fantasy for many consumers alike. The continued commodification of ethnic ambiguity is problematic as it exploits models with distinctly mixed-race heritage to continue to sell images of white-washed beauty (Solomon et al.). An argument could be made that scarcity contributes to mixed-race models’ value, and therefore the total number of advertising opportunities that are offered to mixed-race models remains limited. To date, numerous studies highlight a limited use of racially diverse models within the beauty industry and does not reflect the growing global body of diverse consumers with purchasing power (Wasylkiw et al.; Redmond; Johnson; Jung and Lee; Frith et al.). In fact, prior to globalisation, Yan and Bissell claim that “each culture had a unique standard of attractiveness, derived from traditional views about beauty as well as the physical features of the people” (197) and over time the construction of dream beauty is characterised using Western features combined with exoticised traits of indigenous ethnic groups. Akinro and Mbunyuza-Memani claim that this “trend of normalising white or 'western' feminine looks as the standard of beauty” has pervaded a number of these indigenous cultures, eventually disseminated through the media as the ultimate goal (308). It can also be argued that the “growing inclusion of mixed-race models in ads is driven less by the motivation to portray diversity and driven more by pragmatism,” and in a more practical sense has implications for the “financial future of the advertised brands and the advertising industry as a whole” (Harrison et al. 513). As a result, uses of mixed-race models “are rather understood as palatable responses within dominant white culture to racial and ethnic minority populations growing in … cultural prominence” (513) in a tokenistic bid to sell a dream of unified beauty.The Dream Girl: Normalisation of Mixed-RaceIn 2017, an article in CNN’s Style section highlighted the growing number of mixed-race models in Japan’s fashion and beauty industry as a modern-day phenomenon from Japan’s interlocking history with the United States (Chung and Ogura). These beauty and fashion influencers refer to themselves as hafu, an exclusionary term that historically represented an “othered” minority of mixed-race heritage in Japanese society signalling complex and troubled interactions with majority Japanese (Oshima). The complications once associated with the term ‘hafu’ are now being reclaimed by bi-racial beauty and fashion models and as such, these models are beginning to defy categorisation and, in some ways, national identity because of their chameleon-like qualities. However, while there is an increasing use of mixed-race Japanese models, everyday mixed-race women are regularly excluded within general society; which highlights the incongruent nature of ‘half’ identity. And yet there is an increasing preference and demand from fashion and beauty outlets to feature them in Japanese and Western popular culture (Harrison et al.; Chung and Ogura). Numéro Tokyo’s editorial director Sayumi Gunji, estimated that almost 30-40 per cent of runway models in present day Japan, identify as either bi-racial mixed-race or multi-racial (Chung and Ogura).Gunji claims:"Almost all top models in the their 20s are hafu, especially the top models of popular fashion magazines ... . [In] the Japanese media and market, a foreigner's flawless looks aren't as readily accepted -- they feel a little distant. But biracial models, who are taller, have bigger eyes, higher noses [and] Barbie-doll-like looks, are admired because they are dreamy looking but not totally different from the Japanese. That's the key to their popularity," she adds. (Qtd. in Chung and Ogura)The "dreamy look" that Gunji describes is attributed to a historical preference toward light skin and a kind of willingness and sensuality, that once, only white models could be seen to tout (Frith et al. 58). Frith et al. and O’Barr discuss that beauty in Japanese advertising mirrors “the way women are portrayed in advertising in the West” (qtd. in Frith et al. 58). The emergence of hafu in Japanese beauty advertising sees these two worlds, a mixture of doll-like and sensual beauty, converging to create a dream-like standard for Japanese consumers. The growing presence of Japanese-American models such as Kiko Mizuhara and Jun Hasegawa are both a direct example of the unattainable ‘dreamy look’ that pervades the Japanese beauty industry. Given this ongoing trend of mixed-race models in beauty advertising, a recent article on Refinery29 talks about the significance of how mixed-race models are disassembling their once marginalised status.A. Sengupta writes:In contrast to passing, in which mixedness was marginalized and hidden, visibly multiracial models now feature prominently in affirmative sites of social norms. Multiracial looks are normalized, and, by extension, mixed identity is validated. There’s no cohesive social movement behind it, but it’s a quiet sea change that’s come with broadened beauty standards and the slow dismantling of social hierarchies.Another example of the normalisation in multi-racial identity is Adwoa Aboah, a mixed-race British model and feminist activist who has been featured on the covers of numerous fashion publications and on runways worldwide. In British Vogue’s December 2017 issue, titled “Great BRITAIN”, Adwoa Aboah achieved front cover status, alongside her image featured other politically powerful names, perhaps suggesting that Aboah represents not only the changing face of a historically white publication but as an embodiment of an increasingly diverse consumer landscape. Not only is she seen as both as a voice for those disenfranchised by the industry, by which she is employed, but as a symbol of new dreams. To conclude this section, it seems the evolution of advertising’s inclusion of multi-racial models reveals a progressive step change for the beauty industry. However, relying simply on the faces of ethnically ambiguous talent has become a covert way to fulfil consumer’s desire for diversity without wholly dismantling the destructive hierarchies of white dominance. Over this time however, new beauty creations have entered the market and with it two modern day icons.Architecting Black Beauty through the American DreamAccording to Kiick, the conception of the ‘American Dream’ is born out of a desire to “seek out a more advantageous existence than the current situation” (qtd. in Manca et al. 84). As a result of diligent hard work, Americans were rewarded with an opportunity for a better life (Manca et al.). Kylie Jenner’s entry into the beauty space seemed like a natural move for the then eighteen-year-old; it was a new-age representation of the ‘American Dream’ (Robehmed 2018). In less than five years, Jenner has created Kylie Cosmetics, a beauty empire that has since amassed a global consumer base, helping her earn billionaire status. A more critical investigation into Jenner’s performance however illustrates that her eponymous range of beauty products sells dreams which have been appropriated from black culture (Phelps). The term cultural appropriation refers to the way dominant cultures “adopt and adapt certain aspects of another’s culture and make it their own” (qtd. in Han 9). In Jenner’s case, her connection to ethnic Armenian roots through her sisters Kourtney, Kim, and Khloe Kardashian have significantly influenced her expression of ‘othered’ culture and moreover ethnic beauty ideals such as curvier body shapes and textured hair. Jenner’s beauty advertisements have epitomised what it means to be black in America, cherry picking racialised features of black women (namely their lips, hips/buttocks and afro-braided hairstyles) and rearticulated them through a white lens. The omission of the ‘black experience’ in her promotion of product is problematic for three reasons. Firstly, representing groups or people without invitation enables room for systemic stereotyping (Han). Secondly, this stereotyping can lead to continued marginalisation of minority cultures (Kulchyski). And finally, the over exaggeration of physical attributes, such as Jenner’s lips, hips and buttocks, reinforces her complicity in exoticising and fetishising the “other”. As a result, consumers of social media beauty advertising may pay less attention to cultural appropriation if they are already unaware that the beauty imagery they consume is based on the exploitation of black culture.Another perspective on Jenner’s use of black culture is in large part due to her cultural appreciation of black beauty. This meaning behind Jenner’s cultural appreciation can be attributed to the inherent value placed on another person’s culture, in the recognition of the positive qualities and the celebration of all aspects of that culture (Han). This is evidenced by her recent addition of cosmetic products for darker complexions (Brown). However, Jenner’s supposed fascination with black culture may be in large part due to the environment in which she was nurtured (Phelps). As Phelps reveals, “consider the cultural significance of the Kardashian family, and the various ways in which the Kardashian women, who are tremendously wealthy and present as white, have integrated elements of black culture as seemingly “natural” in their public bodily performances” (9). Although the Kardashian-Jenner family have faced public backlash for their collective appropriation they have acquired a tremendous “capital gain in terms of celebrity staying power and hyper-visibility” (Phelps 9). Despite the negative attention, Kylie Jenner’s expression of black culture has resurfaced the very issues that had once been historically deemed insignificant. In spite of Jenner’s cultural appropriation of black beauty, her promotion through Kylie Cosmetics continues to sell dreams of idealised beauty through the white lens.In comparison, Rihanna Fenty’s cosmetic empire has been touted as a celebration of diversity and inclusion for modern-age beauty. Unlike Kylie Cosmetics, Fenty’s eponymous brand has become popular for its broader message of inclusivity across both skin tone, body shape and gender. Upon her product release, Fenty Beauty acknowledged a growing body of diverse consumers and as a direct response to feature models of diverse skin tones, cultural background and racial heritage. Perhaps more importantly, Fenty Beauty’s challenge to the ongoing debate around diversity and inclusion has been in stark contrast to Kylie Jenner’s ongoing appropriation of black culture. Images featured at the first brand and product launch of Fenty Beauty and in present day advertising, show South Sudanese model Duckie Thot and hijab-wearing model Halima Aden as central characters within the Fenty narrative, illustrating that inclusion need not remain ambiguous and diversity need not be appropriated. Fenty’s initial product line up included ninety products, but most notably, the Pro Filt’r foundation caused the most publicity. Since its introduction in 2017, the foundation collection contained range of 40 (now 50) inclusive foundation shades, 13 of these shades were designed to cater for much darker complexions, an industry first (Walters). As a result of the brand’s inclusion of diverse product shades and models, Fenty Beauty has been shown to push boundaries within the beauty industry and the social media landscape (Walters). Capitalising on all races and expanding beauty ideals, Fenty’s showcase of beauty subscribes to the notion that for women everywhere in the world, their dreams can and do come true. In conclusion, Fenty Beauty has played a critical role in re-educating global consumers about diversity in beauty (Walters) but perhaps more importantly Rihanna, by definition, has become a true embodiment of the ‘American Dream’.Conclusion: Future Dreams in BeautyIt is undeniable that beauty advertising has remained complicit in selling unattainable dreams to consumers. In the context of ‘dream’ as a philosophical concept, it is more important than ever to ensure our dreams are mirrored, not as an ambiguous body of consumers, but as diverse and unique individuals. Changemakers in the industry such as Fenty Beauty are challenging this status quo and beauty advertising in general will have to evolve their strategy in a bid to answer to an increasingly globalised market. It must be reinforced however, that while “beauty companies and advertisers work effectively to reach a growingly multicultural market, scholars have a responsibility to assess the ramifications that accompany such change,” (Harrison et al. 518). If advertising’s role is to mirror consumers’ dreams then, our roles as dreamers have never been so important. ReferencesAkinro, Ngozi, and Lindani Mbunyuza-Memani. "Black Is Not Beautiful: Persistent Messages and the Globalization of 'White' Beauty in African Women’s Magazines." 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Abstract Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to over 9,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Researchers can search an online database to determine whether the resource specimens and data meet their needs. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at: http://www-cbctr.ims.nci.nih.gov, or Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide researchers with access to paraffin-embedded and frozen prostate cancer tissues with associated clinical and outcome data. The collection is particularly useful for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Questions about the resource should be directed to ASK-CPCTR-L@LIST.NIH.GOV. Additional information can be obtained from CPCTR’s Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or by contacting Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/), or Dr. Jodi Black, (301) 402-6293; e-mail: jb377x@nih.gov. NCI - Breast, Ovarian, and Colorectal Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) include two international registries: the Cancer Family Registry for Breast Cancer Studies (Breast CFR) and the Cancer Family Registry for Colorectal Cancer Studies (Colon CFR). The Breast CFR provides family history information, biological specimens, and epidemiologic and clinical data from clinic-based and population-based families at risk for breast and ovarian cancers. The Breast CFR infrastructure is particularly suited to support interdisciplinary and translational breast cancer research. Similarly, the Colon CFR collection includes family history information, epidemiologic and clinical data, and related biological specimens from individuals with colorectal cancer and their families. The colon CFR is a resource for population- and clinic-based translational research in the genetic epidemiology of colorectal cancer. For information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/cfr.html) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contractsperiodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Type I Diabetes Clinical Trials Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20814-9692. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at: www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain; cardiovascular system; endocrine system; eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Ms. Sally Strickler at NDRI, 1880 John F. Kennedy Boulevard, 6th Floor, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 227; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: sstrickler@ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Richard A. Knazek, M.D., Division of Clinical Research, NCRR, NIH, 6705 Rockledge Drive, Bethesda, MD 20892. Phone (301) 435-0790; fax (301) 480-3661; e-mail: richardk@ncrr.nih.gov. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/7 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese-American, Hispanic, and Japanese-American women. The SWAN Repository contains blood and urine specimens from each study participant’s annual visit, at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data are also collected. In addition, a subset of participants provide urine samples over the length of one menstrual cycle each year. All of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. A DNA sample repository for SWAN is in development. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: American Type Culture Collection, National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nih.gov/nia/research/rodent.htm or contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs)* are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from Jerry A. Robinson, Ph.D., Director, National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: JerryR@ncrr.nih.gov. *The National Primate Research Centers were formerly called Regional Primate Research Centers. The name was changed in April 2002 to reflect the expanded role of the centers. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (ODAAR) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of Maryland. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extends as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODAAR has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODAAR colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity and Diabetes Research Center, University of Maryland, 10 South Pine St., Baltimore, MD 21201-1192, Phone: (410) 706-3168; fax: (410) 706-7540; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, and herpes-virus. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Rubin, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site: http://www.ngvl.org/. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 80 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division of Clinical Research, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Abstract Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to over 9,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Researchers can search an online database to determine whether the resource specimens and data meet their needs. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at: http://www-cbctr.ims.nci.nih.gov, or Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide researchers with access to paraffin-embedded and frozen prostate cancer tissues with associated clinical and outcome data. The collection is particularly useful for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Questions about the resource should be directed to ASK-CPCTR-L@LIST.NIH.GOV. Additional information can be obtained from CPCTR’s Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or by contacting Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/), or Dr. Jodi Black, (301) 402-6293; e-mail: jb377x@nih.gov. NCI - Breast, Ovarian, and Colorectal Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) include two international registries: the Cancer Family Registry for Breast Cancer Studies (Breast CFR) and the Cancer Family Registry for Colorectal Cancer Studies (Colon CFR). The Breast CFR provides family history information, biological specimens, and epidemiologic and clinical data from clinic-based and population-based families at risk for breast and ovarian cancers. The Breast CFR infrastructure is particularly suited to support interdisciplinary and translational breast cancer research. Similarly, the Colon CFR collection includes family history information, epidemiologic and clinical data, and related biological specimens from individuals with colorectal cancer and their families. The colon CFR is a resource for population- and clinic-based translational research in the genetic epidemiology of colorectal cancer. For information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/cfr.html) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Type I Diabetes Clinical Trials Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20814-9692. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at: www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain; cardiovascular system; endocrine system; eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Ms. Sally Strickler at NDRI, 1880 John F. Kennedy Boulevard, 6th Floor, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 227; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: sstrickler@ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Richard A. Knazek, M.D., Division of Clinical Research, NCRR, NIH, 6705 Rockledge Drive, Bethesda, MD 20892. Phone (301) 435-0790; fax (301) 480-3661; e-mail: richardk@ncrr.nih.gov. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/7 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese-American, Hispanic, and Japanese-American women.144.9.4215http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: American Type Culture Collection, National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nih.gov/nia/research/rodent.htm or contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs)* are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from Jerry A. Robinson, Ph.D., Director, National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: JerryR@ncrr.nih.gov. *The National Primate Research Centers were formerly called Regional Primate Research Centers. The name was changed in April 2002 to reflect the expanded role of the centers. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (ODAAR) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of Maryland. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extends as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODAAR has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODAAR colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity and Diabetes Research Center, University of Maryland, 10 South Pine St., Baltimore, MD 21201-1192, Phone: (410) 706-3168; fax: (410) 706-7540; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, and herpes-virus. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Rubin, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site: http://www.ngvl.org/. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 80 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division of Clinical Research, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

1. A Minor Philosopher According to Guattari and Deleuze's definition, a 'minor literature' is the literature of a minority that makes use of a major language, a literature which deterritorialises that language and interconnects meanings of the most disparate levels, inseparably mixing and implicating poetic, psychological, social and political issues with each other. In analogy, the Japanese media theorist Toshiya Ueno has refered to Félix Guattari as a 'minor philosopher'. Himself a practicing psychoanalyst, Guattari was a foreigner to the Grand Nation of Philosophy, whose natives mostly treat him like an unworthy bastard. And yet he has established a garden of minor flowers, of mongrel weeds and rhizomes that are as polluting to philosophy as Kafka's writing has been to German literature (cf. Deleuze & Guattari, Kafka). The strategies of 'being minor' are, as exemplified by Guattari's writings (with and without Deleuze), deployed in multiple contexts: intensification, re-functionalisation, estrangement, transgression. The following offers a brief overview over the way in which Guattari conceptualises media, new technologies and art, as well as descriptions of several media art projects that may help to illustrate the potentials of such 'minor machines'. Without wanting to pin these projects down as 'Guattarian' artworks, I suggest that the specific practices of contemporary media artists can point us in the direction of the re-singularising, deterritorialising and subjectifying forces which Guattari indicated as being germane to media technologies. Many artists who work with media technologies do so through strategies of appropriation and from a position of 'being minor': whenever a marginality, a minority, becomes active, takes the word power (puissance de verbe), transforms itself into becoming, and not merely submitting to it, identical with its condition, but in active, processual becoming, it engenders a singular trajectory that is necessarily deterritorialising because, precisely, it's a minority that begins to subvert a majority, a consensus, a great aggregate. As long as a minority, a cloud, is on a border, a limit, an exteriority of a great whole, it's something that is, by definition, marginalised. But here, this point, this object, begins to proliferate ..., begins to amplify, to recompose something that is no longer a totality, but that makes a former totality shift, detotalises, deterritorialises an entity.' (Guattari, "Pragmatic/Machinic") In the context of media art, 'becoming minor' is a strategy of turning major technologies into minor machines. a. Krzysztof Wodiczko (PL/USA): Alien Staff Krzysztof Wodiczko's Alien Staff is a mobile communication system and prosthetic instrument which facilitates the communication of migrants in their new countries of residence, where they have insufficient command of the local language for communicating on a par with the native inhabitants. Alien Staff consists of a hand-held staff with a small video monitor and a loudspeaker at the top. The operator can adjust the height of the staff's head to be at a level with his or her own head. Via the video monitor, the operator can replay pre-recorded elements of an interview or a narration of him- or herself. The recorded material may contain biographical information when people have difficulties constructing coherent narratives in the foreign language, or it may include the description of feelings and impressions which the operator normally doesn't get a chance to talk about. The Staff is used in public places where passers-by are attracted to listen to the recording and engage in a conversation with the operator. Special transparent segments of the staff contain memorabilia, photographs or other objects which indicate a part of the personal history of the operator and which are intended to instigate a conversation. The Alien Staff offers individuals an opportunity to remember and retell their own story and to confront people in the country of immigration with this particular story. The Staff reaffirms the migrant's own subjectivity and re-singularises individuals who are often perceived as representative of a homogenous group. The instrument displaces expectations of the majority audience by articulating unformulated aspects of the migrant's subjectivity through a medium that appears as the attractive double of an apparently 'invisible' person. 2. Mass Media, New Technologies and 'Planetary Computerisation' Guattari's comments about media are mostly made in passing and display a clearly outlined opinion about the role of media in contemporary society: a staunch critique of mass media is coupled with an optimistic outlook to the potentials of a post-medial age in which new technologies can develop their singularising, heterogenic forces. The latter development is, as Guattari suggests, already discernible in the field of art and other cultural practices making use of electronic networks, and can lead to a state of 'planetary computerisation' in which multiple new subject-groups can emerge. Guattari consistently refers to the mass media with contempt, qualifying them as a stupefying machinery that is closely wedded to the forces of global capitalism, and that is co-responsible for much of the reactionary hyper-individualism, the desperation and the "state of emergency" that currently dominates "four-fifth of humanity" (Guattari, Chaosmosis 97; cf. Guattari, Drei Ökologien 16, 21). Guattari makes a passionate plea for a new social ecology and formulates, as one step towards this goal, the necessity, "to guide these capitalist societies of the age of mass media into a post-mass medial age; by this I mean that the mass media have to be reappropriated by a multiplicity of subject-groups who are able to administer them on a path of singularisation" (Guattari, "Regimes" 64). Guattari consistently refers to the mass media with contempt, qualifying them as a stupefying machinery that is closely wedded to the forces of global capitalism, and that is co-responsible for much of the reactionary hyper-individualism, the desperation and the "state of emergency" that currently dominates "four-fifth of humanity" (Guattari, Chaosmosis 97; cf. Guattari, Drei Ökologien 16, 21). Guattari makes a passionate plea for a new social ecology and formulates, as one step towards this goal, the necessity, "to guide these capitalist societies of the age of mass media into a post-mass medial age; by this I mean that the mass media have to be reappropriated by a multiplicity of subject-groups who are able to administer them on a path of singularisation" (Guattari, "Regimes" 64). b. Seiko Mikami (J/USA): World, Membrane and the Dismembered Body An art project that deals with the cut between the human subject and the body, and with the deterritorialisation of the sense of self, is Seiko Mikami's World, Membrane and the Dismembered Body. It uses the visitor's heart and lung sounds which are amplified and transformed within the space of the installation. These sounds create a gap between the internal and external sounds of the body. The project is presented in an-echoic room where sound does not reverberate. Upon entering this room, it is as though your ears are no longer living while paradoxically you also feel as though all of your nerves are concentrated in your ears. The sounds of the heart, lungs, and pulse beat are digitised by the computer system and act as parameters to form a continuously transforming 3-d polygonal mesh of body sounds moving through the room. Two situations are effected in real time: the slight sounds produced by the body itself resonate in the body's internal membranes, and the transfigured resonance of those sounds is amplified in the space. A time-lag separates both perceptual events. The visitor is overcome by the feeling that a part of his or her corporeality is under erasure. The body exists as abstract data, only the perceptual sense is aroused. The visitor is made conscious of the disappearance of the physical contours of his or her subjectivity and thereby experiences being turned into a fragmented body. The ears mediate the space that exists between the self and the body. Mikami's work fragments the body and its perceptual apparatus into data, employing them as interfaces and thus folding the body's horizon back onto itself. The project elucidates the difference between an actual and a virtual body, the actual body being deterritorialised and projected outwards towards a number of potential, virtual bodies that can, in the installation, be experienced as maybe even more 'real' than the actual body. 3. Artistic Practice Guattari's conception of post-media implies criss-crossing intersections of aesthetic, ethical, political and technological planes, among which the aesthetic, and with it artistic creativity, are ascribed a position of special prominence. This special role of art is a trope that recurs quite frequently in Guattari's writings, even though he is rarely specific about the artistic practices he has in mind. In A Thousand Plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari give some detailled attention to the works of artists like Debussy, Boulez, Beckett, Artaud, Kafka, Kleist, Proust, and Klee, and Chaosmosis includes longer passages and concrete examples for the relevance of the aesthetic paradigm. These examples come almost exclusively from the fields of performing arts, music and literature, while visual arts are all but absent. One reason for this could be that the performing arts are time-based and processual and thus lend themselves much better to theorisation of flows, transformations and differentiations. The visual arts can be related to the abstract machine of faciality (visageité) which produces unified, molar, identical entities out of a multiplicity of different singularities, assigning them to a specific category and associating them with particular social fields (cf. Deleuze & Guattari, Tausend Plateaus 167-91) This semiotic territorialisation is much more likely to happen in the case of static images, whether two- or three-dimensional, than in time-based art forms. An interesting question, then, would be whether media art projects, many of which are time-based, processual and open-ended, can be considered as potential post-medial art practices. Moreover, given the status of computer software as the central motor of the digital age, and the crucial role it plays in aesthetic productions like those discussed here, software may have to be viewed as the epitome of post-medial machines. Guattari seems to have been largely unaware of the beginnings of digital media art as it developed in the 1980s. In generalistic terms he suggests that the artist is particularly well-equipped to conceptualise the necessary steps for this work because, unlike engineers, he or she is not tied to a particular programme or plan for a product, and can change the course of a project at any point if an unexpected event or accident intrudes (cf. Guattari, Drei Ökologien 50). The significance of art for Guattari's thinking comes primarily from its close relation with processes of subjectivation. "Just as scientific machines constantly modify our cosmic frontiers, so do the machines of desire and aesthetic creation. As such, they hold an eminent place within assemblages of subjectivation, themselves called to relieve our old social machines which are incapable of keeping up with the efflorescence of machinic revolutions that shatter our epoch' (Guattari, Chaosmosis 54). The aesthetic paradigm facilitates the development of new, virtual forms of subjectivity, and of liberation, which will be adequate to these machinic revolutions. c. Knowbotic Research + cF: IO_Dencies The Alien Staff project was mentioned as an example for the re-singularisation and the virtualisation of identity, and World, Membrane and the Dismembered Body as an instance of the deterritorialisation and virtualisation of the human body through an artistic interface. The recent project by Knowbotic Research, IO_Dencies -- Questioning Urbanity, deals with the possibilities of agency, collaboration and construction in translocal and networked environments. It points in the direction of what Guattari has called the formation of 'group subjects' through connective interfaces. The project looks at urban settings in different megacities like Tokyo, São Paulo or the Ruhr Area, analyses the forces present in particular local urban situations, and offers experimental interfaces for dealing with these local force fields. IO_Dencies São Paulo enables the articulation of subjective experiences of the city through a collaborative process. Over a period of several months, a group of young architects and urbanists from São Paulo, the 'editors', provided the content and dynamic input for a database. The editors collected material (texts, images, sounds) based on their current situation and on their personal urban experience. A specially designed editor tool allowed the editors to build individual conceptual 'maps' in which to construct the relations between the different materials in the data-pool according to the subjective perception of the city. On the computational level, connectivities are created between the different maps of the editors, a process that is driven by algorithmic self-organisation whose rules are determined by the choices that the editors make. In the process, the collaborative editorial work in the database generates zones of intensities and zones of tension which are visualised as force fields and turbulences and which can be experienced through interfaces on the Internet and at physical exhibition sites. Participants on the Net and in the exhibition can modify and influence these electronic urban movements, force fields and intensities on an abstract, visual level, as well as on a content-based, textual level. This engagement with the project and its material is fed back into the database and influences the relational forces within the project's digital environment. Characteristic of the forms of agency as they evolve in networked environments is that they are neither individualistic nor collective, but rather connective. Whereas the collective is determined by an intentional and empathetic relation between agents within an assemblage, the connective rests on any kind of machinic relation and is therefore more versatile, more open, and based on the heterogeneity of its components or members. In the IO_Dencies interfaces, the different networked participants become visible for each other, creating a trans-local zone of connective agency. The inter-connectedness of their activities can be experienced visually, acoustically, and through the constant reconfiguration of the data sets, an experience which can become the basis of the formation of a specific, heterogeneous group subject. 4. Guattari's Concept of the Machinic An important notion underlying these analyses is that of the machine which, for Guattari, relates not so much to particular technological or mechanical objects, to the technical infrastructure or the physical flows of the urban environment. 'Machines' can be social bodies, industrial complexes, psychological or cultural formations, they are assemblages of heterogeneous parts, aggregations which transform forces, articulate and propel their elements, and force them into a continuous state of transformation and becoming. An important notion underlying these analyses is that of the machine which, for Guattari, relates not so much to particular technological or mechanical objects, to the technical infrastructure or the physical flows of the urban environment. 'Machines' can be social bodies, industrial complexes, psychological or cultural formations, they are assemblages of heterogeneous parts, aggregations which transform forces, articulate and propel their elements, and force them into a continuous state of transformation and becoming. d. Xchange Network My final example is possibly the most evocative in relation to Guattari's notions of the polyvocity and heterogenesis that new media technologies can trigger. It also links up closely with Guattari's own engagement with the minor community radio movement. In late 1997, the E-Lab in Riga initiated the Xchange network for audio experiments on the Internet. The participating groups in London, Ljubljana, Sydney, Berlin, and many other minor and major places, use the Net for distributing their original sound programmes. The Xchange network is "streaming via encoders to remote servers, picking up the stream and re-broadcasting it purely or re-mixed, looping the streams" (Rasa Smite). Xchange is a distributed group, a connective, that builds creative cooperation in live-audio streaming on the communication channels that connect them. They explore the Net as a sound-scape with particular qualities regarding data transmission, delay, feedback, and open, distributed collaborations. Moreover, they connect the network with a variety of other fields. Instead of defining an 'authentic' place of their artistic work, they play in the transversal post-medial zone of media labs in different countries, mailing lists, net-casting and FM broadcasting, clubs, magazines, stickers, etc., in which 'real' spaces and media continuously overlap and fuse (cf. Slater). 5. Heterogenic Practices If we want to understand the technological and the political implications of the machinic environment of the digital networks, and if we want to see the emergence of the group subjects of the post-media age Guattari talks about, we have to look at connectives like Xchange and the editor-participant assemblages of IO_Dencies. The far-reaching machinic transformations which they articulate, hold the potential of what Guattari refers to as the 'molecular revolution'. To realise this revolution, it is vital to "forge new analytical instruments, new concepts, because it is ... the transversality, the crossing of abstract machines that constitute a subjectivity and that are incarnated, that live in very different regions and domains and ... that can be contradictory and antagonistic". For Guattari, this is not a mere theoretical question, but one of experimentation, "of new forms of interactions, of movement construction that respects the diversity, the sensitivities, the particularities of interventions, and that is nonetheless capable of constituting antagonistic machines of struggle to intervene in power relations" (Guattari, "Pragmatic/Machinic" 4-5). The implication here is that some of the minor media practices pursued by artists using digital technologies point us in the direction of the positive potentials of post media. The line of flight of such experimentation is the construction of new and strong forms of subjectivity, "an individual and/or collective reconstitution of the self" (Guattari, Drei Ökologien 21), which can strengthen the process of what Guattari calls "heterogenesis, that is a continuous process of resingularisation. The individuals must, at the same time, become solidary and ever more different" (Guattari, Drei Ökologien 76). References Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. Kafka: Pour une Litterature Mineur. Paris: Ed. de Minuit, 1975. ---. Tausend Plateaus. (1980) Berlin: Merve, 1992. Guattari, Félix. Cartographies Schizoanalytiques. Paris: Ed. Galilée, 1989. ---. Chaosmosis: An Ethico-Aesthetic Paradigm. (1992) Sydney: Power Publications, 1995. ---. Die drei Ökologien. (1989) Wien: Passagen Verlag, 1994. ---. "Pragmatic/Machinic." Discussion with Guattari, conducted and transcribed by Charles J. Stivale. (1985) Pre/Text 14.3-4 (1995). ---. "Regimes, Pathways, Subjects." Die drei Ökologien. (1989) Wien: Passagen Verlag, 1994. 95-108. ---. "Über Maschinen." (1990) Schmidgen, 115-32. Knowbotic Research. IO_Dencies. 1997-8. 11 Sep. 1999 <http://io.khm.de/>. De Landa, Manuel. "The Machinic Phylum." Technomorphica. Eds. V2_Organisation. Rotterdam: V2_Organisation, 1997. Mikami, Seiko. World, Membrane and the Dismembered Body. 1997. 11 Sep. 1999 <http://www.ntticc.or.jp/permanent/mikami/mikami_e.php>. Schmidgen, Henning, ed. Ästhetik und Maschinismus: Texte zu und von Félix Guattari. Berlin: Merve, 1995. ---. Das Unbewußte der Maschinen: Konzeptionen des Psychischen bei Guattari, Deleuze und Lacan. München: Fink, 1997. Slater, Howard. "Post-Media Operators." Nettime, 10 June 1998. 11 Sep. 1999 <http://www.factory.org>. Wodiczko, Krzysztof. 11 Sep. 1999 <http://cavs.mit.edu/people/kw.htm>. Xchange. 11 Sep. 1999 <http://xchange.re-lab.net>. (Note: An extended, Dutch version of this text was published in: Oosterling/Thissen, eds. Chaos ex Machina: Het ecosofisch Werk van Félix Guattari op de Kaart Gezet. Rotterdam: CFK, 1998. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Andreas Broeckmann. "Minor Media -- Heterogenic Machines: Notes on Félix Guattari's Conceptions of Art and New Media." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.6 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9909/minor.php>. Chicago style: Andreas Broeckmann, "Minor Media -- Heterogenic Machines: Notes on Félix Guattari's Conceptions of Art and New Media," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 6 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9909/minor.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Andreas Broeckmann. (1999) Minor Media -- Heterogenic Machines: Notes on Félix Guattari's Conceptions of Art and New Media. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(6). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9909/minor.php> ([your date of access]).

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov

Abstract Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm.The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147;bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147;tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503;cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007;rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154;jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106;jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892;mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432;parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597;rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802;Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048;abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010;nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm.The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443;bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518;lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790;haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; email: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; email: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; email: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; email: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; email: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; email: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; email: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; email: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; email: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; email: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; email: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; email: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; email: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; email: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; email: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; email: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; email: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; email: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; email: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Art Imitating ArtThis article discusses the global, historical and literary references that are present in the video game franchise Bayonetta. In particular, references to Dante’s Divine Comedy, the works of Dr John Dee, and European traditions of witchcraft are examined. Bayonetta is modern in the sense that she is a woman of the world. Her character shows how history and literature may be used, re-used, and evolve into new formats, and how modern games travel abroad through time and space.Drawing creative inspiration from other works is nothing new. Ideas and themes, art and literature are frequently borrowed and recast. Carmel Cedro cites Northrop Frye in the example of William Shakespeare and Charles Dickens. These writers created stories and characters that have developed a level of acclaim and resonated with many individuals, resulting in countless homages over the years. The forms that these appropriations take vary widely. Media formats, such as film adaptations and even books, take the core characters or narrative from the original and re-work them into a different context. For example, the novel Treasure Island by Robert Louis Stevenson published in 1883 was adapted into the 2002 Walt Disney animated film Treasure Planet. The film maintained the concepts of the original narrative and retained key characters but re-imaged them to fit the science fiction genre (Clements and Musker).The video-game franchise Bayonetta draws inspiration from distinct sources creating the foundation for the universe and some plot points to enhance the narrative. The main sources are Dante’s Divine Comedy, the projections of John Dee and his mystical practices as well as the medieval history of witches.The Vestibule: The Concept of BayonettaFigure 1: Bayonetta Concept ArtBayonetta ConceptsThe concept of Bayonetta was originally developed by video game designer Hideki Kamiya, known previously for his work including The Devil May Cry and the Resident Evil game series. The development of Bayonetta began with Kamiya requesting a character design that included three traits: a female lead, a modern witch, and four guns. This description laid the foundations for what was to become the hack and slash fantasy heroine that would come to be known as Bayonetta. "Abandon all hope ye who enter here"The Divine Comedy, written by Dante Alighieri during the 1300s, was a revolutionary piece of literature for its time, in that it was one of the first texts that formalised the vernacular Italian language by omitting the use of Latin, the academic language of the time. Dante’s work was also revolutionary in its innovative contemplations on religion, art and sciences, creating a literary collage of such depth that it would continue to inspire hundreds of years after its first publication.Figure 2: Domenico di Michelino’s fresco of Dante and his Divine Comedy, surrounded by depictions of scenes in the textBayonetta explores the themes of The Divine Comedy in a variety of ways, using them as an obvious backdrop, along with subtle homages and references scattered throughout the game. The world of Bayonetta is set in the Trinity of Realities, three realms that co-exist forming the universe: Inferno, Paradiso and the Chaos realm—realm of humans—and connected by Purgitorio—the intersection of the trinity. In the game, Bayonetta travels throughout these realms, primarily in the realm of Purgitorio, the area in which magical and divine entities may conduct their business. However, there are stages within the game where Bayonetta finds herself in Paradiso and the human realm. This is a significant factor relating to The Divine Comedy as these realms also form the areas explored by Dante in his epic poem. The depth of these parallels is not exclusive to factors in Dante’s masterpiece, as there are also references to other art and literature inspired by Dante’s legacy. For example, the character Rodin in Bayonetta runs a bar named “The Gates of Hell.” In 1917 French artist Auguste Rodin completed a sculpture, The Gates of Hell depicting scenes and characters from The Divine Comedy. Rodin’s bar in Bayonetta is manifested as a dark impressionist style of architecture, with an ominous atmosphere. In early concept art, the proprietor of the bar was to be named Mephisto (Kamiya) derived from “Mephistopheles”, another name for the devil in some mythologies. Figure 3: Auguste Rodin's Gate of Hell, 1917Aspects of Dante’s surroundings and the theological beliefs of his time can be found in Bayonetta, as well as in the 2013 anime film adaptation Bayonetta, Bloody Fate. The Christian virtues, revered during the European Middle Ages, manifest themselves as enemies and adversaries that Bayonetta must combat throughout the game. Notably, the names of the cardinal virtues serve as “boss ranked” foes. Enemies within a game, usually present at the end of a level and more difficult to defeat than regular enemies within “Audito Sphere” of the “Laguna Hierarchy” (high levels of the hierarchy within the game), are named in Italian; Fortitudo, Temperantia, Lustitia, and Sapientia. These are the virtues of Classical Greek Philosophy, and reflect Dante’s native language as well as the impact the philosophies of Ancient Greece had on his writings. The film adaption of Bayonetta incorporated many elements from the game. To adjust the game effectively, it was necessary to augment the plot in order to fit the format of this alternate media. As it was no longer carried by gameplay, the narrative became paramount. The diverse plot points of the new narrative allowed for novel possibilities for further developing the role of The Divine Comedy in Bayonetta. At the beginning of the movie, for example, Bayonetta enters as a nun, just as she does in the game, only here she is in church praying rather than in a graveyard conducting a funeral. During her prayer she recites “I am the way into the city of woe, abandon all hope, oh, ye who enter here,” which is a Canto of The Divine Comedy. John Dee and the AngelsDr John Dee (1527—1608), a learned man of Elizabethan England, was a celebrated philosopher, mathematician, scientist, historian, and teacher. In addition, he was a researcher of magic and occult arts, as were many of his contemporaries. These philosopher magicians were described as Magi and John Dee was the first English Magus (French). He was part of a school of study within the Renaissance intelligensia that was influenced by the then recently discovered works of the gnostic Hermes Trismegistus, thought to be of great antiquity. This was in an age when religion, philosophy and science were intertwined. Alchemy and chemistry were still one, and astronomers, such as Johannes Kepler and Tyco Brahe cast horoscopes. John Dee engaged in spiritual experiments that were based in his Christian faith but caused him to be viewed in some circles as dangerously heretical (French).Based on the texts of Hermes Trismegistas and other later Christian philosophical and theological writers such as Dionysius the Areopagite, Dee and his contemporaries believed in celestial hierarchies and levels of existence. These celestial hierarchies could be accessed by “real artificial magic,” or applied science, that included mathematics, and the cabala, or the mystical use of permutations of Hebrew texts, to access supercelestial powers (French). In his experiments in religious magic, Dee was influenced by the occult writings of Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa (1486—1535). In Agrippa’s book, De Occulta Philosophia, there are descriptions for seals, symbols and tables for summoning angels, to which Dee referred in his accounts of his own magic experiments (French). Following his studies, Dee constructed a table with a crystal placed on it. By use of suitable rituals prescribed by Agrippa and others, Dee believed he summoned angels within the crystal, who could be seen and conversed with. Dee did not see these visions himself, but conversed with the angels through a skryer, or medium, who saw and heard the celestial beings. Dee recorded his interviews in his “Spiritual Diaries” (French). Throughout Bayonetta there are numerous seals and devices that would appear to be inspired by the work of Dee or other Renaissance Magi.In these sessions, John Dee, through his skryer Edward Kelley, received instruction from several angels. The angels led him to believe he was to be a prophet in the style of the biblical Elijah or, more specifically like Enoch, whose prophesies were detailed in an ancient book that was not part of the Bible, but was considered by many scholars as divinely inspired. As a result, these experiments have been termed “Enochian conversations.” The prophesies received by Dee foretold apocalyptic events that were to occur soon and God’s plan for the world. The angels also instructed Dee in a system of magic to allow him to interpret the prophesies and participate in them as a form of judge. Importantly, Dee was also taught elements of the supposed angelic language, which came to be known as “Enochian” (Ouellette). Dee wrote extensively about his interviews with the angels and includes statements of their hierarchy (French, Ouellette). This is reflected in the “Laguna Hierarchy” of Bayonetta, sharing similarities in name and appearance of the angels Dee had described. Platinum Games creative director Jean-Pierre Kellams acted as writer and liaison, assisting the English adaptation of Bayonetta and was tasked by Hideki Kamiya to develop Bayonetta’s incantations and subsequently the language of the angels within the game (Kellams).The Hammer of WitchesOne of the earliest and most integral components of the Bayonetta franchise is the fact that the title character is a witch. Witches, sorcerers and other practitioners of magic have been part of folklore for centuries. Hideki Kamiya stated that the concept of” classical witches” was primarily a European legend. In order to emulate this European dimension, he had envisioned Bayonetta as having a British accent which resulted in the game being released in English first, even though Platinum Games is a Japanese company (Kamiya). The Umbra Witch Clan hails from Europe within the Bayonetta Universe and relates more closely to the traditional European medieval witch tradition (Various), although some of the charms Bayonetta possesses acknowledge the witches of different parts of the world and their cultural context. The Evil Harvest Rosary is said to have been created by a Japanese witch in the game. Bayonetta herself and other witches of the game use their hair as a conduit to summon demons and is known as “wicked weaves” within the game. She also creates her tight body suit out of her hair, which recedes when she decides to use a wicked weave. Using hair in magic harks back to a legend that witches often utilised hair in their rituals and spell casting (Guiley). It is also said that women with long and beautiful hair were particularly susceptible to being seduced by Incubi, a form of demon that targets sleeping women for sexual intercourse. According to some texts (Kramer), witches formed into the beings that they are through consensual sex with a devil, as stated in Malleus Maleficarum of the 1400s, when he wrote that “Modern Witches … willingly embrace this most foul and miserable form of servitude” (Kramer). Bayonetta wields her sexuality as proficiently as she does any weapon. This lends itself to the belief that women of such a seductive demeanour were consorts to demons.Purgitorio is not used in the traditional sense of being a location of the afterlife, as seen in The Divine Comedy, rather it is depicted as a dimension that exists concurrently within the human realm. Those who exist within this Purgitorio cannot be seen with human eyes. Bayonetta’s ability to enter and exit this space with the use of magic is likened to the myth that witches were known to disappear for periods of time and were purported to be “spirited away” from the human world (Kamiya).Recipes for gun powder emerge from as early as the 1200s but, to avoid charges of witchcraft due to superstitions of the time, they were hidden by inventors such as Roger Bacon (McNab). The use of “Bullet Arts” in Bayonetta as the main form of combat for Umbra Witches, and the fact that these firearm techniques had been honed by witches for centuries before the witch hunts, implies that firearms were indeed used by dark magic practitioners until their “discovery” by ordinary humans in the Bayonetta universe. In addition to this, that “Lumen Sages” are not seen to practice bullet arts, builds on the idea of guns being a practice of black magic. “Lumen Sages” are the Light counterpart and adversaries of the Umbra Witches in Bayonetta. The art of Alchemy is incorporated into Bayonetta as a form of witchcraft. Players may create their own health, vitality, protective and mana potions through a menu screen. This plays on the taboo of chemistry and alchemy of the 1500s. As mentioned, John Dee's tendency to dabble in such practices was considered by some to be heretical (French, Ouellette).Light and dark forces are juxtaposed in Bayonetta through the classic adversaries, Angels and Demons. The moral flexibility of both the light and dark entities in the game leaves the principles of good an evil in a state of ambiguity, which allows for uninhibited flow in the story and creates a non-linear and compelling narrative. Through this non-compliance with the pop culture counterparts of light and dark, gamers are left to question the foundations of old cultural norms. This historical context lends itself to the Bayonetta story not only by providing additional plot points, but also by justifying the development decisions that occur in order to truly flesh out Bayonetta’s character.ConclusionCompelling story line, characters with layered personality, and the ability to transgress boundaries of time and travel are all factors that provide a level of depth that has become an increasingly important aspect in modern video gameplay. Gamers love “Easter eggs,” the subtle references and embellishments scattered throughout a game that make playing games like Bayonetta so enjoyable. Bayonetta herself is a global traveller whose journeying is not limited to “abroad.” She transgresses cultural, time, and spatial boundaries. The game is a mosaic of references to spatial time dimensions, literary, and historical sources. This mix of borrowings has produced an original gameplay and a unique storyline. Such use of literature, mythology, and history to enhance the narrative creates a quest game that provides “meaningful play” (Howard). This process of creation of new material from older sources is a form of renewal. As long as contemporary culture presents literature and history to new audiences, the older texts will not be forgotten, but these elements will undergo a form of renewal and restoration and the present-day culture will be enhanced as a result. In the words of Bayonetta herself: “As long as there’s music, I’ll keep on dancing.”ReferencesCedro, Carmel. "Dolly Varden: Sweet Inspiration." Australasian Journal of Popular Culture 2.1 (2012): 37-46. French, Peter J. John Dee: The World of an Elizabethan Magus. London: London, Routledge and K. Paul, 1972. Guiley, Rosemary. The Encyclopedia of Demons and Demonology. Infobase Publishing, 2009. Howard, Jeff. Quests: Design, Theory, and History in Games and Narratives. Wellesley, Mass.: A.K. Peters, 2008. Kamiya, Hideki.Bayonetta. Bayonetta. Videogame. Sega, Japan, 2009.Kellams, Jean-Pierre. "Butmoni Coronzon (from the Mouth of the Witch)." Platinum Games 2009.Kramer, Heinrich. The Malleus Maleficarum of Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger. Eds. Sprenger, Jakob, or joint author, and Montague Summers. New York: Dover, 1971.McNab, C. Firearms: The Illustrated Guide to Small Arms of the World. Parragon, 2008.Ouellette, Francois. "Prophet to the Elohim: John Dee's Enochian Conversations as Christian Apocalyptic Discourse." Master of Arts thesis. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2004.Treasure Planet. The Walt Disney Company, 2003.Various. "Bayonetta Wikia." 2016.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147;bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147;tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503;cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007;rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154;jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106;jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892;mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432;parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD:Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597;rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802;Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048;abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010;nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443;bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518;lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790;haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. In Silico Resources NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. In Silico Resources NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.htm, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

The general who wins a battle makes many calculations in his temple ere the battle is fought. — Sun TzuWorld War II saw a proliferation of maps. From command posts to the pages of National Geographic to the pages of daily newspapers, they were everywhere (Schulten). The era also saw substantive developments in cartography, especially with respect to the topographical maps that feature in our selected films. This essay offers a preliminary examination of the battle-map as depicted in two films about the Second World War: Franklin J. Shaffner’s biopic Patton (1970) and Jack Smight’s epic Midway (1976). In these films, maps, charts, or tableaux (the three-dimensional models upon which are plotted the movements of battalions, fleets, and so on) emerge as an expression of both martial and cinematic strategy. As a rear-view representation of the relative movements of personnel and materiel in particular battle arenas, the map and its accessories (pins, tape, markers, and so forth) trace the broad military dispositions of Patton’s 2nd Corp (Africa), Seventh Army (Italy) and Third Army (Western Europe) and the relative position of American and Japanese fleets in the Pacific. In both Patton and Midway, the map also emerges as a simple mode of narrative plotting: as the various encounters in the two texts play out, the battle-map more or less contemporaneously traces the progress of forces. It also serves as a foreshadowing device, not just narratively, but cinematically: that which is plotted in advance comes to pass (even if as preliminary movements before catastrophe), but the audience is also cued for the cinematic chaos and disjuncture that almost inevitably ensues in the battle scenes proper.On one hand, then, this essay proposes that at the fundamental level of fabula (seen through either the lens of historical hindsight or through the eyes of the novice who knows nothing of World War II), the annotated map is engaged both strategically and cinematically: as a stage upon which commanders attempt to act out (either in anticipation, or retrospectively) the intricate, but grotesque, ballet of warfare — and as a reflection of the broad, sequential, sweeps of conflict. While, in War and Cinema, Paul Virilio offers the phrase ‘the logistics of perception’ (1), in this this essay we, on the other hand, consider that, for those in command, the battle-map is a representation of the perception of logistics: the big picture of war finds rough indexical representation on a map, but (as Clausewitz tells us) chance, the creative agency of individual commanders, and the fog of battle make it far less probable (than is the case in more specific mappings, such as, say, the wedding rehearsal) that what is planned will play out with any degree of close correspondence (On War 19, 21, 77-81). Such mapping is, of course, further problematised by the processes of abstraction themselves: indexicality is necessarily a reduction; a de-realisation or déterritorialisation. ‘For the military commander,’ writes Virilio, ‘every dimension is unstable and presents itself in isolation from its original context’ (War and Cinema 32). Yet rehearsal (on maps, charts, or tableaux) is a keying activity that seeks to presage particular real world patterns (Goffman 45). As suggested above, far from being a rhizomatic activity, the heavily plotted (as opposed to thematic) business of mapping is always out of joint: either a practice of imperfect anticipation or an equally imperfect (pared back and behind-the-times) rendition of activity in the field. As is argued by Tolstoj in War and Peace, the map then presents to the responder a series of tensions and ironies often lost on the masters of conflict themselves. War, as Tostoj proposes, is a stochastic phenomenon while the map is a relatively static, and naive, attempt to impose order upon it. Tolstoj, then, pillories Phull (in the novel, Pfuhl), the aptly-named Prussian general whose lock-stepped obedience to the science of war (of which the map is part) results in the abject humiliation of 1806:Pfuhl was one of those theoreticians who are so fond of their theory that they lose sight of the object of that theory - its application in practice. (Vol. 2, Part 1, Ch. 10, 53)In both Patton and Midway, then, the map unfolds not only as an epistemological tool (read, ‘battle plan’) or reflection (read, the near contemporaneous plotting of real world affray) of the war narrative, but as a device of foreshadowing and as an allegory of command and its profound limitations. So, in Deleuzian terms, while emerging as an image of both time and perception, for commanders and filmgoers alike, the map is also something of a seduction: a ‘crystal-image’ situated in the interstices between the virtual and the actual (Deleuze 95). To put it another way, in our films the map emerges as an isomorphism: a studied plotting in which inheres a counter-text (Goffman 26). As a simple device of narrative, and in the conventional terms of latitude and longitude, in both Patton and Midway, the map, chart, or tableau facilitate the plotting of the resources of war in relation to relief (including island land masses), roads, railways, settlements, rivers, and seas. On this syntagmatic plane, in Greimasian terms, the map is likewise received as a canonical sign of command: where there are maps, there are, after all, commanders (Culler 13). On the other hand, as suggested above, the battle-map (hereafter, we use the term to signify the conventional paper map, the maritime chart, or tableau) materialises as a sanitised image of the unknown and the grotesque: as apodictic object that reduces complexity and that incidentally banishes horror and affect. Thus, the map evolves, in the viewer’s perception, as an ironic sign of all that may not be commanded. This is because, as an emblem of the rational order, in Patton and Midway the map belies the ubiquity of battle’s friction: that defined by Clausewitz as ‘the only concept which...distinguishes real war from war on paper’ (73). ‘Friction’ writes Clausewitz, ‘makes that which appears easy in War difficult in reality’ (81).Our work here cannot ignore or side-step the work of others in identifying the core cycles, characteristics of the war film genre. Jeanine Basinger, for instance, offers nothing less than an annotated checklist of sixteen key characteristics for the World War II combat film. Beyond this taxonomy, though, Basinger identifies the crucial role this sub-type of film plays in the corpus of war cinema more broadly. The World War II combat film’s ‘position in the evolutionary process is established, as well as its overall relationship to history and reality. It demonstrates how a primary set of concepts solidifies into a story – and how they can be interpreted for a changing ideology’ (78). Stuart Bender builds on Basinger’s taxonomy and discussion of narrative tropes with a substantial quantitative analysis of the very building blocks of battle sequences. This is due to Bender’s contention that ‘when a critic’s focus [is] on the narrative or ideological components of a combat film [this may] lead them to make assumptions about the style which are untenable’ (8). We seek with this research to add to a rich and detailed body of knowledge by redressing a surprising omission therein: a conscious and focussed analysis of the use of battle-maps in war cinema. In Patton and in Midway — as in War and Peace — the map emerges as an emblem of an intergeneric dialogue: as a simple storytelling device and as a paradigmatic engine of understanding. To put it another way, as viewer-responders with a synoptic perspective we perceive what might be considered a ‘double exposure’: in the map we see what is obviously before us (the collision of represented forces), but an Archimedean positioning facilitates the production of far more revelatory textual isotopies along what Roman Jakobson calls the ‘axis of combination’ (Linguistics and Poetics 358). Here, otherwise unconnected signs (in our case various manifestations and configurations of the battle-map) are brought together in relation to particular settings, situations, and figures. Through this palimpsest of perspective, a crucial binary emerges: via the battle-map we see ‘command’ and the sequence of engagement — and, through Greimasian processes of axiological combination (belonging more to syuzhet than fabula), elucidated for us are the wrenching ironies of warfare (Culler 228). Thus, through the profound and bound motif of the map (Tomashevsky 69), are we empowered to pass judgement on the map bearers who, in both films, present as the larger-than-life heroes of old. Figure 1.While we have scope only to deal with the African theatre, Patton opens with a dramatic wide-shot of the American flag: a ‘map’, if you will, of a national history forged in war (Fig. 1). Against this potent sign of American hegemony, as he slowly climbs up to the stage before it, the general appears a diminutive figure -- until, via a series of matched cuts that culminate in extreme close-ups, he manifests as a giant about to play his part in a great American story (Fig. 2).Figure 2.Some nineteen minutes into a film, having surveyed the carnage of Kasserine Pass (in which, in February 1943, the Germans inflicted a humiliating defeat on the Americans) General Omar Bradley is reunited with his old friend and newly-nominated three-star general, George S. Patton Jr.. Against a backdrop of an indistinct topographical map (that nonetheless appears to show the front line) and the American flag that together denote the men’s authority, the two discuss the Kasserine catastrophe. Bradley’s response to Patton’s question ‘What happened at Kasserine?’ clearly illustrates the tension between strategy and real-world engagement. While the battle-plan was solid, the Americans were outgunned, their tanks were outclassed, and (most importantly) their troops were out-disciplined. Patton’s concludes that Rommel can only be beaten if the American soldiers are fearless and fight as a cohesive unit. Now that he is in command of the American 2nd Corp, the tide of American martial fortune is about to turn.The next time Patton appears in relation to the map is around half an hour into the two-and-three-quarter-hour feature. Here, in the American HQ, the map once more appears as a simple, canonical sign of command. Somewhat carelessly, the map of Europe seems to show post-1945 national divisions and so is ostensibly offered as a straightforward prop. In terms of martial specifics, screenplay writer Francis Ford Coppola apparently did not envisage much close scrutiny of the film’s maps. Highlighted, instead, are the tensions between strategy as a general principle and action on the ground. As British General Sir Arthur Coningham waxes lyrical about allied air supremacy, a German bomber drops its payload on the HQ, causing the map of Europe to (emblematically) collapse forward into the room. Following a few passes by the attacking aircraft, the film then cuts to a one second medium shot as a hail of bullets from a Heinkel He 111 strike a North African battle map (Fig. 3). Still prone, Patton remarks: ‘You were discussing air supremacy, Sir Arthur.’ Dramatising a scene that did take place (although Coningham was not present), Schaffner’s intention is to allow Patton to shoot holes in the British strategy (of which he is contemptuous) but a broader objective is the director’s exposé of the more general disjuncture between strategy and action. As the film progresses, and the battle-map’s allegorical significance is increasingly foregrounded, this critique becomes definitively sharper.Figure 3.Immediately following a scene in which an introspective Patton walks through a cemetery in which are interred the remains of those killed at Kasserine, to further the critique of Allied strategy the camera cuts to Berlin’s high command and a high-tech ensemble of tableaux, projected maps, and walls featuring lights, counters, and clocks. Tasked to research the newly appointed Patton, Captain Steiger walks through the bunker HQ with Hitler’s Chief of Staff, General Jodl, to meet with Rommel — who, suffering nasal diphtheria, is away from the African theatre. In a memorable exchange, Steiger reveals that Patton permanently attacks and never retreats. Rommel, who, following his easy victory at Kasserine, is on the verge of total tactical victory, in turn declares that he will ‘attack and annihilate’ Patton — before the poet-warrior does the same to him. As Clausewitz has argued, and as Schaffner is at pains to point out, it seems that, in part, the outcome of warfare has more to do with the individual consciousness of competing warriors than it does with even the most exquisite of battle-plans.Figure 4.So, even this early in the film’s runtime, as viewer-responders we start to reassess various manifestations of the battle-map. To put it as Michelle Langford does in her assessment of Schroeter’s cinema, ‘fragments of the familiar world [in our case, battle-maps] … become radically unfamiliar’ (Allegorical Images 57). Among the revelations is that from the flag (in the context of close battle, all sense of ‘the national’ dissolves), to the wall map, to the most detailed of tableau, the battle-plan is enveloped in the fog of war: thus, the extended deeply-focussed scenes of the Battle of El Guettar take us from strategic overview (Patton’s field glass perspectives over what will soon become a Valley of Death) to what Boris Eichenbaum has called ‘Stendhalian’ scale (The Young Tolstoi 105) in which, (in Patton) through more closely situated perspectives, we almost palpably experience the Germans’ disarray under heavy fire. As the camera pivots between the general and the particular (and between the omniscient and the nescient) the cinematographer highlights the tension between the strategic and the actual. Inasmuch as it works out (and, as Schaffner shows us, it never works out completely as planned) this is the outcome of modern martial strategy: chaos and unimaginable carnage on the ground that no cartographic representation might capture. As Patton observes the destruction unfold in the valley below and before him, he declares: ‘Hell of a waste of fine infantry.’ Figure 5.An important inclusion, then, is that following the protracted El Guettar battle scenes, Schaffner has the (symbolically flag-draped) casket of Patton’s aide, Captain Richard N. “Dick” Jenson, wheeled away on a horse-drawn cart — with the lonely figure of the mourning general marching behind, his ironic interior monologue audible to the audience: ‘I can't see the reason such fine young men get killed. There are so many battles yet to fight.’ Finally, in terms of this brief and partial assessment of the battle-map in Patton, less than an hour in, we may observe that the map is emerging as something far more than a casual prop; as something more than a plotting of battlelines; as something more than an emblem of command. Along a new and unexpected axis of semantic combination, it is now manifesting as a sign of that which cannot be represented nor commanded.Midway presents the lead-up to the eponymous naval battle of 1942. Smight’s work is of interest primarily because the battle itself plays a relatively small role in the film; what is most important is the prolonged strategising that comprises most of the film’s run time. In Midway, battle-tables and fleet markers become key players in the cinematic action, second almost to the commanders themselves. Two key sequences are discussed here: the moment in which Yamamoto outlines his strategy for the attack on Midway (by way of a decoy attack on the Aleutian Islands), and the scene some moments later where Admiral Nimitz and his assembled fleet commanders (Spruance, Blake, and company) survey their own plan to defend the atoll. In Midway, as is represented by the notion of a fleet-in-being, the oceanic battlefield is presented as a speculative plane on which commanders can test ideas. Here, a fleet in a certain position projects a radius of influence that will deter an enemy fleet from attacking: i.e. ‘a fleet which is able and willing to attack an enemy proposing a descent upon territory which that force has it in charge to protect’ (Colomb viii). The fleet-in-being, it is worth noting, is one that never leaves port and, while it is certainly true that the latter half of Midway is concerned with the execution of strategy, the first half is a prolonged cinematic game of chess, with neither player wanting to move lest the other has thought three moves ahead. Virilio opines that the fleet-in-being is ‘a new idea of violence that no longer comes from direct confrontation and bloodshed, but rather from the unequal properties of bodies, evaluation of the number of movements allowed them in a chosen element, permanent verification of their dynamic efficiency’ (Speed and Politics 62). Here, as in Patton, we begin to read the map as a sign of the subjective as well as the objective. This ‘game of chess’ (or, if you prefer, ‘Battleships’) is presented cinematically through the interaction of command teams with their battle-tables and fleet markers. To be sure, this is to show strategy being developed — but it is also to prepare viewers for the defamiliarised representation of the battle itself.The first sequence opens with a close-up of Admiral Yamamoto declaring: ‘This is how I expect the battle to develop.’ The plan to decoy the Americans with an attack on the Aleutians is shown via close-ups of the conveniently-labelled ‘Northern Force’ (Fig. 6). It is then explained that, twenty-four hours later, a second force will break off and strike south, on the Midway atoll. There is a cut from closeups of the pointer on the map to the wider shot of the Japanese commanders around their battle table (Fig. 7). Interestingly, apart from the opening of the film in the Japanese garden, and the later parts of the film in the operations room, the Japanese commanders are only ever shown in this battle-table area. This canonically positions the Japanese as pure strategists, little concerned with the enmeshing of war with political or social considerations. The sequence ends with Commander Yasimasa showing a photograph of Vice Admiral Halsey, who the Japanese mistakenly believe will be leading the carrier fleet. Despite some bickering among the commanders earlier in the film, this sequence shows the absolute confidence of the Japanese strategists in their plan. The shots are suitably languorous — averaging three to four seconds between cuts — and the body language of the commanders shows a calm determination. The battle-map here is presented as an index of perfect command and inevitable victory: each part of the plan is presented with narration suggesting the Japanese expect to encounter little resistance. While Yasimasa and his clique are confident, the other commanders suggest a reconnaissance flight over Pearl Harbor to ascertain the position of the American fleet; the fear of fleet-in-being is shown here firsthand and on the map, where the reconnaissance planes are placed alongside the ship markers. The battle-map is never shown in full: only sections of the naval landscape are presented. We suggest that this is done in order to prepare the audience for the later stages of the film: as in Patton (from time to time) the battle-map here is filmed abstractly, to prime the audience for the abstract montage of the battle itself in the film’s second half.Figure 6.Figure 7.Having established in the intervening running time that Halsey is out of action, his replacement, Rear Admiral Spruance, is introduced to the rest of the command team. As with all the important American command and strategy meetings in the film, this is done in the operations room. A transparent coordinates board is shown in the foreground as Nimitz, Spruance and Rear Admiral Fletcher move through to the battle table. Behind the men, as they lean over the table, is an enormous map of the world (Fig. 8). In this sequence, Nimitz freely admits that while he knows each Japanese battle group’s origin and heading, he is unsure of their target. He asks Spruance for his advice:‘Ray, assuming what you see here isn’t just an elaborate ruse — Washington thinks it is, but assuming they’re wrong — what kind of move do you suggest?’This querying is followed by Spruance glancing to a particular point on the map (Fig. 9), then a cut to a shot of models representing the aircraft carriers Hornet, Enterprise & Yorktown (Fig. 10). This is one of the few model/map shots unaccompanied by dialogue or exposition. In effect, this shot shows Spruance’s thought process before he responds: strategic thought presented via cinematography. Spruance then suggests situating the American carrier group just northeast of Midway, in case the Japanese target is actually the West Coast of the United States. It is, in effect, a hedging of bets. Spruance’s positioning of the carrier group also projects that group’s sphere of influence around Midway atoll and north to essentially cut off Japanese access to the US. The fleet-in-being is presented graphically — on the map — in order to, once again, cue the audience to match the later (edited) images of the battle to these strategic musings.In summary, in Midway, the map is an element of production design that works alongside cinematography, editing, and performance to present the notion of strategic thought to the audience. In addition, and crucially, it functions as an abstraction of strategy that prepares the audience for the cinematic disorientation that will occur through montage as the actual battle rages later in the film. Figure 8.Figure 9.Figure 10.This essay has argued that the battle-map is a simulacrum of the weakest kind: what Baudrillard would call ‘simulacra of simulation, founded on information, the model’ (121). Just as cinema itself offers a distorted view of history (the war film, in particular, tends to hagiography), the battle-map is an over-simplification that fails to capture the physical and psychological realities of conflict. We have also argued that in both Patton and Midway, the map is not a ‘free’ motif (Tomashevsky 69). Rather, it is bound: a central thematic device. In the two films, the battle-map emerges as a crucial isomorphic element. On the one hand, it features as a prop to signify command and to relay otherwise complex strategic plottings. At this syntagmatic level, it functions alongside cinematography, editing, and performance to give audiences a glimpse into how military strategy is formed and tested: a traditional ‘reading’ of the map. But on the flip side of what emerges as a classic structuralist binary, is the map as a device of foreshadowing (especially in Midway) and as a depiction of command’s profound limitations. Here, at a paradigmatic level, along a new axis of combination, a new reading of the map in war cinema is proposed: the battle-map is as much a sign of the subjective as it is the objective.ReferencesBasinger, Jeanine. The World War II Combat Film: Anatomy of a Genre. Middletown, CT: Columbia UP, 1986.Baudrillard, Jean. Simulacra and Simulation. Ann Arbour: U of Michigan Press, 1994.Bender, Stuart. Film Style and the World War II Combat Genre. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013.Clausewitz, Carl. On War. Vol. 1. London: Kegan Paul, 1908.Colomb, Philip Howard. Naval Warfare: Its Ruling Principles and Practice Historically Treated. 3rd ed. London: W.H. Allen & Co, 1899.Culler, Jonathan. Structuralist Poetics. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975.Deleuze, Gilles. Cinema 2: The Time-Image. London: Continuum, 2005.Eichenbaum, Boris. The Young Tolstoi. Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1972.Goffman, Erving. Frame Analysis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1976.Jakobson, Roman. "Linguistics and Poetics." Style in Language. Ed. T. Sebebeok. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1960. 350—77.Langford, Michelle. Allegorical Images: Tableau, Time and Gesture in the Cinema of Werner Schroeter. Bristol: Intellect, 2006.Midway. Jack Smight. Universal Pictures, 1976. Film.Patton. Franklin J. Schaffner. 20th Century Fox, 1970. Film.Schulten, Susan. World War II Led to a Revolution in Cartography. New Republic 21 May 2014. 16 June 2017 <https://newrepublic.com/article/117835/richard-edes-harrison-reinvented-mapmaking-world-war-2-americans>.Tolstoy, Leo. War and Peace. Vol. 2. London: Folio, 1997.Tomashevsky, Boris. "Thematics." Russian Formalist Criticism: Four Essays. Eds. L. Lemon and M. Reis, Lincoln: U. Nebraska Press, 2012. 61—95.Tzu, Sun. The Art of War. San Diego: Canterbury Classics, 2014.Virilio, Paul. Speed and Politics. Paris: Semiotext(e), 2006.Virilio, Paul. War and Cinema: The Logistics of Perception. London: Verso, 1989.

Many years ago, while studying in Paris as a novice postgraduate, I was invited to accompany a friend to a seminar with Jacques Derrida. I leapt at the chance even though I was only just learning French. Although I tried hard to follow the discussion, the extent of my participation was probably signing the attendance sheet. Afterwards, caught up on the edges of a small crowd of acolytes in the foyer as we waited out a sudden rainstorm, Derrida turned to me and charmingly complimented me on my forethought in predicting rain, pointing to my umbrella. Flustered, I garbled something in broken French about how I never forgot my umbrella, how desolated I was that he had mislaid his, and would he perhaps desire mine? After a small silence, where he and the other students side-eyed me warily, he declined. For years I dined on this story of meeting a celebrity academic, cheerfully re-enacting my linguistic ineptitude. Nearly a decade later I was taken aback when I overheard a lecturer in philosophy at the University of Sydney re-telling my encounter as a witty anecdote, where an early career academic teased Derrida with a masterful quip, quoting back to him his own attention to someone else’s quote. It turned out that Spurs, one of Derrida’s more obscure early essays, employs an extended riff on an inexplicable citation found in inverted commas in the margins of Nietzsche’s papers: “J’ai oublié mon parapluie” (“I have forgotten my umbrella”). My clumsy response to a polite enquiry was recast in a process of Chinese whispers in my academic community as a snappy spur-of-the-moment witticism. This re-telling didn’t just selectively edit my encounter, but remixed it with a meta-narrative that I had myself referenced, albeit unknowingly. My ongoing interest in the more playful breaches of scholarly conventions of quotation and attribution can be traced back to this incident, where my own presentation of an academic self was appropriated and remixed from fumbler to quipster. I’ve also been struck throughout my teaching career by the seeming disconnect between the stringent academic rules for referencing and citation and the everyday strategies of appropriation that are inherent to popular remix culture. I’m taking the opportunity in this paper to reflect on the practice of scholarly quotation itself, before examining some recent creative provocations to the academic ‘author’ situated inventively at the crossroad between scholarly convention and remix culture. Early in his own teaching career at Oxford University Lewis Carroll, wrote to his younger siblings describing the importance of maintaining his dignity as a new tutor. He outlines the distance his college was at pains to maintain between teachers and their students: “otherwise, you know, they are not humble enough”. Carroll playfully describes the set-up of a tutor sitting at his desk, behind closed doors and without access to today’s communication technologies, relying on a series of college ‘scouts’ to convey information down corridors and staircases to the confused student waiting for instruction below. The lectures, according to Carroll, went something like this: Tutor: What is twice three?Scout: What’s a rice-tree?Sub-scout: When is ice free?Sub-sub-scout: What’s a nice fee??Student (timidly): Half a guinea.Sub-sub-scout: Can’t forge any!Sub-scout: Ho for jinny!Scout: Don’t be a ninny!Tutor (looking offended, tries another question): Divide a hundred by twelve.Scout: Provide wonderful bells!Sub-scout: Go ride under it yourself!Sub-sub-scout: Deride the dunderhead elf!Pupil (surprised): What do you mean?Sub-sub-scout: Doings between!Sub-scout: Blue is the screen!Scout: Soup tureen! And so the lecture proceeds… Carroll’s parody of academic miscommunication and misquoting was reproduced by Pierre Bourdieu at the opening of the book Academic Discourse to illustrate the failures of pedagogical practice in higher education in the mid 1960s, when he found scholarly language relied on codes that were “destined to dazzle rather than to enlighten” (3). Bourdieu et al found that students struggled to reproduce appropriately scholarly discourse and were constrained to write in a badly understood and poorly mastered language, finding reassurance in what he called a ‘rhetoric of despair’: “through a kind of incantatory or sacrificial rite, they try to call up and reinstate the tropes, schemas or words which to them distinguish professorial language” (4). The result was bad writing that karaoke-ed a pseudo academic discourse, accompanied by a habit of thoughtlessly patching together other peoples’ words and phrases. Such sloppy quoting activities of course invite the scholarly taboo of plagiarism or its extreme opposite, hypercitation. Elsewhere, Jacques Derrida developed an important theory of citationality and language, but it is intriguing to note his own considerable unease with conventional acknowledgement practices, of quoting and being quoted: I would like to spare you the tedium, the waste of time, and the subservience that always accompany the classic pedagogical procedures of forging links, referring back to past premises or arguments, justifying one’s own trajectory, method, system, and more or less skilful transitions, re-establishing continuity, and so on. These are but some of the imperatives of classical pedagogy with which, to be sure, one can never break once and for all. Yet, if you were to submit to them rigorously, they would very soon reduce you to silence, tautology and tiresome repetition. (The Ear of the Other, 3) This weariness with a procedural hyper-focus on referencing conventions underlines Derrida’s disquiet with the self-protecting, self-promoting and self-justifying practices that bolster pedagogical tradition and yet inhibit real scholarly work, and risk silencing the authorial voice. Today, remix offers new life to quoting. Media theorist Lev Manovich resisted the notion that the practice of ‘quotation’ was the historical precedent for remixing, aligning it instead to the authorship practice of music ‘sampling’ made possible by new electronic and digital technology. Eduardo Navas agrees that sampling is the key element that makes the act of remixing possible, but links its principles not just to music but to the preoccupation with reading and writing as an extended cultural practice beyond textual writing onto all forms of media (8). A crucial point for Navas is that while remix appropriates and reworks its source material, it relies on the practice of citation to work properly: too close to the original means the remix risks being dismissed as derivative, but at the same time the remixer can’t rely on a source always being known or recognised (7). In other words, the conceptual strategies of remix must rely on some form of referencing or citation of the ideas it sources. It is inarguable that advances in digital technologies have expanded the capacity of scholars to search, cut/copy & paste, collate and link to their research sources. New theoretical and methodological frameworks are being developed to take account of these changing conditions of academic work. For instance, Annette Markham proposes a ‘remix methodology’ for qualitative enquiry, arguing that remix is a powerful tool for thinking about an interpretive and adaptive research practice that takes account of the complexity of contemporary cultural contexts. In a similar vein Cheré Harden Blair has used remix as a theoretical framework to grapple with the issue of plagiarism in the postmodern classroom. If, following Roland Barthes, all writing is “a tissue of quotations drawn from innumerable centers of culture” (146), and if all writing is therefore rewriting, then punishing students for plagiarism becomes problematic. Blair argues that since scholarly writing has become a mosaic of digital and textual productions, then teaching must follow suit, especially since teaching, as a dynamic, shifting and intertextual enterprise, is more suited to the digital revolution than traditional, fixed writing (175). She proposes that teachers provide a space in which remixing, appropriation, patch-writing and even piracy could be allowable, even useful and productive: “a space in which the line is blurry not because students are ignorant of what is right or appropriate, or because digital text somehow contains inherent temptations to plagiarise, but because digital media has, in fact, blurred the line” (183). The clashes between remix and scholarly rules of attribution are directly addressed by the pedagogical provocations of conceptual poet Kenneth Goldsmith, who has developed a program of ‘uncreative writing’ at the University of Pennsylvania, where, among other plagiaristic tasks, he forces students to transcribe whole passages from books, or to download essays from online paper mills and defend them as their own, marking down students who show a ‘shred of originality’. In his own writing and performances, which depend almost exclusively on strategies of appropriation, plagiarism and recontextualisation of often banal sources like traffic reports, Goldsmith says that he is working to de-familiarise normative structures of language. For Goldsmith, reframing language into another context allows it to become new again, so that “we don’t need the new sentence, the old sentence re-framed is good enough”. Goldsmith argues for the role of the contemporary academic and creative writer as an intelligent agent in the management of masses of information. He describes his changing perception of his own work: “I used to be an artist, then I became a poet; then a writer. Now when asked, I simply refer to myself as a word processor” (Perloff 147). For him, what is of interest to the twenty-first century is not so much the quote that ‘rips’ or tears words out of their original context, but finding ways to make new ‘wholes’ out of the accumulations, filterings and remixing of existing words and sentences. Another extraordinary example of the blurring of lines between text, author and the discursive peculiarities of digital media can be found in Jonathan Lethem’s essay ‘An Ecstasy of Influence: A Plagiarism’, which first appeared in Harpers Magazine in 2007. While this essay is about the topic of plagiarism, it is itself plagiarized, composed of quotes that have been woven seamlessly together into a composite whole. Although Lethem provides a key at the end with a list of his sources, he has removed in-text citations and quotation marks, even while directly discussing the practices of mis-quotation and mis-attribution throughout the essay itself. Towards the end of the essay can be found the paragraph: Any text is woven entirely with citations, references, echoes, cultural languages, which cut across it through and through in a vast stereophony. The citations that go to make up a text are anonymous, untraceable, and yet already read; they are quotations without inverted commas. The kernel, the soul — let us go further and say the substance, the bulk, the actual and valuable material of all human utterances — is plagiarism. …By necessity, by proclivity, and by delight, we all quote. Neurological study has lately shown that memory, imagination, and consciousness itself is stitched, quilted, pastiched. If we cut-and-paste ourselves, might we not forgive it of our artworks? (68) Overall, Lethem’s self-reflexive pro-plagiarism essay reminds the reader not only of how ideas in literature have been continuously recycled, quoted, appropriated and remixed, but of how open-source cultures are vital for the creation of new works. Lethem (re)produces rather than authors a body of text that is haunted by ever present/absent quotation marks and references. Zara Dinnen suggests that Lethem’s essay, like almost all contemporary texts produced on a computer, is a provocation to once again re-theorise the notion of the author, as not a rigid point of origin but instead “a relay of alternative and composite modes of production” (212), extending Manovich’s notion of the role of author in the digital age of being perhaps closest to that of a DJ. But Lethem’s essay, however surprising and masterfully intertextual, was produced and disseminated as a linear ‘static’ text. On the other hand, Mark Amerika’s remixthebook project first started out as a series of theoretical performances on his Professor VJ blog and was then extended into a multitrack composition of “applied remixology” that features sampled phrases and ideas from a range of artistic, literary, musical, theoretical and philosophical sources. Wanting his project to be received not as a book but as a hybridised publication and performance art project that appears in both print and digital forms, remixthebook was simultaneously published in a prestigious university press and a website that works as an online hub and teaching tool to test out the theories. In this way, Amerika expands the concept of writing to include multimedia forms composed for both networked environments and also experiments with what he terms “creative risk management” where the artist, also a scholar and a teacher, is “willing to drop all intellectual pretence and turn his theoretical agenda into (a) speculative play” (xi). He explains his process halfway through the print book: Other times we who create innovative works of remix artare fully self-conscious of the rival lineagewe spring forth fromand knowingly take on other remixological styles just to seewhat happens when we move insideother writers’ bodies (of work)This is when remixologically inhabitingthe spirit of another writer’s stylistic tendenciesor at least the subconsciously imagined writerly gesturesthat illuminate his or her live spontaneous performancefeels more like an embodied praxis In some ways this all seems so obvious to me:I mean what is a writer anyway buta simultaneous and continuous fusion ofremixologically inhabited bodies of work? (109) Amerika mashes up the jargon of academic writing with avant-pop forms of digital rhetoric in order to “move inside other writers’ bodies (of work)” in order to test out his theoretical agenda in an “embodied praxis” at the same time that he shakes up the way that contemporary scholarship itself is performed. The remixthebook project inevitably recalls one of the great early-twentieth century plays with scholarly quotation, Walter Benjamin’s The Arcades Project. Instead of avoiding conventional quoting, footnoting and referencing, these are the very fabric of Benjamin’s sprawling project, composed entirely of quotes drawn from nineteenth century philosophy and literature. This early scholarly ‘remixing’ project has been described as bewildering and oppressive, but which others still find relevant and inspirational. Marjorie Perloff, for instance, finds the ‘passages’ in Benjamin’s arcades have “become the digital passages we take through websites and YouTube videos, navigating our way from one Google link to another and over the bridges provided by our favourite search engines and web pages" (49). For Benjamin, the process of collecting quotes was addictive. Hannah Arendt describes his habit of carrying little black notebooks in which "he tirelessly entered in the form of quotations what daily living and reading netted him in the way of 'pearls' and 'coral'. On occasion he read from them aloud, showed them around like items from a choice and precious collection" (45). A similar practice of everyday hypercitation can be found in the contemporary Australian performance artist Danielle Freakley’s project, The Quote Generator. For what was intended in 2006 to be a three year project, but which is still ongoing, Freakley takes the delirious pleasure of finding and fitting the perfect quote to fit an occasion to an extreme. Unlike Benjamin, Freakley didn’t collect and collate quotes, she then relied on them to navigate her way through her daily interactions. As The Quote Generator, Freakley spoke only in quotations drawn from film, literature and popular culture, immediately following each quote with its correct in-text reference, familiar to academic writers as the ‘author/date’ citation system. The awkwardness and seeming artificiality of even short exchanges with someone who responds only in quotes might be bewildering enough, but the inclusion of the citation after the quote maddeningly interrupts and, at the same time, adds another metalevel to a conversation where even the simple platitude ‘thank you’ might be followed by an attribution to ‘Deep Throat 1972’. Longer exchanges become increasingly overwhelming, as Freakley’s piling of quote on quote, and sometimes repeating quotes, demands an attentive listener, as is evident in a 2008 interview with Andrew Denton on the ABC’s Enough Rope: Andrew Denton’s Enough Rope (2008) Denton: So, you’ve been doing this for three years??Freakley: Yes, Optus 1991Denton: How do people respond to you speaking in such an unnatural way?Freakley: It changes, David Bowie 1991. On the streets AKA Breakdance 1984, most people that I know think that I am crazy, Billy Thorpe 1972, a nigger like me is going insane, Cyprus Hill 1979, making as much sense as a Japanese instruction manual, Red Dwarf 1993. Video documentation of Freakley’s encounters with unsuspecting members of the public reveal how frustrating the inclusion of ‘spoken’ references can be, let alone how taken aback people are on realising they never get Freakley’s own words, but are instead receiving layers of quotations. The frustration can quickly turn hostile (Denton at one point tells Freakley to “shut up”) or can prove contaminatory, as people attempt to match or one-up her quotes (see Cook's interview 8). Apparently, when Freakley continued her commitment to the performance at a Perth Centerlink, the staff sent her to a psychiatrist and she was diagnosed with an obsessive-compulsive disorder, then prescribed medication (Schwartzkoff 4). While Benjamin's The Arcades Project invites the reader to scroll through its pages as a kind of textual flaneur, Freakley herself becomes a walking and talking word processor, extending the possibilities of Amerika’s “embodied praxis” in an inescapable remix of other people’s words and phrases. At the beginning of the project, Freakley organised a card collection of quotes categorised into possible conversation topics, and devised a ‘harness’ for easy access. Image: Danielle Freakley’s The Quote Generator harness Eventually, however, Freakley was able to rely on her own memory of an astounding number of quotations, becoming a “near mechanical vessel” (Gottlieb 2009), or, according to her own manifesto, a “regurgitation library to live by”: The Quote Generator reads, and researches as it speaks. The Quote Generator is both the reader and composer/editor. The Quote Generator is not an actor spouting lines on a stage. The Quote Generator assimilates others lines into everyday social life … The Quote Generator, tries to find its own voice, an understanding through throbbing collations of others, constantly gluttonously referencing. Much academic writing quotes/references ravenously. New things cannot be said without constant referral, acknowledgement to what has been already, the intricate detective work in the barking of the academic dog. By her unrelenting appropriation and regurgitating of quotations, Freakley uses sampling as a technique for an extended performance that draws attention to the remixology of everyday life. By replacing conversation with a hyper-insistence on quotes and their simultaneous citation, she draws attention to the artificiality and inescapability of the ‘codes’ that make up not just ordinary conversations, but also conventional academic discourse, what she calls the “barking of the academic dog”. Freakley’s performance has pushed the scholarly conventions of quoting and referencing to their furthest extreme, in what has been described by Daine Singer as a kind of “endurance art” that relies, in large part, on an antagonistic relationship to its audience. In his now legendary 1969 “Double Session” seminar, Derrida, too, experimented with the pedagogical performance of the (re)producing author, teasing his earnest academic audience. It is reported that the seminar began in a dimly lit room lined with blackboards covered with quotations that Derrida, for a while, simply “pointed to in silence” (177). In this seminar, Derrida put into play notions that can be understood to inform remix practices just as much as they do deconstruction: the author, originality, mimesis, imitation, representation and reference. Scholarly conventions, perhaps particularly the quotation practices that insist on the circulation of rigid codes of attribution, and are defended by increasingly out-of-date understandings of contemporary research, writing and teaching practices, are ripe to be played with. Remix offers an expanded discursive framework to do this in creative and entertaining ways. References Amerika, Mark. remixthebook. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011. 29 July 2013 http://www.remixthebook.com/. Arendt, Hannah. “Walter Benjamin: 1892-1940.” In Illuminations. New York, NY: Shocken, 1969: 1-55. Barthes, Roland. “The Death of the Author.” Image Music Text. Trans Stephen Heath. New York: Hill and Wang, 1977: 142-148. Benjamin, Walter. The Arcades Project. Ed. Rolf Tiedemann, trans. Howard Eiland & Kevin McLaughlin. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. Blaire, Cheré Harden. “Panic and Plagiarism: Authorship and Academic Dishonesty in a Remix Culture.” Media Tropes 2.1 (2009): 159-192. Bourdieu, Pierre, Jean-Claude Passeron, and Monique de Saint Martin. Academic Discourse: Linguistic Misunderstanding and Professorial Power. Trans. Richard Teese. Stanford California: Stanford University Press, 1965. Carroll, Lewis (Charles Dodgson). “Letter to Henrietta and Edwin Dodgson 31 Jan 1855”. 15 July 2013 http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Letters_of_Lewis_Carroll. Cook, Richard. “Don’t Quote Me on That.” Time Out Sydney (2008): 8. http://rgcooke.wordpress.com/2008/02/13/interview-danielle-freakley.Denton, Andrew. “Interview: The Quote Generator.” Enough Rope. 29 Feb. 2008. ABC TV. 15 July 2013 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AsrGvwXsenE. Derrida, Jacques. Spurs, Nietzsche’s Styles. Trans. Barbara Harlow. London: University of Chicago Press, 1978. Derrida, Jacques. The Ear of the Other: Otobiography, Text, Transference. Trans Peggy Kampf. New York: Shocken Books, 1985. Derrida, Jacques. “The Double Session”. Dissemination. Trans Alan Bass, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1981. Dinnen, Zara. "In the Mix: The Potential Convergence of Literature and New Media in Jonathan Letham's 'The Ecstasy of Influence'". Journal of Narrative Theory 42.2 (2012). Freakley, Danielle. The Quote Generator. 2006 to present. 10 July 2013 http://www.thequotegenerator.com/. Goldsmith, Kenneth. Uncreative Writing. New York: University of Colombia Press 2011. Gottlieb, Benjamin. "You Shall Worship No Other Artist God." Art & Culture (2009). 15 July 2013 http://www.artandculture.com/feature/999. Lethem, Jonathan. “The Ecstasy of Influence: A Plagiarism.” Harper’s Magazine, Feb. 2007: 59-71. http://harpers.org/archive/2007/02/the-ecstasy-of-influence/. Manovich, Lev. "What Comes after Remix?" 2007. 15 July 2013 http://manovich.net/LNM/index.html. Markham, Annette. “Remix Methodology.” 2013. 9 July 2013 http://www.markham.internetinquiry.org/category/remix/.Morris, Simon (dir.). Sucking on Words: Kenneth Goldsmith. 2007. http://www.ubu.com/film/goldsmith_sucking.html.Navas, Eduardo. Remix Theory: The Aesthetics of Sampling. New York: Springer Wein, 2012. Perloff, Marjorie. Unoriginal Genius: Poetry by Other Means in the New Century. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010. Schwartzkoff, Louise. “Art Forms Spring into Life at Prima Vera.” Sydney Morning Herald 19 Sep. 2008: Entertainment, 4. http://www.smh.com.au/news/entertainment/arts/art-forms-spring-into-life-at-primavera/2008/09/18/1221331045404.html.Singer, Daine (cur.). “Pains in the Artists: Endurance and Suffering.” Blindside Exhibition. 2007. 2 June 2013 http://www.blindside.org.au/2007/pains-in-the-artists.shtml.

From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. British Broadcasting Commission. “Films ‘Fuel Online File-Sharing’.’’ 22 Feb. 2005 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/3890527.stm>. Bretherton, I. “The Origins of Attachment Theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.” 1994. 23 Jan. 2005 http://www.psy.med.br/livros/autores/bowlby/bowlby.pdf>. Bunniesormaybemidgets. Chat Room Comment. “What Did Those Girls Do to Rhonda?” 28 Mar. 2005 http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/>. Chinese Graphic Arts Net. Mantras of the Dharani Sutra. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.cgan.com/english/english/cpg/engcp10.htm>. Ewins, R. Barkcloth and the Origins of Paper. 1991. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.justpacific.com/pacific/papers/barkcloth~paper.html>. Grassl K.R. The DVD Statistical Report. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.corbell.com>. Hahn, C. M. The Topic Is Paper. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.nystamp.org/Topic_is_paper.html>. Harper, D. Online Etymology Dictionary. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.etymonline.com/>. Mask of Zorro, The. Screenplay by J McCulley. UA, 1920. Muriel’s Wedding. Dir. PJ Hogan. Perf. Toni Collette, Rachel Griffiths, Bill Hunter, and Jeannie Drynan. Village Roadshow, 1994. O’Hagan, Jack. On The Road to Gundagai. 1922. 2 Apr. 2005 http://ingeb.org/songs/roadtogu.html>. Poole, J.H., P.L. Tyack, A.S. Stoeger-Horwath, and S. Watwood. “Animal Behaviour: Elephants Are Capable of Vocal Learning.” Nature 24 Mar. 2005. Sanchez, R. “Interrogation and Counter-Resistance Policy.” 14 Sept. 2003. 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. Schultheiss, O.C., M.M. Wirth, and S.J. Stanton. “Effects of Affiliation and Power Motivation Arousal on Salivary Progesterone and Testosterone.” Hormones and Behavior 46 (2005). Sherry, N. The Life of Graham Greene. 3 vols. London: Jonathan Cape 2004, 1994, 1989. Silk Road. Printing. 2000. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.silk-road.com/artl/printing.shtml>. Smith, T. “Elpida Licenses ‘DVD on a Chip’ Memory Tech.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. —. “Intel Boffins Build First Continuous Beam Silicon Laser.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. Watson, R. S. “Eyes And Ears: Dramatic Memory Slicing and Salable Media Content.” Innovation and Speculation, ed. Brad Haseman. Brisbane: QUT. [in press] Watson, R. S. Visions. Melbourne: Curriculum Corporation, 1994. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Watson, Robert. "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion." M/C Journal 8.2 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>. APA Style Watson, R. (Jun. 2005) "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion," M/C Journal, 8(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>.

Introduction As the country with the fifth largest population in the world, Indonesia is a massive potential market for mobile technology adoption and development. Despite an annual per capita income of only $1,280 USD (World Bank), there are 63 million mobile phone users in Indonesia (Suhartono, sec. 1.7) and it is predicted to reach 80 million in 2007 (Jakarta Post 1). Mobile phones are not only a symbol of Indonesian modernity (Barendregt 5), but like other communication technology can become a platform through which to explore socio-political issues (Winner 28). In this article we explore the role mobile phone technology in contemporary forms of social, intimate, and sexual relationships in Indonesia. We argue that new forms of expression and relations are facilitated by the particular features of mobile technology. We discuss two cases from contemporary Indonesia: a mobile dating service (BEDD) and mobile phone pornography. For each case study, we first discuss the socio-political background in Indonesia, then describe the technological affordances of the mobile phone which facilitate dating and pornography, and finally give examples of how the mobile phone is effecting change in dating and pornographic practices. This study is placed at a time when social relations, intimacy, and sexuality in Indonesia have become central public issues. Since the end of the New Order whilst many people have embraced the new freedoms of reformasi and democratization, there is also a high degree of social anxiety, tension and uncertainty (Juliastuti 139-40). These social changes and desires have played out in the formations of new and exciting modes of creativity, solidarity, and sociality (Heryanto and Hadiz 262) and equally violence, terror and criminality (Heryanto and Hadiz 256). The diverse and plural nature of Indonesian society is alive with a myriad of people and activities, and it is into this diverse social body that the mobile phone has become a central and prominent feature of interaction. The focus of our study is dating and pornography as mediated by the mobile phone; however, we do not suggest that these are new experiences in Indonesia. Rather over the last decade social, intimate, and sexual relationships have all been undergoing change and their motivations can be traced to a variety of sources including the factors of globalization, democratization and modernization. Throughout Asia “new media have become a crucial site for constituting new Asian sexual identities and communities” (Berry, Martin, and Yue 13) as people are connecting through new communication technologies. In this article we suggest that mobile phone technology opens new possibilities and introduces new channels, dynamics, and intensities of social interaction. Mobile phones are particularly powerful communication tools because of their mobility, accessibility, and convergence (Ling 16-19; Ito 14-15; Katz and Aakhus 303). These characteristics of mobile phones do not in and of themselves bring about any particular changes in dating and pornography, but they may facilitate changes already underway (Barendegt 7-9; Barker 9). Mobile Dating Background The majority of Indonesians in the 1960s and 1970s had arranged marriages (Smith-Hefner 443). Education reform during the 70s and 80s encouraged more women to attain an education which in turn led to the delaying of marriage and the changing of courtship practices (Smith-Hefner 450). “Compared to previous generations, [younger Indonesians] are freer to mix with the opposite sex and to choose their own marriage,” (Utomo 225). Modern courtship in Java is characterized by “self-initiated romance” and dating (Smith-Hefner 451). Mobile technology is beginning to play a role in initiating romance between young Indonesians. Technology One mobile matching or dating service available in Indonesia is called BEDD (www.bedd.com). BEDD is a free software for mobile phones in which users fill out a profile about themselves and can meet BEDD members who are within 20-30 feet using a Bluetooth connection on their mobile devices. BEDD members’ phones automatically exchange profile information so that users can easily meet new people who match their profile requests. BEDD calls itself mobile social networking community; “BEDD is a new Bluetooth enabled mobile social medium that allows people to meet, interact and communicate in a new way by letting their mobile phones do all the work as they go throughout their day.” As part of a larger project on mobile social networking (Humphreys 6), a field study was conducted of BEDD users in Jakarta, Indonesia and Singapore (where BEDD is based) in early 2006. In-depth interviews and open-ended user surveys were conducted with users, BEDD’s CEO and strategic partners in order to understand the social uses and effects BEDD. The majority of BEDD members (which topped 100,000 in January 2006) are in Indonesia thanks to a partnership with Nokia where BEDD came pre-installed on several phone models. In management interviews, both BEDD and Nokia explained that they partnered because both companies want to help “build community”. They felt that Bluetooth technology such as BEDD could be used to help youth meet new people and keep in touch with old friends. Examples One of BEDD’s functions is to help lower barriers to social interaction in public spaces. By sharing profile information and allowing for free text messaging, BEDD can facilitate conversations between BEDD members. According to users, mediating the initial conversation also helps to alleviate social anxiety, which often accompanies meeting new people. While social mingling and hanging out between Jakarta teenagers is a relatively common practice, one user said that BEDD provides a new and fun way to meet and flirt. In a society that must balance between an “idealized morality” and an increasingly sexualized popular culture (Utomo 226), BEDD provides a modern mode of self-initiated matchmaking. While BEDD was originally intended to aid in the matchmaking process of dating, it has been appropriated into everyday life in Indonesia because of its interpretive flexibility (Pinch & Bjiker 27). Though BEDD is certainly used to meet “beautiful girls” (according to one Indonesian male user), it is also commonly used to text message old friends. One member said he uses BEDD to text his friends in class when the lecture gets boring. BEDD appears to be a helpful modern communication tool when people are physically proximate but cannot easily talk to one another. BEDD can become a covert way to exchange messages with people nearby for free. Another potential explanation for BEDD’s increasing popularity is its ability to allow users to have private conversations in public space. Bennett notes that courtship in private spaces is seen as dangerous because it may lead to sexual impropriety (154). Dating and courtship in public spaces are seen as safer, particularly for conserving the reputation young Indonesian women. Therefore Bluetooth connections via mobile technologies can be a tool to make private social connections between young men and women “safer”. Bluetooth communication via mobile phones has also become prevalent in more conservative Muslim societies (Sullivan, par. 7; Braude, par. 3). There are, however, safety concerns about meeting strangers in public spaces. When asked, “What advice would you give a first time BEDD user?” one respondent answered, “harus bisa mnilai seseorang krn itu sangat penting, kita mnilai seseorang bukan cuma dari luarnya” (translated: be careful in evaluating (new) people, and don’t ever judge the book by its cover”). Nevertheless, only one person participating in this study mentioned this concern. To some degree meeting someone in a public may be safer than meeting someone in an online environment. Not only are there other people around in public spaces to physically observe, but co-location means there may be some accountability for how BEDD members present themselves. The development and adoption of matchmaking services such as BEDD suggests that the role of the mobile phone in Indonesia is not just to communicate with friends and family but to act as a modern social networking tool as well. For young Indonesians BEDD can facilitate the transfer of social information so as to encourage the development of new social ties. That said, there is still debate about exactly whom BEDD is connecting and for what purposes. On one hand, BEDD could help build community in Indonesia. One the other hand, because of its privacy it could become a tool for more promiscuous activities (Bennett 154-5). There are user profiles to suggest that people are using BEDD for both purposes. For example, note what four young women in Jakarta wrote in the BEDD profiles: Personal Description Looking For I am a good prayer, recite the holy book, love saving (money), love cycling… and a bit narcist. Meaning of life Ordinary gurl, good student, single, Owen lover, and the rest is up to you to judge. Phrenz ?! Peace?! Wondeful life! I am talkative, have no patience but so sweet. I am so girly, narcist, shy and love cute guys. Check my fs (Friendster) account if you’re so curious. Well, I am just an ordinary girl tho. Anybody who wants to know me. A boy friend would be welcomed. Play Station addict—can’t live without it! I am a rebel, love rock, love hiphop, naughty, if you want proof dial 081********* phrenz n cute guyz As these profiles suggest, the technology can be used to send different kinds of messages. The mobile phone and the BEDD software merely facilitate the process of social exchange, but what Indonesians use it for is up to them. Thus BEDD and the mobile phone become tools through which Indonesians can explore their identities. BEDD can be used in a variety of social and communicative contexts to allow users to explore their modern, social freedoms. Mobile Pornography Background Mobile phone pornography builds on a long tradition of pornography and sexually explicit material in Indonesia through the use of a new technology for an old art and product. Indonesia has a rich sexual history with a documented and prevalent sex industry (Suryakusuma 115). Lesmana suggests that the country has a tenuous pornographic industry prone to censorship and nationalist politics intent on its destruction. Since the end of the New Order and opening of press freedoms there has been a proliferation in published material including a mushrooming of tabloids, men’s magazines such as FHM, Maxim and Playboy, which are often regarded as pornographic. This is attributed to the decline of the power of the bureaucracy and government and the new role of capital in the formation of culture (Chua 16). There is a parallel pornography industry, however, that is more amateur, local, and homemade (Barker 6). It is into this range of material that mobile phone pornography falls. Amongst the myriad forms of pornography and sexually explicit material available in Indonesia, the mobile phone in recent years has emerged as a new platform for production, distribution, and consumption. This section will not deal with the ethics of representation nor engage with the debate about definitions and the rights and wrongs of pornography. Instead what will be shown is how the mobile phone can be and has been used as an instrument/medium for the production and consumption of pornography within contemporary social relationships. Technology There are several technological features of the mobile phone that make pornography possible. As has already been noted the mobile phone has had a large adoption rate in Indonesia, and increasingly these phones come equipped with cameras and the ability to send data via MMS and Bluetooth. Coupled with the mobility of the phone, the convergence of technology in the mobile phone makes it possible for pornography to be produced and consumed in a different way than what has been possible before. It is only recently that the mobile phone has been marketed as a video camera with the release of the Nokia N90; however, quality and recording time are severely limited. Still, the mobile phone is a convenient and at-hand tool for the production and consumption of individually made, local, and non-professional pieces of porn, sex and sexuality. It is impossible to know how many such films are in circulation. A number of websites that offer these films for downloads host between 50 and 100 clips in .3gp file format, with probably more in actual circulation. At the very least, this is a tenfold increase in number compared to the recent emergence of non-professional VCD films (Barker 3). This must in part be attributed to the advantages that the mobile phone has over standard video cameras including cost, mobility, convergence, and the absence of intervening data processing and disc production. Examples There are various examples of mobile pornography in Indonesia. These range from the pornographic text message sent between lovers to the mobile phone video of explicit sexual acts (Barendregt 14-5). The mobile phone affords privacy for the production and exchange of pornographic messages and media. Because mobile devices are individually owned, however, pornographic material found on mobile phones can be directly tied to the individual owners. For example, police in Kotabaru inspected the phones of high school students in search of pornographic materials and arrested those individuals on whose phones it was found (Barendregt 18). Mobile phone pornography became a national political issue in 2006 when an explicit one-minute clip of a singer and an Indonesian politician became public. Videoed in 2004, the clip shows Maria Eva, a 27 year-old dangdut singer (see Browne, 25-6) and Yahya Zaini, a married 42 year-old who was head of religious affairs for the Golkar political party. Their three-year affair ended in 2005, but the film did not become public until 2006. It spread like wildfire between phones and across the internet, however, and put an otherwise secret relationship into the limelight. These types of affairs and relationships were common knowledge to people through gossip, exposes such as Jakarta Undercover (Emka 93-108) and stories in tabloids; yet this culture of adultery and prostitution continued and remained anonymous because of bureaucratic control of evidence and information (Suryakusuma 115). In this case, however, the filming of Maria Eva once public proves the identities of those involved and their infidelity. As a result of the scandal it was further revealed that Maria Eva had been forced by Yayha Zaini and his wife to have an abortion, deepening the moral crisis. Yahya Zaini later resigned as his party’s head of Religious Affairs (Asmarani, sec. 1-2), due to what was called the country’s “first real sex scandal” (Naughton, par. 2). As these examples show, there are definite risks and consequences involved in the production of mobile pornography. Even messages/media that are meant to be shared between two consenting individuals can eventually make their way into the public mobile realm and have serious consequences for those involved. Mobile video and photography does, however, represent a potential new check on the Indonesian bureaucratic elite which has not been previously available by other means such as a watchdog media. “The role of the press as a control mechanism is practically nonexistent [in Jakarta], which in effect protects corruption, nepotism, financial manipulation, social injustice, and repression, as well as the murky sexual life of the bureaucratic power elite,” (Suryakusuma 117). Thus while originally a mobile video may have been created for personal pleasure, through its mass dissemination via new media it can become a means of sousveillance (Mann, Nolan and Wellman 332-3) whereby the control of surveillance is flipped to reveal the often hidden abuses of power by officials. Whilst the debates over pornography in Indonesia tend to focus on the moral aspects of it, the broader social impacts of technology on relationships are often ignored. Issues related to power relations or even media as cultural expression are often disregarded as moral judgments cast a heavy shadow over discussions of locally produced Indonesian mobile pornography. It is possible to move beyond the moral critique of pornographic media to explore the social significance of its proliferation as a cultural product. Conclusion In these two case studies we have tried to show how the mobile phone in Indonesia has become a mode of interaction but also a platform through which to explore other current issues and debates related to dating, sexuality and media. Since 1998 and the fall of the New Order, Indonesia has been struggling with blending old and new, a desire of change and nostalgia for past, and popular desire for a “New Indonesia” (Heryanto, sec. Post-1998). Cultural products within Indonesia have played an important role in exploring these issues. The mobile phone in Indonesia is not just a technology, but also a product in and through which these desires are played out. Changes in dating and pornography practices have been occurring in Indonesia for some time. As people use mobile technology to produce, communicate, and consume, the device becomes intricately related to identity struggle and cultural production within Indonesia. It is important to keep in mind, however, that while mobile technology adoption within Indonesia is growing, it is still limited to a particular subset of the population. As has been previously observed (Barendregt 3), it is wealthier, young people in urban areas who are most intensely involved in mobile technology. As handset prices decrease and availability in rural areas increases, however, no longer will mobile technology be so demographically confined in Indonesia. The convergent technology of the mobile phone opens many possibilities for creative adoption and usage. As a communication device it allows for the creation, sharing, and viewing of messages. Therefore, the technology itself facilitates social connections and networking. As demonstrated in the cases of dating and pornography, the mobile phone is both a tool for meeting new people and disseminating sexual messages/media because it is a networked technology. The mobile phone is not fundamentally changing dating and pornography practices, but it is accelerating social and cultural trends already underway in Indonesia by facilitating the exchange and dissemination of messages and media. As these case studies show, what kinds of messages Indonesians choose to create and share are up to them. The same device can be used for relatively innocuous behavior as well as more controversial behavior. With increased adoption in Indonesia, the mobile will continue to be a lens through which to further explore modern socio-political issues. 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IntroductionIt has been nearly half a century since the appearance of Susan Sontag’s landmark essay “The Imagination of Disaster.” The critic wrote of the public fascination with science fiction disaster films, claiming that, on the one hand “from a psychological point of view, the imagination of disaster does not greatly differ from one period in history to another [but, on the other hand] from a political and moral point of view, it does” (224). Even if Sontag is right about aspects of the imagination of disaster not changing, the types, frequency, and magnitude of disasters and their representation in media and popular culture suggest that dynamic conditions prevail on both counts. Disaster has become a significantly urban phenomenon, and highly publicised “worst case” scenarios such as Hurricane Katrina and the Haiti earthquake highlight multiple demographic, cultural, and environmental contexts for visualising cataclysm. The 1950s and 60s science fiction films that Sontag wrote about were filled with marauding aliens and freaks of disabused science. Since then, their visual and dramatic effects have been much enlarged by all kinds of disaster scenarios. Partly imagined, these scenarios have real-life counterparts with threats from terrorism and the war on terror, pan-epidemics, and global climate change. Sontag’s essay—like most, if not all of the films she mentions—overlooked the aftermath; that is, the rebuilding, following extra-terrestrial invasion. It ignored what was likely to happen when the monsters were gone. In contrast, the psychological as well as the practical, social, and economic aspects of reconstruction are integral to disaster discourse today. Writing about how architecture might creatively contribute to post-conflict (including war) and disaster recovery, for instance, Boano elaborates the psychological background for rebuilding, where the material destruction of dwellings and cities “carries a powerful symbolic erosion of security, social wellbeing and place attachment” (38); these are depicted as attributes of selfhood and identity that must be restored. Similarly, Hutchison and Bleiker (385) adopt a view evident in disaster studies, that disaster-struck communities experience “trauma” and require inspired responses that facilitate “healing and reconciliation” as well as material aid such as food, housing, and renewed infrastructure. This paper revisits Sontag’s “The Imagination of Disaster,” fifty years on in view of the changing face of disasters and their representation in film media, including more recent films. The paper then considers disaster recovery and outlines the difficult path that “creative industries” like architecture and urban planning must tread when promising a vision of rebuilding that provides for such intangible outcomes as “healing and reconciliation.” We find that hopes for the seemingly positive psychologically- and socially-recuperative outcomes accompanying the prospect of rebuilding risk a variety of generalisation akin to wish-fulfilment that Sontag finds in disaster films. The Psychology of Science Fiction and Disaster FilmsIn “The Imagination of Disaster,” written at or close to the height of the Cold War, Sontag ruminates on what America’s interest in, if not preoccupation with, science fiction films tell us about ourselves. Their popularity cannot be explained in terms of their entertainment value alone; or if it can, then why audiences found (and still find) such films entertaining is something that itself needs explanation.Depicted in media like photography and film, utopian and dystopian thought have at least one thing in common. Their visions of either perfected or socially alienated worlds are commonly prompted by criticism of the social/political status quo and point to its reform. For Sontag, science fiction films portrayed both people’s worst nightmares concerning disaster and catastrophe (e.g. the end of the world; chaos; enslavement; mutation), as well as their facile victories over the kinds of moral, political, and social dissolution the films imaginatively depicted. Sontag does not explicitly attribute such “happy endings” to wish-fulfilling phantasy and ego-protection. (“Phantasy” is to be distinguished from fantasy. It is a psychoanalytic term for states of mind, often symbolic in form, resulting from infantile wish-fulfilment, desires and instincts.) She does, however, describe the kinds of fears, existential concerns (like annihilation), and crises of meaning they are designed (purpose built) to allay. The fears are a product of the time—the down and dark side of technology (e.g. depersonalisation; ambivalence towards science, scientists, and technology) and changes wrought in our working and personal lives by urbanisation. In short, then as now, science fictions films were both expressions of deep and genuine worries and of the pressing need to inventively set them to rest.When Sontag claims that “the imagination of disaster does not greatly differ” (224) from one period to another, this is because, psychologically speaking, neither the precipitating concerns and fears (death, loss of love, meaninglessness, etc.), nor the ways in which people’s minds endeavour to assuage them, substantively differ. What is different is the way they are depicted. This is unsurprisingly a function of the political, social, and moral situations and milieus that provide the context in which the imagination of disaster unfolds. In contemporary society, the extent to which the media informs and constructs the context in which the imagination operates is unprecedented.Sontag claims that there is little if any criticism of the real social and political conditions that bring about the fears the films depict (223). Instead, fantasy operates so as to displace and project the actual causes away from their all too human origins into outer space and onto aliens. In a sense, this is the core and raison d’etre for such films. By their very nature, science fiction films of the kind Sontag is discussing cannot concern themselves with genuine social or political criticism (even though the films are necessarily expressive of such criticism). Any serious questioning of the moral and political status quo—conditions that are responsible for the disasters befalling people—would hamper the operation of fantasy and its production of temporarily satisfying “solutions” to whatever catastrophe is being depicted.Sontag goes on to discuss various strategies science fiction employs to deal with such fears. For example, through positing a bifurcation between good and evil, and grossly oversimplifying the moral complexity of situations, it allows one to “give outlet to cruel or at least amoral feelings” (215) and to exercise feelings of superiority—moral and otherwise. Ambiguous feelings towards science and technology are repressed. Quick and psychologically satisfying fixes are sought for these by means of phantasy and the imaginative construction of invulnerable heroes. Much of what Sontag says can straightforwardly be applied to catastrophe in general. “Alongside the hopeful fantasy of moral simplification and international unity embodied in the science fiction films lurk the deepest anxieties about contemporary existence” (220). Sontag writes:In the films it is by means of images and sounds […] that one can participate in the fantasy of living through one’s own death and more, the death of cities, the destruction of humanity itself. Science fiction films are not about science. They are about disaster, which is one of the oldest subjects in art. In science fiction films disaster is rarely viewed intensively; it is always extensive. It is a matter of quality and ingenuity […] the science fiction film […] is concerned with the aesthetics of disaster […] and it is in the imagery of destruction that the core of a good science fiction film lies. (212–13)In science fiction films, disaster, though widespread, is viewed intensively as well as extensively. The disturbances constitutive of the disaster are moral and emotional as well as material. People are left without the mental or physical abilities they need to cope. Government is absent or useless. We find ourselves in what amounts to what Naomi Zack (“Philosophy and Disaster”; Ethics for Disaster) describes as a Hobbesian second state of nature—where government is inoperative and chaos (moral, social, political, personal) reigns. Science fiction’s way out is to imaginatively construct scenarios emotionally satisfying enough to temporarily assuage the distress (anomie or chaos) experienced in the film.There is, however, a tremendous difference in the way in which people who face catastrophic occurrences in their lives, as opposed to science fiction, address the problems. For one thing, they must be far closer to complex and quickly changing realities and uncertain truths than are the phantastic, temporarily gratifying, and morally unproblematic resolutions to the catastrophic scenarios that science fiction envisions. Genuine catastrophe, for example war, undermines and dismantles the structures—material structures to be sure but also those of justice, human kindness, and affectivity—that give us the wherewithal to function and that are shown to be inimical to catastrophe as such. Disaster dispenses with civilization while catastrophe displaces it.Special Effects and Changing StorylinesScience fiction and disaster film genres have been shaped by developments in visual simulation technologies providing opportunities for imaginatively mixing fact and fiction. Developments in filmmaking include computer or digital techniques for reproducing on the screen what can otherwise only be imagined as causal sequences of events and spectacles accompanying the wholesale destruction of buildings and cities—even entire planets. Indeed films are routinely promoted on the basis of how cinematographers and technicians have advanced the state of the art. The revival of 3-D movies with films such as Avatar (2009) and Prometheus (2012) is one of a number of developments augmenting the panoramas of 1950s classics featuring “melting tanks, flying bodies, crashing walls, awesome craters and fissures in the earth, plummeting spacecraft [and] colourful deadly rays” (Sontag 213). An emphasis on the scale of destruction and the wholesale obliteration of recognisable sites emblematic of “the city” (mega-structures like the industrial plant in Aliens (1986) and vast space ships like the “Death Star” in two Star Wars sequels) connect older films with new ones and impress the viewer with ever more extraordinary spectacle.Films that have been remade make for useful comparison. On the whole, these reinforce the continuation and predictability of some storylines (for instance, threats of extra-terrestrial invasion), but also the attenuation or disappearance of other narrative elements such as the monsters and anxieties released by mid-twentieth century atomic tests (Broderick). Remakes also highlight emerging themes requiring novel or updated critical frameworks. For example, environmental anxieties, largely absent in 1950s science fiction films (except for narratives involving colliding worlds or alien contacts) have appeared en masse in recent years, providing an updated view on the ethical issues posed by the fall of cities and communities (Taylor, “Urban”).In The Invasion of the Bodysnatchers and its remakes (1956, 1978, 1993), for example, the organic and vegetal nature of the aliens draws the viewer’s attention to an environment formed by combative species, allowing for threats of infestation, growth and decay of the self and individuality—a longstanding theme. In the most recent version, The Invasion (2007), special effects and directorial spirit render the orifice-seeking tendrils of the pod creatures threateningly vigorous and disturbing (Lim). More sanctimonious than physically invasive, the aliens in the 1951 version of The Day the Earth Stood Still are fed up with humankind’s fixation with atomic self-destruction, and threaten global obliteration on the earth (Cox). In the 2008 remake, the suave alien ambassador, Keanu Reeves, targets the environmental negligence of humanity.Science, including science as fiction, enters into disaster narratives in a variety of ways. Some are less obvious but provocative nonetheless; for example, movies dramatising the arrival of aliens such as War of the Worlds (1953 and 2005) or Alien (1979). These more subtle approaches can be personally confronting even without the mutation of victims into vegetables or zombies. Special effects technologies have made it possible to illustrate the course of catastrophic floods and earthquakes in considerable scientific and visual detail and to represent the interaction of natural disasters, the built environment, and people, from the scale of buildings, homes, and domestic lives to entire cities and urban populations.For instance, the blockbuster film The Day After Tomorrow (2004) runs 118 minutes, but has an uncertain fictional time frame of either a few weeks or 72 hours (if the film’s title is to taken literally). The movie shows the world as we know it being mostly destroyed. Tokyo is shattered by hailstones and Los Angeles is twisted by cyclones the likes of which Dorothy would never have seen. New York disappears beneath a mountainous tsunami. All of these events result from global climate change, though whether this is due to human (in) action or other causes is uncertain. Like their predecessors, the new wave of disaster movies like The Day After Tomorrow makes for questionable “art” (Annan). Nevertheless, their reception opens a window onto broader political and moral contexts for present anxieties. Some critics have condemned The Day After Tomorrow for its scientific inaccuracies—questioning the scale or pace of climate change. Others acknowledge errors while commending efforts to raise environmental awareness (Monbiot). Coincident with the film and criticisms in both the scientific and political arena is a new class of environmental heretic—the climate change denier. This is a shadowy character commonly associated with the presidency of George W. Bush and the oil lobby that uses minor inconsistencies of science to claim that climate change does not exist. One thing underlying both twisting facts for the purposes of making science fiction films and ignoring evidence of climate change is an infantile orientation towards the unknown. In this regard, recent films do what science fiction disaster films have always done. While freely mixing truths and half-truths for the purpose of heightened dramatic effect, they fulfil psychological tasks such as orchestrating nightmare scenarios and all too easy victories on the screen. Uncertainty regarding the precise cause, scale, or duration of cataclysmic natural phenomena is mirrored by suspension of disbelief in the viability of some human responses to portrayals of urban disaster. Science fiction, in other words, invites us to accept as possible the flight of Americans and their values to Mexico (The Day After Tomorrow), the voyage into earth’s molten core (The Core 2003), or the disposal of lava in LA’s drainage system (Volcano 1997). Reinforcing Sontag’s point, here too there is a lack of criticism of the real social and political conditions that bring about the fears depicted in the films (223). Moreover, much like news coverage, images in recent natural disaster films (like their predecessors) typically finish at the point where survivors are obliged to pick up the pieces and start all over again—the latter is not regarded as newsworthy. Allowing for developments in science fiction films and the disaster genre, Sontag’s observation remains accurate. The films are primarily concerned “with the aesthetics of destruction, with the peculiar beauties to be found in wreaking havoc, in making a mess” (213) rather than rebuilding. The Imagination of Disaster RecoverySontag’s essay contributes to an important critical perspective on science fiction film. Variations on her “psychological point of view” have been explored. (The two discourses—psychology and cinema—have parallel and in some cases intertwined histories). Moreover, in the intervening years, psychological or psychoanalytical terms and narratives have themselves become even more a part of popular culture. They feature in recent disaster films and disaster recovery discourse in the “real” world.Today, with greater frequency than in the 1950s and 60s films arguably, representations of alien invasion or catastrophic global warming serve to background conflict resolutions of a more quotidian and personal nature. Hence, viewers are led to suspect that Tom Cruise will be more likely to survive the rapacious monsters in the latest The War of the Worlds if he can become less narcissistic and a better father. Similarly, Dennis Quaid’s character will be much better prepared to serve a newly glaciated America for having rescued his son (and marriage) from the watery deep-freezer that New York City becomes in The Day After Tomorrow. In these films the domestic and familial comprise a domain of inter-personal and communal relations from which victims and heroes appear. Currents of thought from the broad literature of disaster studies and Western media also call upon this domain. The imagination of disaster recovery has come to partly resemble a set of problems organised around the needs of traumatised communities. These serve as an object of urban governance, planning, and design conceived in different ways, but largely envisioned as an organic unity that connects urban populations, their pasts, and settings in a meaningful, psychologically significant manner (Furedi; Hutchison and Bleiker; Boano). Terms like “place” or concepts like Boano’s “place-attachment" (38) feature in this discourse to describe this unity and its subjective dimensions. Consider one example. In August 2006, one year after Katrina, the highly respected Journal of Architectural Education dedicated a special issue to New Orleans and its reconstruction. Opening comments by editorialist Barbara Allen include claims presupposing enduring links between the New Orleans community conceived as an organic whole, its architectural heritage imagined as a mnemonic vehicle, and the city’s unique setting. Though largely unsupported (and arguably unsupportable) the following proposition would find agreement across a number of disaster studies and resonates in commonplace reasoning:The culture of New Orleans is unique. It is a mix of ancient heritage with layers and adaptations added by successive generations, resulting in a singularly beautiful cultural mosaic of elements. Hurricane Katrina destroyed buildings—though not in the city’s historic core—and displaced hundreds of thousands of people, but it cannot wipe out the memories and spirit of the citizens. (4) What is intriguing about the claim is an underlying intellectual project that subsumes psychological and sociological domains of reasoning within a distinctive experience of community, place, and memory. In other words, the common belief that memory is an intrinsic part of the human condition of shock and loss gives form to a theory of how urban communities experience disaster and how they might re-build—and justify rebuilding—themselves. This is problematic and invites anachronistic thinking. While communities are believed to be formed partly by memories of a place, “memory” is neither a collective faculty nor is it geographically bounded. Whose memories are included and which ones are not? Are these truly memories of one place or do they also draw on other real or imagined places? Moreover—and this is where additional circumspection is inspired by our reading of Sontag’s essay—does Allen’s editorial contribute to an aestheticised image of place, rather than criticism of the social and political conditions required for reconstruction to proceed with justice, compassionately and affectively? Allowing for civil liberties to enter the picture, Allen adds “it is necessary to enable every citizen to come back to this exceptional city if they so desire” (4). However, given that memories of places and desires for their recovery are not univocal, and often contain competing visions of what was and should be, it is not surprising they should result in competing expectations for reconstruction efforts. This has clearly proven the case for New Orleans (Vederber; Taylor, “Typologies”)ConclusionThe comparison of films invites an extension of Sontag’s analysis of the imagination of disaster to include the psychology, politics, and morality of rebuilding. Can a “psychological point of view” help us to understand not only the motives behind capturing so many scenes of destruction on screen and television, but also something of the creative impulses driving reconstruction? This invites a second question. How do some impulses, particularly those caricatured as the essence of an “enterprise culture” (Heap and Ross) associated with America’s “can-do” or others valorised as positive outcomes of catastrophe in The Upside of Down (Homer-Dixon), highlight or possibly obscure criticism of the conditions which made cities like New Orleans vulnerable in the first place? The broad outline of an answer to the second question begins to appear only when consideration of the ethics of disaster and rebuilding are taken on board. If “the upside” of “the down” wrought by Hurricane Katrina, for example, is rebuilding of any kind, at any price, and for any person, then the equation works (i.e., there is a silver lining for every cloud). If, however, the range of positives is broadened to include issues of social justice, then the figures require more complex arithmetic.ReferencesAllen, Barbara. “New Orleans and Katrina: One Year Later.” Journal of Architectural Education 60.1 (2006): 4.Annan, David. Catastrophe: The End of the Cinema? London: Lorrimer, 1975.Boano, Camillo. “‘Violent Space’: Production and Reproduction of Security and Vulnerabilities.” The Journal of Architecture 16 (2011): 37–55.Broderick, Mick, ed. Hibakusha Cinema: Hiroshima, Nagasaki and the Nuclear Image in Japanese Film. London: Kegan Paul, 1996.Cox, David. “Get This, Aliens: We Just Don’t Care!” The Guardian 15 Dec. 2008 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/filmblog/2008/dec/15/the-day-the-earth-stood-still›. Furedi, Frank. “The Changing Meaning of Disaster.” Area 39.4 (2007): 482–89.Heap, Shaun H., and Angus Ross, eds. Understanding the Enterprise Culture: Themes in the Work of Mary Douglas. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992. Homer-Dixon, Thomas. The Upside of Down: Catastrophe, Creativity and the Renewal of Civilization. Washington, DC: Island Press, 2006.Hutchison, Emma, and Roland Bleiker. “Emotional Reconciliation: Reconstituting Identity and Community after Trauma.” European Journal of Social Theory 11 (2008): 385–403.Lim, Dennis. “Same Old Aliens, But New Neuroses.” New York Times 12 Aug. 2007: A17.Monbiot, George. “A Hard Rain's A-gonna Fall.” The Guardian 14 May 2004.Sontag, Susan. “The Imagination of Disaster” (1965). Against Interpretation and Other Essays. New York: Dell, 1979. 209–25.Taylor, William M. “Typologies of Katrina: Mnemotechnics in Post-Disaster New Orleans.” Interstices 13 (2012): 71–84.———. “Urban Disasters: Visualising the Fall of Cities and the Forming of Human Values.” Journal of Architecture 11.5 (2006): 603–12.Verderber, Stephen. “Five Years After – Three New Orleans Neighborhoods.” Journal of Architectural Education 64.1 (2010): 107–20.Zack, Naomi. Ethics for Disaster. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009.———. “Philosophy and Disaster.” Homeland Security Affairs 2, article 5 (April 2006): ‹http://www.hsaj.org/?article=2.1.5›.FilmographyAlien. Dir. Ridley Scott. Brandywine Productions, 1979.Aliens. Dir. James Cameron. Brandywine Productions, 1986.Avatar. Dir. James Cameron. Lightstorm Entertainment et al., 2009.The Core. Dir. Jon Amiel. Paramount Pictures, 2003.The Day after Tomorrow. Dir. Roland Emmerich. 20th Century Fox, 2004.The Invasion of the Body Snatchers. Dir. Don Siegel. Allied Artists, 1956; also 1978 and 1993.The Invasion. Dirs. Oliver Hirschbiegel and Jame McTeigue. Village Roadshow et al, 2007.Prometheus. Dir. Ridley Scott. Scott Free and Brandywine Productions, 2012Star Wars Episode IV: A New Hope. Dir. George Lucas. Lucasfilm, 1977.Star Wars Episode VI: Return of the Jedi. Dir. George Lucas. Lucasfilm, 1983.Volcano. Dir. Mick Jackson. 20th Century Fox, 1997.War of the Worlds. Dir. George Pal. Paramount, 1953; also Steven Spielberg. Paramount, 2005.Acknowledgments The authors are grateful to Oenone Rooksby and Joely-Kym Sobott for their assistance and advice when preparing this article. It was also made possible in part by a grant from the Australian Research Council.

Introduction Sharing food is central to culture. Indeed, according to Montanari, “food is culture” (xii). Ways of sharing knowledge about food, such as the exchange of recipes, give longevity to food sharing. Recipes, an important cultural technology, expand the practice of sharing food beyond specific times and places. The means through which recipes, and information about food, is shared has historically been communicated through whatever medium is available at the time. Cookbooks were among the first printed books, with the first known cookbook published in 1485 at Nuremberg, which set a trend in which cookbooks were published in most of the languages across Western Europe by the mid 16th century (Mennell). Since then, recipe collections have found a comfortable home in new and emerging media, from radio, to television, and now, online. The proliferation of cookbooks and other forms of food-related media “can be interpreted as a reflection of culinary inexperience, if not also incompetence—otherwise why so much reliance on outside advice?” (Belasco 46). Food-related media has also been argued to reflect both what people eat and what they might wish they could eat (Neuhaus, in Belasco). As such, cookbooks, television cooking shows, and food websites help shape our identity and, as Gallegos notes, play “a role in inscribing the self with a sense of place, belonging and achievement” (99). Food writing has expanded beyond the instructional form common to cookbooks and television cooking shows and, according to Hughes, “has insinuated itself into every aspect of the literary imagination” (online) from academic writing through to memoir, fiction, and travel writing. Hughes argues that concerns that people are actually now cooking less that ever, despite this influx of food-related media, miss the point that “food writing is a literary activity […] the best of it does what good writing always does, which is to create an alternative world to the one you currently inhabit” (online). While pragmatic, this argument also reinforces the common perception that food writing is a professional pursuit. It is important to note that while cookbooks and other forms of food-related media are well established as a means for recipes to be communicated, recipes have a longer history of being shared between individuals, that is, within families and communities. In helping to expand recipe-sharing practices, food-related media has also both professionalised and depersonalised this activity. As perhaps a reaction to this, or through a desire to re-establish communal recipe-sharing traditions, blogging, and specifically food blogging, has emerged as a new and viable way for people to share information about food in a non-professional capacity. Blogging has long been celebrated for its capacity to give “ordinary” people a voice (Nilsson). Due to their social nature (Walker Rettberg) and the ability for bloggers to create “networks for sharing ideas, trends and information” (Walker Rettberg 60), blogs are a natural fit for sharing recipes and information about food. Additionally, blogs, like food-related media forms such as cookbooks, are also used as tools for identity building. Blogger’s identities may be closely tied to their offline identity (Baumer, Sueyoshi and Tomlinson), forged through discussions about their everyday lives (Lövheim) or used in a professional capacity (Kedrowicz and Sullivan). Food blogs, broadly defined as blogs primarily focused on food, are one of the most prominent means through which so-called “ordinary” people can share recipes online, and can be seen to challenge perceptions that food writing is a professional activity. They may focus specifically on recipes, restaurant reviews, travel, food ethics, or aesthetic concerns such as food styling and photography. Since food blogs began to appear in the early 2000s, their number has steadily increased, and the community has become more established and structured. In my interview with the writer of the popular blog Chocolate & Zucchini, she noted that when she started blogging about food in 2003 there were perhaps a dozen other food bloggers. Since then, this blogger has become a professional food writer, published author, and recipe developer, while the number of food bloggers has grown dramatically. It is difficult to know the precise number of food blogs—as at July 2012, Technorati ranked more than 16,000 food blogs, including both recipe and restaurant review blogs (online)—but it is clear that they are both increasing in number and have become a common and popular blog genre. For the purposes of this article, food blogs are understood as those blogs that mostly feature recipes. The term “recipe blog” could be used, but food bloggers make little distinction between different topic categories—whether someone writes recipes or reviews, they are referred to as a food blogger. As such, I have used the term “food blog” in keeping with the community’s own terminology and practices. Recipes published on blogs reach a wider audience than those shared between individuals within a family or in a community, but are not as exclusive or professional, in most instances, as traditional food-related media. Blogging allows for the compression of time and space, as people can connect with others from around the world, and respond and reinvigorate posts sometimes several years after they have been written. In this sense, food blogs are more dynamic than cookbooks, with multiple entry points and means for people to discover them—through search engines as well as through traditional word of mouth referrals. This dynamism allows food bloggers to form an active community through which “ordinary” people can share their passion for food and the pleasures of cooking, seek advice, give feedback, and discuss such issues as seasonality, locality, and diet. This article is based on research I conducted on food blogs between 2010 and 2012, which used an ethnographic, cultural studies approach to online community studies to provide a rich description of the food blogging community. It examines how food blogging provides insight into the eating habits of “ordinary” people in a more broad-based manner than traditional food-related media such as cookbooks. It looks at how food blogging has evolved from a subcultural activity to an established and recognised element of the wider food-related media ecology, and in this way has been transformed from a hobbyist activity to a cottage industry. It discusses how food blogs have influenced food-related media and the potential they have to drive food trends. In doing so, this research does not consider the Internet, or online communities, as separate or distinct from offline culture. Instead, it follows Richard Rogers’s argument for a new approach to Internet studies, in which “one is not so much researching the Internet, and its users, as studying culture and society with the Internet” (29). A cultural studies approach is useful for understanding food blogs in a broader historical and cultural context, since it considers the Internet as “a rich arena for thinking about how contemporary culture is constituted” (Hine et al. 2). Food Blogging: From Hobbyist Activity to Cottage Industry Benkler argues that “people have always created their own culture” (296); however, as folk culture has gradually been replaced by mass-produced popular culture, we have come to expect certain production values in culture, and lost confidence in creating or sharing it ourselves, for fear of it not meeting these high standards. Such mass-produced popular culture includes food-related media and recipes, as developing and sharing recipes has become the domain of celebrity chefs. Food blogs are created by “ordinary” people, and in this way continue the tradition of community cookbooks and reflect an increased interest in both the do-it-yourself phenomena, and a resurgence of a desire to share and contribute to folk culture. Jenkins argues that “a thriving culture needs spaces where people can do bad art, get feedback, and get better” (140-1). He notes that the Internet has drastically expanded the availability of these spaces, and argues that: "some of what amateurs create will be surprisingly good, and some artists will be recruited into commercial entertainment or the art world. Much of it will be good enough to engage the interest of some modest public, to inspire someone else to create, to provide new content which, when polished through many hands, may turn into something more valuable down the line" (140-1). Food blogs provide such a space for amateurs to share their creations and get feedback. Additionally, some food bloggers, like the artists to whom Jenkins refers, do create recipes, writing, and images that are “surprisingly good”, and are recruited, not into commercial entertainment or the art world, but into food-related media. Some food bloggers publish cookbooks (for example, Clotilde Dusoulier of Chocolate & Zucchini), or food-related memoirs (for example, Molly Wizenberg of Orangette), and some become food celebrities in their own right, as guests on high profile television shows such as Martha Stewart (Matt Armendariz of mattbites) or with their own cooking shows (Ree Drummond of The Pioneer Woman Cooks). Others, while not reaching these levels of success, do manage to inspire others to create, or recreate their, recipes. Mainstream media has a tendency to suggest that all food bloggers have professional aspirations (see, for example, Phipps). Yet, it is important to note that, many food bloggers are content to remain hobbyists. These food bloggers form the majority of the community, and blog about food because they are interested in food, and enjoy sharing recipes and discussing their interest with like-minded people. In this way, they are contributing to, and engaging with, folk culture within the blogging community. However, this does not mean that they do not have a broader impact on mainstream food-related media. Food-Related Media Response As the food blogging community has grown, food-related media and other industries have responded with attempts to understand, engage with, and manage food bloggers. Food blogs are increasingly recognised as an aspect of the broader food-related media and, as such, provide both competition and opportunities for media and other industries. Just as food blogs offer individuals opportunities for entry into food-related media professions, they also offer media and other industries opportunities to promote products, reach broader audiences, and source new talent. While food bloggers do not necessarily challenge existing food-related media, they increasingly see themselves as a part of it, and expect to be viewed as a legitimate part of the media landscape and as an alternative source of food-related information. As such, they respond positively to the inclusion of bloggers in food-related media and in other food-related environments. Engaging with the food blogging community allows the wider food-related media to subtly regulate blogger behaviour. It can also provide opportunities for some bloggers to be recruited in a professional capacity into food-related media. In a sense, food-related media attempt to “tame” food bloggers by suggesting that if bloggers behave in a way that they deem is acceptable, they may be able to transition into the professional world of food writing. The most notable example of this response to food blogs by food-related media is the decision to publish blogger’s work. While not all food bloggers have professional aspirations, being published is generally viewed within the community as a positive outcome. Food bloggers are sometimes profiled in food-related media, such as in the Good Weekend magazine in The Sydney Morning Herald (Karnikowski), and in MasterChef Magazine, which profiles a different food blogger each month (T. Jenkins). Food bloggers are also occasionally commissioned to write features for food-related media, as Katie Quinn Davies, of the blog What Katie Ate, who is a regular contributor to delicious magazine. Other food bloggers have been published in their own right. These food bloggers have transitioned from hobbyists to professionals, moving beyond blogging spaces into professional food-related media, and they could be, in Abercrombie and Longhurst’s terms, described as “petty producers” (140). As professionals, they have become a sort of “brand”, which their blog supports and promotes. This is not to say they are no longer interested in food or blogging on a personal level, but their relationship to these activities has shifted. For example, Dusoulier has published numerous books, and was one of the first food bloggers to transition into professional food-related media. However, her career in food-related media—as a food writer, recipe developer and author—goes beyond the work of a petty producer. Dusoulier edited the first English-language edition of I Know How To Cook (Mathiot), which, first published in 1932 (in French), has been described as the “bible” of traditional French cookery. Her work revising this classic book reveals that, beyond being a high-profile member of the food blogging community, she is a key figure in wider food culture. Such professional food bloggers achieve a certain level of celebrity both within the food blogging community and in food-related media. This is reflective of broader media trends in which “ordinary” people are “plucked from obscurity to enjoy a highly circumscribed celebrity” (Turner 12), and, in this way, food bloggers challenge the idea that you need to be an “expert” to talk publicly about food. Food Blogging as an Established Genre Food blogs are often included alongside traditional food-related media as another source of food-related information. For example, the site Eat your books, which indexes cookbooks, providing users with an online tool for searching the recipes in the books they own, has begun to index food blogs as well. Likewise, in 2010, the James Beard Foundation announced that their prestigious journalism awards had “mostly abolished separate categories based on publishing platforms”, although they still have an award for best food blog (Fox online). This inclusion reflects how established food blogging has become. Over time, food blogs have co-evolved and converged with food-related media, offering greater diversity of opinion. Ganda Suthivarakom, a food blogger and now director of the SAVEUR website, says that “in 2004, to be a food blogger was to be an outsider in the world of food media. Today, it couldn’t be more different” (online). She argues that “food blogs leveled the playing field […] Instead of a rarefied and inaccessible group of print reviewers having a say, suddenly thousands of voices of varying skill levels and interests chimed in, and the conversation became livelier” (Suthivarakom online). It is worthwhile noting that while there are more voices and more diversity in traditional food-related media, food blogging has also become somewhat of a cliché: it has even been satirised in an episode of The Simpsons (Bailey and Anderson). As food blogging has evolved it has developed into an established and recognised genre, which may be nuanced to the bloggers themselves, but often appears generic to outsiders. Food blogging has, as it were, gone mainstream. As such, the thousands of voices are also somewhat of an echo chamber. In becoming established as a genre, food blogs reflect the gradual convergence of different types of food-related media. Food blogs are part of a wider trend towards user-generated, food-related online content. It could also be argued that reality shows take cues from food blogs in terms of their active audiences and use of social media. MasterChef in particular is supported by a website, a magazine, and active social media channels, reflecting an increasing expectation of audience participation and interactivity in the delivery of food-related information. Food bloggers have also arguably contributed to the increasingly image-driven nature of food-related media. They have also played a key role in the popularity of sharing photos of food through platforms such as Instagram and Pinterest. Food Blogs and Food Trends Food blogs, like cookbooks, can be seen to both reflect and shape culture (Gallegos). In addition to providing an archive of what “ordinary” people are cooking on a scale not previously available, they have potential to influence food trends. Food bloggers are essentially food enthusiasts or “foodies”. According to De Solier, “most foodies see themselves as culturalists rather than materialists, people whose self-making is bound up in the acquisition of cultural experiences and knowledge, rather than the accumulation of material things” (16). As foodies, food bloggers are deeply engaged with food, keen to share their knowledge and, due to the essential and convivial nature of food, are afforded many opportunities to do so. As such, food blogs have influence beyond the food blogging community. For example, food bloggers could be seen to be responsible, in part at least, for the current popularity of macarons. These sweet, meringue-based biscuits were featured on the blog A la cuisine! in 2004—one of the earliest examples of the recipe in the food blogging community. Its popularity then steadily grew throughout the community, and has since been featured on high-profile and popular blogs such as David Lebovitz (2005), The Traveller’s Lunchbox (2005), and La Tartine Gourmand (2006). Creating and posting a recipe for macarons became almost a rite of passage for food bloggers. At a food blogging conference I attended in 2011, one blogger confided to me that she did not feel like a proper blogger because she had not yet made macarons. The popularity of macarons then extended beyond the food blogging community. They were the subject of a book, I Love Macarons (Ogita), first published in Japanese in 2006 and then in English in 2009, and featured in a cooking challenge on MasterChef (Byrnes), which propelled their popularity into mainstream food culture. Macarons, which could have once been seen as exclusive, delicate, and expensive (Jargon and Passariello) are now readily available, and can even be purchased at MacDonalds. Beyond the popularity of specific foods, the influence of food bloggers can be seen in the growing interest in where, and how, food is produced, coupled with concerns around food wastage (see, for example, Tristram). Concerns about food production are sometimes countered by the trend of making foods “from scratch,” a popular topic on food blogs, and such trends can also be seen in wider food culture, such as with classes on topics ranging from cheese making to butchering (Severson). These concerns are also evident in the growing interest in organic and ethical produce (Paish). Conclusion Food blogs have demonstrably revitalised an interest in recipe sharing among “ordinary” people. The evolution of food blogs, however, is just one part of the ongoing evolution of food-related media and recipe sharing technologies. Food blogs are also an important part of food culture, and indeed, culture more broadly. They reflect a renewed interest in folk culture and the trend towards “do-it-yourself”, seen in online and offline communities. Beyond this, food blogs provide a useful case study for understanding how our online and offline lives have become intertwined, and showcase the Internet as a part of everyday life. They remind us that new means of sharing food and culture will continue to emerge, and that our relationships to food and technology, and our interactions with food-related media, must be continually examined if we are to understand the ways they both shape and reflect culture. References Abercrombie, Nicholas, and Brian Longhurst. Audiences: A Sociological Theory of Performance and Imagination. London: Sage, 1998. Armendariz, Matt. Mattbites. 21 Apr. 2013 ‹http://mattbites.com/›. Bailey, Timothy, and Mike B. Anderson. “The Food Wife.” The Simpsons. 2011. 13 Nov. Baumer, Eric, Mark Sueyoshi, and Bill Tomlinson. "Exploring the Role of the Reader in the Activity of Blogging." ACM Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems. 2008. Belasco, Warren. Food: The Key Concepts. Oxford: Berg, 2008. Benkler, Yochai. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom. New Haven: Yale U P, 2006. Byrnes, Holly. "Masterchef's Macaron Madness." The Daily Telegraph (2010). 6 Jul. ‹http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/entertainment/masterchefs-macaroon-madness/story-e6frewyr-1225888378794%3E. Clement. “Macarons (IMBB 10).” A La Cuisine!. 21 Nov. 2004. 21 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.alacuisine.org/alacuisine/2004/11/macarons_imbb_1.html›. DeSolier, Isabelle. "Making the Self in a Material World: Food and Moralities of Consumption." Cultural Studies Review 19.1 (2013): 9–27. Drummond, Ree. The Pioneer Woman Cooks!. 21 Apr. 2013 ‹http://thepioneerwoman.com/cooking/›. Dusoulier, Clotilde. Chocolate and Zucchini. 21 Apr. 2013. ‹http://chocolateandzucchini.com/›. Fox, Nick. "Beard Awards Will Not Distinguish between Online and Print Journalism." New York Times (2010). 14 Oct. ‹http://dinersjournal.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/10/14/beard-awards-will-not-distinguish-between-online-and-print-journalism/%3E›.. Gallegos, Danielle. "Cookbooks as Manuals of Taste." Ordinary Lifestyles: Popular Media, Consumption and Taste. Eds. Bell, David and Joanne Hollows. Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2005. 99–110. Hine, Christine, Lori Kendall, and Danah Boyd. "Question One: How Can Qualitative Internet Researchers Define the Boundaries of Their Projects?" Internet Inquiry: Conversations About Method. Eds. Baym, Nancy K. and Annette N. Markham. Los Angeles: Sage, 2009. 1-32. Hughes, Kathryn. "Food Writing Moves from Kitchen to Bookshelf." guardian.co.uk (2010). 19 June ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2010/jun/19/anthony-bourdain-food-writing. Jargon, Julie, and Christina Passariello. "Mon Dieu! Will Newfound Popularity Spoil the Dainty Macaron?" Wall Street Journal. 2 March (2010). 21 April 2013 ‹http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704269004575073843836895952.html›. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York U P, 2008. Jenkins, Trudi. "Blog File." MasterChef Magazine 2010: 20. Karnikowski, Nina. "Eat, Cook, Blog." Good Weekend 18 Feb. 2012: 29–33. Kedrowicz, April Ann, and Katie Rose Sullivan. "Professional Identity on the Web: Engineering Blogs and Public Engagement." Engineering Studies 4.1 (2012). Lebovitz, David. David Lebovitz. 21 Apr. 2013. ‹http://www.davidlebovitz.com›. Lebovitz, David. “French Chocolate Macaron Recipe.” David Lebovitz. 26 Oct. 2005. 21 Apr. 2013. ‹http://www.davidlebovitz.com/2005/10/french-chocolat/›. Lövheim, Mia. "Young Women's Blogs as Ethical Spaces." Information, Communication & Society 14.3 (2011): 338–54. Mathiot, Ginette. I Know How to Cook. Trans. Forster, Imogen. UK ed. London: Phaidon Press Limited, 2009. Melissa. “The Mighty Macaron.” The Traveller’s Lunchbox. 27 Sep. 2005. 21 April 2013. ‹http://www.travelerslunchbox.com/journal/2005/9/27/the-mighty-macaron.html Mennell, Stephen. All Manners of Food. 2nd ed. U of Illinois P, 1996. Montanari, Massimo. Food Is Culture. Trans. Albert Sonnenfeld. New York: Columbia U P, 2006. Nilsson, Bo. "Politicians’ Blogs: Strategic Self-Presentations and Identities." Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research 12.3 (2012): 247–65. Ogita, Hisako. I Love Macarons. San Francisco: Chronicle Books LLC, 2009. Paish, Matt. "Ethical Food Choices Influencing Product Development, Research Finds." Australian Food News 21 Dec. 2011. ‹http://www.ausfoodnews.com.au/2011/12/21/ethical-food-choices-influencing-product-development-research-finds.html›. Peltre, Béatrice. “Macarons or Victim of a Food fashion—Les macarons ou victime d’une mode culinaire.” La Tartine Gourmande. 10 Dec. 2006. 21 Apr. 2013. ‹http://www.latartinegourmande.com/2006/12/10/macarons-or-victim-of-a-food-fashion-les-macarons-ou-victime-dune-mode-culinaire/›. Phipps, Catherine. "From Blogs to Books." The Guardian (2011). 6 June ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/wordofmouth/2011/jun/06/from-blogs-to-books›. Quinn Davies, Katie. "Brunch Time." delicious. 2012: 98–106. Rogers, Richard. 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Over time, many groups have sought to offer alternatives to the dominant culture of the day; for example, the civil-rights movements, antiwar protests, and environmental activism of the 1960s and 1970s. Not all groupings however can be considered countercultural. Roberts makes a distinction between group culture where cultural patterns only influence part of one’s life, or for a limited period of time; and countercultures that are more wholistic, affecting all of life. An essential element in defining a counterculture is that it has a value-conflict with the dominant society (Yinger), and that it demonstrates viability over time: long enough to pass on the values to the next generation (Roberts). Each society has images of what it means to be a good citizen. These images are driven by ideology and communicated through media channels, educational values and government legislation. Ideologies are not neutral and compete for the “common sense” of citizens; seeking to shape desires and allegiance to a particular way of life. A way of life is expressed in the everyday practices, or routines and choices that make up an ordinary day, the sum of which express the values of individuals and communities. A number of groups or movements have sought to counter the values and practices of dominant cultures only to find themselves absorbed into it. For example, the surfing magazine Tracks was an Australian countercultural text that chronicled the authentic surfing lifestyle of the 1970s. As surfing became big business, the same magazine was transformed into a glossy lifestyle publication. The surfing lifestyle had become part of the expanding field of consumption and Tracks had become one more tool to promote it (Henderson). As the “counter” is absorbed into the dominant consumer culture, new ways to engage the hegemonic culture emerge that offer fresh possibilities of living and engaging in contemporary society. Positioning I hold to a critical postmodern perspective of consumption. That is, while I acknowledge some of the pleasures of consumption, I see a dominant posture of detachment as a result of consumer cultures increased distance from production, producers and the products we buy (Cavanaugh; Sandlin, Kahn, Darts and Tavin). The market is a powerful educator of individuals (Kincheloe; Steinberg), but it is not the only educator. Families, schools, churches and other interest groups also seek to educate, or shape, individuals. These competing influences do not however hold equal power. In many instances the families, schools, churches and interest groups have uncritically adopted the dominant ideology of the market and so reinforce the values of consumerism; such is its hegemonic power. I hold that individuals, and more importantly communities, have some agency to consume in alternative ways that give rise to the formation of different identities. I see critical practices as important in the awareness raising, or awakeness, and shaping of an individual and a community (Freire; Rautins and Ibrahim). Contemporary Cultures Consumption has become the organizing principle of many contemporary cultures (Hoechsmann). The message that to be a good citizen is to be a good consumer is pervasive and promoted as key to economic growth and the remedy to lift countries out of recession. This message of consumption falls on fertile ground with the development of consumerism, or consumer culture. Smart (5) sees this expressed as a way of life that is “perpetually preoccupied with the pursuit, possession, rapid displacement, and replacement of a seemingly inexhaustible supply of things.” These “things” have increasingly become luxury goods and services as opposed to the satisfaction of basic needs and wants (de Geus). Contemporary Alternatives There are examples of contemporary alternatives that open spaces for people to imagine that “another world is possible.” Sandlin, Kahn, Darts and Tavin (102, 103) call upon educators to “critically analyze what it might mean to resist a consumer society predicated on the normalization of overconsumption” and to “celebrate the creative and critical agency of all those who resist and interrogate the hegemony of multinational companies/industries.” A number of examples are worth celebrating and critically analysing to offer input in the engagement with the dominant culture of consumption. The examples of the Adbusters Media Foundation, Bill Talen’s work as a political-theatre activist, and the voluntary simplicity movement will be briefly examined before exploring the contribution of monasticism. The Adbusters Media Foundation produces a glossy bimonthly publication and website that seeks to unmask the destructive power of global corporations. Through the use of cultural resistance techniques such as “culture jamming,” Adbusters remix advertisements to catch the reader by surprise, to make the taken for granted problematic, and to open them to the possibility of an alternative view of reality. These “subvertisements” offer the opportunity for detournement; a turning around or a change in perspective (Darts; Sandlin and Callahan). As people get involved in “culture jamming” they become producers of artifacts and not just consumers of them. The work of Adbusters uses the tools of the media saturated consumer culture to critique that very culture (Rumbo). Advertising performs an ideological function within a consumer culture that addresses people as individual private consumers rather than citizens concerned for the public good (Scatamburlo-D’Annibale). Given the ubiquity of advertising, individuals become ambivalent to its messages but still soak in the dominant narrative. The very form of resistance reinforces the culture of the individualistic citizen as consumer. While it might be seen that the “culture jamming” artifacts of the Adbusters type might not have substantial effect on the broader public, it does provide an accessible means of resistive action for the individual (Haiven). Bill Talen is a political-theatre activist who plays the Southern evangelical preacher Reverend Billy as leader of the Church of Stop Shopping. The Reverend stages “retail interventions” or performances in public spaces and retail stores as an act of “culture jamming”. Reverend Billy uses humour, music, art and theatre in his “services” to create strangeness, discomfort or ambiguity in the lives of the public. In doing so he calls people into transitional spaces where what was normal is disrupted and they are free to imagine differently. This disruption that causes a movement into the unknown is a central pedagogical strategy that seeks to encourage people to question their taken for granted understandings of life (Littler; Sandlin, Learning). Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping offer a fuller bodied experience of “culture jamming” that engages both the body and the emotions. The act of creating culture together is what fosters a sense of community amongst culture jammers (Sandlin, Popular culture). And yet Reverend Billy and the Church of Stop Shopping appear not to be focused for their own good in that they have formed a number of coalitions with other organisations to work on campaigns that oppose global corporations and the influence of consumerism’s ideology on everyday life. Reverend Billy not only creates disruption in people’s relationship with consumption, he also provides an alternative place to belong. The voluntary simplicity movement involves a growing number of people who choose to limit their incomes and consumption because of new priorities in life. Those involved call into question the dominant cultures view of the “good life” in favour of a less materialistic lifestyle that is more “personally fulfilling, spiritually enlightening, socially beneficial, and environmentally sustainable” (Johnson 527). Grigsby’s research (qtd. in Johnson) found that participants were involved in forming their own identities through their lifestyle choices. The voluntary simplicity movement, it appears, is a niche for those who understand consumption from a postmodern perspective and participate in alternative lifestyle practices. Sandlin (Complicated) sees the formation of collective identity as crucial to a movement’s ability to effectively engage in external education. A shared vision, or telos, is central to that forming of collective identity. However, the voluntary simplicity movement is focused primarily on individual lifestyle changes, thus making it ineffectual as a collective to challenge dominant ideologies or to engage in external education to that end. Each of the examples above provides some insight into a considered engagement with the dominant culture: the creation of Adbuster like “culture jamming” artifacts provides an accessible means of engagement for the individual; Bill Talen’s interventions show an appreciation of the importance of community in supporting countercultural choices; and the voluntary simplicity movement promotes a “whole of life” approach to countercultural engagement. However, when comparing the above examples with Roberts’s definition of a counterculture they appear to be lacking. Roberts (121) holds that “the term counter-culture might best be reserved for groups which are not just a reaction formation to the dominant society, but which have a supporting ideology that allows them to have a relatively self-sufficient system of action.” The remainder of this article examines monasticism as an example of a counter-culture that offers an alternative model of “the good-life” based on a clear ideology and a fifteen hundred year history. Considering Monasticism As seen above, the work of countering the dominant ideology is not without its difficulties. bell hooks found that offering an education that enhances students’ journey to wholeness went against the anti-intellectualism of the current education system. What enabled her to stand within and resist the oppressive dominant culture, and offer alternatives, was the sustaining power of spirituality in her life, the basis of her hope. Tolliver and Tisdell appreciate that spirituality can be an elusive term, but that amongst the definitions offered there are commonalities. These are that: spirituality is about a connection to what is referred to by various names, such as the Life Force, God, a higher power or purpose, Great Spirit, or Buddha Nature. It is about meaning making and a sense of wholeness, healing and the interconnectedness of all things. […] As many have noted, those who value spirituality generally believe that it is possible for learners to come to a greater understanding of their core essence through transformative learning experiences that help them reclaim their authenticity. (Tolliver and Tisdell 38) There is a growing interest in the age-old traditions of Christian monasticism as a means of addressing the challenges of contemporary life (Adams; Jamison). When the BBC broadcast the television series The Monastery in 2005, millions of viewers tuned in to follow the way five ordinary men were affected by the experience of living in a monastery for forty days and nights. Similarly in Australia in 2007, the ABC broadcast the television series The Abbey that followed the experiences of five ordinary women enclosed for 33 days and nights in the space and routines of the Benedictine nuns at Jamberoo Abbey. It was when watching these television series that I was led to consider monasticism as an example of cultural resistance, and to ponder the contribution it might make to the conversation around counter-cultures. As an observer, I find something compelling about monasticism, however I am aware of the possibility of romanticising it as a way of life. The tensions, difficulties and struggles represented in the television series help to temper that. Benedictine spirituality is the foundation for life at the Worth Abbey (The Monastery) and the Jamberoo Abbey (The Abbey). The essential dynamic that underlies this spirituality is a shaping of life according to the Bible and the guidelines set out in the sixth century Rule of Benedict. Monastic life in a Benedictine abbey is marked by certain routines, or rhythms, that are designed to help the community better love God, self and one another (Benedict, chapter 4). “Listen” is the first word in the Rule of Benedict and is closely linked to silence (Benedict, chapter 6). As a key part of monastic life, silence gives the monastics the freedom and space to listen to God, themselves, one another, and the world around them. As Adams (18) points out, “the journey to knowing God must include the discipline of coming to know yourself, and that risky journey invariably starts in silence.” The rhythm of monastic life therefore includes times in the day for silence and solitude to facilitate listening and self-reflection. For Benedict, distractions in the head are actually noises inside the heart: the result of human desires and preoccupations. Silence, and the reflection that occurs within it, allows the monastic to listen for, and see their own relationship to, competing ideologies. This everyday practice of listening might be explained as paying attention to what is noticed, reflecting on it and the internal response to it. In this way listening is an active engagement with the words read (Irvine), the stories heard, the conversations had, and the objects used. Hoffman (200) observes that this practice of attentive listening is evident in decision making within the monastery. Seen in this way, silence acts as a critical practice counter to the educative agenda of consumerism. Physical work is a basic part of monastic life. All members of the community are expected to share the load so that there is no elitism, no avoiding work. This work is not to be seen as a burden but an outlet for creativity (Benedict, chapter 57). By being involved in the production of goods or the growing of crops for the community and others, monastics embody practices that resist the individual consumer identity that consumerism seeks to create. Monastics also come to appreciate the work involved in the products they create and so become more appreciative of, and place greater value on them. Material things are not privately owned but are to be seen as on loan so that they are treated with a level of gratitude and care (Benedict, chapter 32). This attitude of not taking things for granted actually increases the enjoyment and appreciation of them (De Waal). De Waal likens this attitude to the respect shown towards people and things at the Japanese tea ceremony. She says that “here in the most simple and yet profound ceremony there is time to gaze at things, to enjoy them, and to allow them to reveal themselves as they truly are” (87). Such a listening to what products truly are in the dominant consumer culture might reveal chairs made from the denuded forests that destroy habitats, or shoes made with child labour in unsafe conditions. The monastic involvement in work and their resulting handling of material things is a critical practice counter to the ideology of consumerism and the attitude towards products flooding markets today. Community is central to monastic life (Veilleux). Through vows, the monastic commits to life in a particular place with particular people. The commitment to stability means that when conflict arises or disagreements occur they need to be worked out because there is no running away. Because a commitment to working things out requires attention to what is real, monastic community acts as a counter of all that is not real. The creation of false need, the promise of fulfilment, and the creation of identity around consumption can be viewed through the same commitment to reality. This external stability is a reflection of inner stability marked by a unity and coherence of purpose and life (De Waal). A monastic community is formed around a shared telos that gives it a collective identity. While people are welcomed as guests into the community with Benedictine hospitality, the journey to becoming a member is intentionally difficult (Benedict, chapter 58). The importance of committing to community and the sharing of the collective telos is not a rushed decision. The stability and permanence of monastic commitment to community is a counter to the perpetual chasing and replacing of other goods and experiences that is a part of consumerism. The deliberate attention to practices that form a rhythm of life involving the whole person shows that monastic communities are intentional in their own formation. Prayer and spiritual reading are key parts of monastic life that demonstrate that spirituality is central in the formation of individuals and communities (Benedict, prologue). The formation is aligned to a particular ideology that values humanity as being made in the image of God and therefore the need to focus on the connection with God. A holistic humanity addresses issues and development of the mind, body and spirit. Examining Ideology The television series The Monastery and The Abbey demonstrate that when guests enter a monastic community they are able to experience an alternative model of “the good life”. If, as Roberts suggests, a counter-culture looks to reform society by providing an alternative model, then change is based upon seeing the alternative. The guests in the monastic community are involved in discussions that make explicit the monastic ideology and how it shapes the countercultural values and practices. In doing so, the guests are invited to listen to, or examine the consumerist ideology that permeates their society and shapes their everyday experiences. In evaluating the conflicting ideologies, the guests are free to choose an alternative view, which, as the television series showed are not necessarily that of the monastic community, and may in fact remain that of consumerism. Conclusion While ideologies are not neutral, they are often invisible. The dominant ideology of consumerism reduces citizens to individualistic consumers and naturalises the need for never ending consumption. A number of groups or movements attempt to expose the logic of consumerism and offer alternative ways of consuming. Each has their own strengths and weaknesses; some are absorbed into the very culture they seek to counter while others remain apart. Christian monasticism, based on the Bible and the Rule of Benedict, engages in the social practices of listening, physical work, and commitment to community. The formation of individuals, and the community, is based explicitly on an ideology that values humanity as made in God’s image. This model has stood the test of time and shown itself to be a legitimate counterculture that is in value-conflict with the current dominant culture of consumption. References Adams, Ian. Cave, Refectory, Road. Norwich: Canterbury Press, 2010. Benedict and Patrick Barry. Saint Benedict’s Rule. Mahweh, New Jersey: Hidden Spring, 2004. Cavanaugh, William. Being Consumed: Economics and Christian Desire. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 2008. Darts, David. “Visual Culture Jam: Art, Pedagogy, and Creative Resistance.” Studies in Art Education 45 (2004):313–327. 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‘Historiographic Metafiction’ (HM) is a literary term first coined by creative writing academic Linda Hutcheon in 1988, and which refers to the postmodern practice of a fiction author inserting imagined--or illegitimate--characters into narratives that are intended to be received as authentic and historically accurate, that is, ostensibly legitimate. Such adventurous and bold authorial strategies frequently result in “novels which are both intensely self-reflexive and yet paradoxically also lay claim to historical events and personages” (Hutcheon, A Poetics 5). They can be so entertaining and engaging that the overtly intertextual, explicitly inventive work of biographical HM can even change the “hegemonic discourse of history” (Nunning 353) for, as Philippa Gregory, the author of HM novel The Other Boleyn Girl (2001), has said regarding this genre of creative writing: “Fiction is about imagined feelings and thoughts. History depends on the outer life. The novel is always about the inner life. Fiction can sometimes do more than history. It can fill the gaps” (University of Sussex). In a way, this article will be filling one of the gaps regarding HM.Forrest Gump (Robert Zemeckis, 1994) is possibly the best known cinematic example of HM, and this film version of the 1986 novel by Winston Groom particularly excels in seamlessly inserting images of a fictional character into verified history, as represented by well-known television newsreel footage. In Zemeckis’s adaptation, gaps were created in the celluloid artefact and filled digitally with images of the actor, Tom Hanks, playing the eponymous role. Words are often deemed less trustworthy than images, however, and fiction is considered particularly unreliable--although there are some exceptions conceded. In addition to Gregory’s novel; Midnight’s Children (1980) by Salman Rushdie; The Name of the Rose (1983) by Umberto Eco; and The Flashman Papers (1969-2005) by George MacDonald Fraser, are three well-known, loved and lauded examples of literary HM, which even if they fail to convince the reader of their bona fides, nevertheless win a place in many hearts. But despite the genre’s popularity, there is nevertheless a conceptual gap in the literary theory of Hutcheon given her (perfectly understandable) inability in 1988 to predict the future of e-publishing. This article will attempt to address that shortcoming by exploring the potential for authors of HM e-novels to use hyperlinks which immediately direct the reader to fact providing webpages such as those available at the website Wikipedia, like a much speedier (and more independent) version of the footnotes in Fraser’s Flashman novels.Of course, as Roland Barthes declared in 1977, “the text is a tissue of quotations drawn from innumerable centres of culture” (146) and, as per any academic work that attempts to contribute to knowledge, a text’s sources--its “quotations”--must be properly identified and acknowledged via checkable references if credibility is to be securely established. Hence, in explaining the way claims to fact in the HM novel can be confirmed by independently published experts on the Internet, this article will also address the problem Hutcheon identifies, in that for many readers the entirety of the HM novel assumes questionable authenticity, that is, the novel’s “meta-fictional self-reflexivity (and intertextuality) renders their claims to historical veracity somewhat problematic, to say the least” ("Historiographic Metafiction: Parody", 3). This article (and the PhD in creative writing I am presently working on at Murdoch University in Perth, Western Australia) will possibly develop the concept of HM to a new level: one at which the Internet-connected reader of the hyperlinked e-novel is made fully (and even instantly) aware of those literary elements of the narrative that are legitimate and factual as distinct from those that are fictional, that is, illegitimate. Furthermore, utilising examples from my own (yet-to-be published) hyperlinked HM e-novel, this article demonstrates that such hyperlinking can add an ironic sub-text to a fictional character’s thoughts and utterances, through highlighting the reality concerning their mistaken or naïve beliefs, thus creating HM narratives that serve an entertainingly complex yet nevertheless truly educational purpose.As a relatively new and under-researched genre of historical writing, HM differs dramatically from the better known style of standard historical or biographical narrative, which typically tends to emphasise mimesis, the cataloguing of major “players” in historical events and encyclopaedic accuracy of dates, deaths and places. Instead, HM involves the re-contextualisation of real-life figures from the past, incorporating the lives of entirely (or, as in the case of Gregory’s Mary Boleyn, at least partly) fictitious characters into their generally accepted famous and factual activities, and/or the invention of scenarios that gel realistically--but entertainingly--within a landscape of well-known and well-documented events. As Hutcheon herself states: “The formal linking of history and fiction through the common denominators of intertextuality and narrativity is usually offered not as a reduction, as a shrinking of the scope and value of fiction, but rather as an expansion of these” ("Intertextuality", 11). Similarly, Gregory emphasises the need for authors of HM to extend themselves beyond the encyclopaedic archive: “Archives are not history. The trouble with archives is that the material is often random and atypical. To have history, you have to have a narrative” (University of Sussex). Functionally then, HM is an intertextual narrative genre which serves to communicate to a contemporary audience an expanded story or stories of the past which present an ultimately more self-reflective, personal and unpredictable authorship: it is a distinctly auteurial mode of biographical history writing for it places the postmodern author’s imaginative “signature” front and foremost.Hutcheon later clarified that the quest for historical truth in fiction cannot possibly hold up to the persuasive powers of a master novelist, as per the following rationale: “Fact is discourse-defined: an event is not” ("Historiographic Metafiction", 843). This means, in a rather simplistic nutshell, that the new breed of HM novel writer is not constrained by what others may call fact: s/he knows that the alleged “fact” can be renegotiated and redefined by an inventive discourse. An event, on the other hand, is responsible for too many incontrovertible consequences for it to be contested by her/his mere discourse. So-called facts are much easier for the HM writer to play with than world changing events. This notion was further popularised by Ansgar Nunning when he claimed the overtly explicit work of HM can even change the “hegemonic discourse of history” (353). HM authors can radically alter, it seems, the way the reader perceives the facts of history especially when entertaining, engaging and believable characters are deliberately devised and manipulated into the narrative by the writer. Little wonder, then, that Hutcheon bemoans the unfortunate reality that for many readers the entirety of a HM work assumes questionable “veracity” due to its author’s insertion of imaginary and therefore illegitimate personages.But there is an advantage to be found in this, the digital era, and that is the Internet’s hyperlink. In our ubiquitously networked electronic information age, novels written for publication as e-books may, I propose, include clickable links on the names of actual people and events to Wikipedia entries or the like, thus strengthening the reception of the work as being based on real history (the occasional unreliability of Wikipedia notwithstanding). If picked up for hard copy publication this function of the HM e-novel can be replicated with the inclusion of icons in the printed margins that can be scanned by smartphones or similar gadgets. This small but significant element of the production reinforces the e-novel’s potential status as a new form of HM and addresses Hutcheon’s concern that for HM novels, their imaginative but illegitimate invention of characters “renders their claims to historical veracity somewhat problematic, to say the least” ("Historiographic Metafiction: Parody", 3).Some historic scenarios are so little researched or so misunderstood and discoloured by the muddy waters of time and/or rumour that such hyperlinking will be a boon to HM writers. Where an obscure facet of Australian history is being fictionalised, for example, these edifying hyperlinks can provide additional background information, as Glenda Banks and Martin Andrew might have wished for when they wrote regarding Bank’s Victorian goldfields based HM novel A Respectable Married Woman. This 2012 printed work explores the lives of several under-researched and under-represented minorities, such as settler women and Aboriginal Australians, and the author Banks lamented the dearth of public awareness regarding these peoples. Indeed, HM seems tailor-made for exposing the subaltern lives of those repressed individuals who form the human “backdrop” to the lives of more famous personages. Banks and Andrew explain:To echo the writings of Homi K. Bhaba (1990), this sets up a creative site for interrogating the dominant, hegemonic, ‘normalised’ master narratives about the Victorian goldfields and ‘re-membering’ a marginalised group - the women of the goldfields, the indigenous [sic], the Chinese - and their culture (2013).In my own hyperlinked short story (presently under consideration for publishing elsewhere), which is actually a standalone version of the first chapter of a full-length HM e-novel about Aboriginal Australian activists Eddie Mabo and Chicka Dixon and the history of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy in Canberra, entitled The Bullroarers, I have focussed on a similarly under-represented minority, that being light-complexioned, mixed race Aboriginal Australians. My second novel to deal with Indigenous Australian issues (see Starrs, That Blackfella Bloodsucka Dance), it is my first attempt at writing HM. Hopefully avoiding overkill whilst alerting readers to those Wikipedia pages with relevance to the narrative theme of non-Indigenous attitudes towards light-complexioned Indigenous Australians, I have inserted a total of only six hyperlinks in this 2200-word piece, plus the explanatory foreword stating: “Note, except where they are well-known place names or are indicated as factual by the insertion of Internet hyperlinks verifying such, all persons, organisations, businesses and places named in this text are entirely fictitious.”The hyperlinks in my short story all take the reader not to stubs but to well-established Wikipedia pages, and provide for the uninformed audience the following near-unassailable facts (i.e. events):The TV program, A Current Affair, which the racist character of the short story taken from The Bullroarers, Mrs Poulter, relies on for her prejudicial opinions linking Aborigines with the dealing of illegal drugs, is a long-running, prime-time Channel Nine production. Of particular relevance in the Wikipedia entry is the comment: “Like its main rival broadcast on the Seven Network, Today Tonight, A Current Affair is often considered by media critics and the public at large to use sensationalist journalism” (Wikipedia, “A Current Affair”).The Aboriginal Tent Embassy, located on the lawns opposite the Old Parliament House in Canberra, was established in 1972 and ever since has been the focus of Aboriginal Australian land rights activism and political agitation. In 1995 the Australian Register of the National Estate listed it as the only Aboriginal site in Australia that is recognised nationally for representing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and their political struggles (Wikipedia, “The Aboriginal Tent Embassy”).In 1992, during an Aboriginal land rights case known as Mabo, the High Court of Australia issued a judgment constituting a direct overturning of terra nullius, which is a Latin term meaning “land belonging to no one”, and which had previously formed the legal rationale and justification for the British invasion and colonisation of Aboriginal Australia (Wikipedia, “Terra Nullius”).Aboriginal rights activist and Torres Strait Islander, Eddie Koiki Mabo (1936 to 1992), was instrumental in the High Court decision to overturn the doctrine of terra nullius in 1992. In that same year, Eddie Mabo was posthumously awarded the Australian Human Rights Medal in the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Awards (Wikipedia, “Eddie Mabo”).The full name of what Mrs Poulter blithely refers to as “the Department of Families and that” is the Australian Government’s Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (Wikipedia, “The Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs”).The British colonisation of Australia was a bloody, murderous affair: “continuous Aboriginal resistance for well over a century belies the ‘myth’ of peaceful settlement in Australia. Settlers in turn often reacted to Aboriginal resistance with great violence, resulting in numerous indiscriminate massacres by whites of Aboriginal men, women and children” (Wikipedia, “History of Australia (1788 - 1850)”).Basically, what is not evidenced empirically with regard to the subject matter of my text, that is, the egregious attitudes of non-Indigenous Australians towards Indigenous Australians, can be extrapolated thanks to the hyperlinks. This resonates strongly with Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s assertion in 2012 that those under-represented by mainstream, patriarchal epistemologies need to be engaged in acts of “reclaiming, reformulating and reconstituting” (143) so as to be re-presented as authentic identities in these HM artefacts of literary research.Exerting auteurial power as an Aboriginal Australian author myself, I have sought to imprint on my writing a multi-levelled signature pertaining to my people’s under-representation: there is not just the text I have created but another level to be considered by the reader, that being my careful choice of Wikipedia pages to hyperlink certain aspects of the creative writing to. These electronic footnotes serve as politically charged acts of “reclaiming, reformulating and reconstituting” Aboriginal Australian history, to reuse the words of Smith, for when we Aboriginal Australian authors reiterate, when we subjugated savages wrestle the keyboard away from the colonising overseers, our readers witness the Other writing back, critically. As I have stated previously (see Starrs, "Writing"), receivers of our words see the distorted and silencing master discourse subverted and, indeed, inverted. Our audiences are subjectively repositioned to see the British Crown as the monster. The previously presumed rational, enlightened and civil coloniser is instead depicted as the author and perpetrator of a violently racist, criminal discourse, until, eventually, s/he is ultimately eroded and made into the Other: s/he is rendered the villainous, predatory savage by the auteurial signatures in revisionist histories such as The Bullroarers.Whilst the benefit in these hyperlinks as electronic educational footnotes in my short story is fairly obvious, what may not be so obvious is the ironic commentary they can make, when read in conjunction with the rest of The Bullroarers. Although one must reluctantly agree with Wayne C. Booth’s comment in his classic 1974 study A Rhetoric of Irony that, in some regards, “the very spirit and value [of irony] are violated by the effort to be clear about it” (ix), I will nevertheless strive for clarity and understanding by utilizing Booth’s definition of irony “as something that under-mines clarities, opens up vistas of chaos, and either liberates by destroying all dogmas or destroys by revealing the inescapable canker of negation at the heart of every affirmation” (ix). The reader of The Bullroarers is not expecting the main character, Mrs Poulter, to be the subject of erosive criticism that destroys her “dogmas” about Aboriginal Australians--certainly not so early in the narrative when it is unclear if she is or is not the protagonist of the story--and yet that’s exactly what the hyperlinks do. They expose her as hopelessly unreliable, laughably misinformed and yes, unforgivably stupid. They reveal the illegitimacy of her beliefs. Perhaps the most personally excoriating of these revelations is provided by the link to the Wikipedia entry on the Australian Government’s Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs, which is where her own daughter, Roxy, works, but which Mrs Poulter knows, gormlessly, as “the Department of Families and that”. The ignorant woman spouts racist diatribes against Aboriginal Australians without even realising how inextricably linked she and her family, who live at the deliberately named Boomerang Crescent, really are. Therein lies the irony I am trying to create with my use of hyperlinks: an independent, expert adjudication reveals my character, Mrs Poulter, and her opinions, are hiding an “inescapable canker of negation at the heart of every affirmation” (Booth ix), despite the air of easy confidence she projects.Is the novel-reading public ready for these HM hyperlinked e-novels and their potentially ironic sub-texts? Indeed, the question must be asked: can the e-book ever compete with the tactile sensations a finely crafted, perfectly bound hardcover publication provides? Perhaps, if the economics of book buying comes into consideration. E-novels are cheap to publish and cheap to purchase, hence they are becoming hugely popular with the book buying public. Writes Mark Coker, the founder of Smashwords, a successful online publisher and distributor of e-books: “We incorporated in 2007, and we officially launched the business in May 2008. In our first year, we published 140 books from 90 authors. Our catalog reached 6,000 books in 2009, 28,800 in 2010, 92,000 in 2011, 191,000 in 2012 and as of this writing (November 2013) stands at over 250,000 titles” (Coker 2013). Coker divulged more about his company’s success in an interview with Forbes online magazine: “‘It costs essentially the same to pump 10,000 new books a month through our network as it will cost to do 100,000 a month,’ he reasons. Smashwords book retails, on average, for just above $3; 15,000 titles are free” (Colao 2012).In such a burgeoning environment of technological progress in publishing I am tempted to say that yes, the time of the hyperlinked e-novel has come, and to even predict that HM will be a big part of this new wave of postmodern literature. The hyperlinked HM e-novel’s strategy invites the reader to reflect on the legitimacy and illegitimacy of different forms of narrative, possibly concluding, thanks to ironic electronic footnoting, that not all the novel’s characters and their commentary are to be trusted. Perhaps my HM e-novel will, with its untrustworthy Mrs Poulter and its little-known history of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy addressed by gap-filling hyperlinks, establish a legitimising narrative for a people who have traditionally in white Australian society been deemed the Other and illegitimate. Perhaps The Bullroarers will someday alter attitudes of non-Indigenous Australians to the history and political activities of this country’s first peoples, to the point even, that as Nunning warns, we witness a change in the “hegemonic discourse of history” (353). If that happens we must be thankful for our Internet-enabled information age and its concomitant possibilities for hyperlinked e-publications, for technology may be separated from the world of art, but it can nevertheless be effectively used to recreate, enhance and access that world, to the extent texts previously considered illegitimate achieve authenticity and veracity.ReferencesBanks, Glenda. A Respectable Married Woman. Melbourne: Lacuna, 2012.Banks, Glenda, and Martin Andrew. “Populating a Historical Novel: A Case Study of a Practice-led Research Approach to Historiographic Metafiction.” Bukker Tillibul 7 (2013). 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://bukkertillibul.net/Text.html?VOL=7&INDEX=2›.Barthes, Roland. Image, Music, Text. 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London & New York: Zed Books, 2012.University of Sussex. “Philippa Gregory Fills the Historical Gaps.” University of Sussex Alumni Magazine 51 (2012). 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://www.scribd.com/doc/136033913/University-of-Sussex-Alumni-Magazine-Falmer-issue-51›.Wikipedia. “A Current Affair.” 2014. 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Current_Affair›.---. “Aboriginal Tent Embassy.” 2014. 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aboriginal_Tent_Embassy›.---. “Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs.” 2014. 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Department_of_Families,_Housing,_Community_Services_and_Indigenous_Affairs›.---. “Eddie Mabo.” 2014. 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eddie_Mabo›.---. “History of Australia (1788 – 1850).” 2014. 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Australia_(1788%E2%80%931850)#Aboriginal_resistance›.---. “Terra Nullius.” 2014. 19 Sep. 2014 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terra_nullius›.