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1

Irwin, Christa. "Catholic Presence and Power: Jesuit Painter Bernardo Bitti at Lake Titicaca in Peru." Journal of Jesuit Studies 6, no. 2 (June 21, 2019): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00602005.

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Bernardo Bitti was an Italian Jesuit and painter who traveled to the viceroyalty of Peru at the end of the sixteenth century to make altarpieces in the service of the order’s conversion campaigns. He began his New World career in Lima, the viceregal capital and then, over a span of thirty-five years, traveled to Jesuit mission centers in cities throughout Peru, leaving a significant imprint on colonial Peruvian painting. In 1586, Bitti was in Juli, a small town on Lake Titicaca in southern Peru, where the Jesuits had arrived a decade prior and continually faced great resistance from the local population. In this paper, I will argue that Bitti’s paintings were tools implemented by the Jesuit missionaries seeking to establish European, Christian presence in the conflicted city. Thus, Bitti’s contribution at Juli can serve as but one example of how the Jesuits used art as part of their methodology of conversion.
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2

McCarl, Clayton. "The aftermath of the John Narborough Expedition (1669–1671) in the Viceroyalty of Peru." Colonial Latin American Review 27, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 507–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2018.1560142.

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3

VIZCARRA, CATALINA. "Bourbon Intervention in the Peruvian Tobacco Industry, 1752–1813." Journal of Latin American Studies 39, no. 3 (July 26, 2007): 567–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x07002842.

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AbstractDuring the second half of the eighteenth century the Spanish Crown monopolised the tobacco industry in its American colonies, creating vertically integrated organisations which included factories for the production of cigars and cigarettes. A detailed analysis of the regulations, organisation and policies applied during the Peruvian viceroyalty suggests that Bourbon officials were effective managers. The monopoly was successful at curbing contraband and extracting rents. The evolution of monopoly policies, however, reflected political constraints on the Crown's efforts to raise revenues. The archival evidence suggests that Bourbon officials closed the tobacco factories in Peru in 1791 as a result of public opposition.
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4

Kubiak, Ewa. "Cuzco School Painting (Esquela Cusqueña) as a Manifestation of Andean Identity in the Past and Present." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 4 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 30, 2019): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.68.4-2en.

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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 65, issue 4 (2017). Painting of the Cuzco school developed in the city proper and in the Cuzco region in the 17th and 18th centuries. Its influence was not limited to this area; information about the presence of paintings from Cuzco in distant regions of the Viceroyalty of Peru can be found in numerous sources. The tradition which acknowledged Cuzco painting to be a manifestation of cultural mestization is extremely strong. We can easily point at Spanish (colonial) as well as native (Indian) features in both formal and semantic aspects of representations. However, Cuzco painting is not a matter of the past; nowadays there are still studies which produce neo-Baroque pictures, stylistically imitating old paintings. I would like to present neo-Baroque canvas and subsequent stages of work on them, using field research from 2013 and photographs taken in Galería de Artesanía “Fenix” in Cuzco, run by Luis Alfredo Pacheco Venero. What is important in the summary is reflections on cusqueñismo, a phenomenon typical of the city since the 1920s and wondering whether within its scope there is a place not only for the Inca tradition but also for colonial art. Modern search for regional identity is not limited to the pre-Columbian era, but more and more often highly assesses the colonial legacy.
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5

Fisher, John. "Kenneth J. Andrien: Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru in the Seventeenth Century (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985, $27.50). Pp. x + 287." Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 1 (May 1987): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00017296.

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6

Fisher, John. "Luis Martín: Daughters of the Conquistadores: Women of the Viceroyalty of Peru (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1983, cloth $29·93, paper $14.95 Pp. xiii + 354." Journal of Latin American Studies 17, no. 1 (May 1985): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00009263.

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7

Cervantes, Fernando. "Valerie Fraser, The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru 1535–1635 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. xiv+204, $55.00, £35.00." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023348.

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8

Poole, Deborah A. "Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru In the Seventeenth Century:Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru In the Seventeenth Century." Latin American Anthropology Review 1, no. 2 (December 1989): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.1989.1.2.73.1.

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9

Marks, Patricia H. "Confronting a Mercantile Elite: Bourbon Reformers and the Merchants of Lima, 1765–1796." Americas 60, no. 04 (April 2004): 519–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500070607.

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After Spain’s defeat in the Seven Years’ War (1757-1763), when the British had occupied Havana and Manila, a series of territorial, commercial, and tax reforms brought significant change to the viceroyalty of Peru. Their economic effects have been matters for debate ever since. Some historians have emphasized their positive effects. Following promulgation of the Reglamento de comercio libre of 1778, the volume and value of European manufactures exported to the Pacific coast of Spanish South America increased. Lima and its port city, Callao, remained important as commercial centers of Spanish South America. But others suggest that the viceregal capital—home to a powerful mercantile elite, the magnates of the consulado (merchant guild) of Lima—suffered a decline in its economic fortunes, as did the entire viceroyalty. Support for this point of view was widespread in late colonial Peru. In spite of the evidence for growth, a rising chorus of complaint bemoaned the increasing poverty of the viceroyalty in general and Lima in particular. How can we account for this discrepancy?
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10

Marks, Patricia H. "Confronting a Mercantile Elite: Bourbon Reformers and the Merchants of Lima, 1765–1796." Americas 60, no. 4 (April 2004): 519–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0061.

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After Spain’s defeat in the Seven Years’ War (1757-1763), when the British had occupied Havana and Manila, a series of territorial, commercial, and tax reforms brought significant change to the viceroyalty of Peru. Their economic effects have been matters for debate ever since. Some historians have emphasized their positive effects. Following promulgation of theReglamento de comercio libreof 1778, the volume and value of European manufactures exported to the Pacific coast of Spanish South America increased. Lima and its port city, Callao, remained important as commercial centers of Spanish South America. But others suggest that the viceregal capital—home to a powerful mercantile elite, the magnates of theconsulado(merchant guild) of Lima—suffered a decline in its economic fortunes, as did the entire viceroyalty. Support for this point of view was widespread in late colonial Peru. In spite of the evidence for growth, a rising chorus of complaint bemoaned the increasing poverty of the viceroyalty in general and Lima in particular. How can we account for this discrepancy?
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11

FISHER, JOHN R. "The Royalist Regime in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1820–1824." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005465.

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This article provides an analysis of royalist strategy in the viceroyalty of Peru during the four years between the arrival of José de San Martín's invasion force in September 1820 and the battle of Ayacucho of December 1824. It pays particular attention to royalist policy from July 1821, when viceroy José de la Serna evacuated Lima, the viceregal capital, leaving the city open to San Martín, who declared independence there on 28 July. Its focus differs, therefore, from that of most previous commentators on Peru's transition to independence, who have tended to neglect royalist policy and activity during these crucial final years in favour of a concentration upon the activities of San Martín, Antonio José de Sucre, Simón Bolívar and their Peruvian allies. The article begins with a brief contextual discussion of the historiography of Peruvian independence and subsequently analyses the main features of historical developments in the viceroyalty in the period 1810–20. Following substantive discussion of the period 1820–4, it concludes with observations on the historical legacy in Peru of the royalists' elevation of the city of Cusco to the status of viceregal capital in 1822–4.
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12

TePaske, John J., and Luis Martin. "Daughters of the Conquistadores: Women of the Viceroyalty of Peru." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, no. 1 (1985): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204346.

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13

Rondon, Marta B. "Peru: mental health in a complex country." International Psychiatry 6, no. 1 (January 2009): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000230.

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Peru is a land of mixed cultures, multiple ethnic heritages and severe economic inequities. Its history goes back thousands of years, from accounts of the first inhabitants of the continent to the impressive Inca Empire, the rich Viceroyalty of Peru and the modern republic, which boasts one of the highest economic growth rates in South America. Yet, in spite of such complex cultural development, or perhaps because of it, 21st-century Peruvians have substantial difficulties establishing a national identity and recognising each other as members of the same community.
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14

Boyer, Richard, and Kenneth J. Andrien. "Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru in the Seventeenth Century." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1986): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515152.

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15

Harrison, Regina. "The Language and Rhetoric of Conversion in the Viceroyalty of Peru." Poetics Today 16, no. 1 (1995): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1773221.

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16

Anna, Timothy E., and Kenneth J. Andrien. "Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru in the Seventeenth Century." American Historical Review 92, no. 2 (April 1987): 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866817.

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17

Poole, Deborah A. "Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru In the Seventeenth Century." Latin American Anthropology Review 1, no. 2 (May 8, 2008): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.1989.1.2.73.2.

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18

Thomas, David Hurst, and Valerie Fraser. "The Architecture of Conquest: Building the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635." Ethnohistory 38, no. 4 (1991): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482494.

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19

Boyer, Richard. "Crisis and Decline: The Viceroyalty of Peru in the Seventeenth Century." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1, 1986): 385–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-66.2.385.

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20

Schottenhammer, Angela. "East Asia’s Other New World, China and the Viceroyalty of Peru: A Neglected Aspect of Early Modern Maritime History." Medieval History Journal 23, no. 2 (May 11, 2020): 181–239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945819895895.

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At least officially, the Chinese government showed little to no interest in the Asia-Pacific region. We also know very little about Chinese state interference except for attempts to fight against piracy in the Southeast Asian waters. This article will consequently address and survey a neglected aspect of China’s maritime history, namely China’s (indirect) relationship with the Viceroyalty of Peru, its capital Lima (= Ciudad de los Reyes), and its port of Callao, and with the ‘silver centre’ in the Spanish Indies—the Villa Imperial (= Potosí), in the hinterlands of the Viceroyalty of Peru. These active, but at first sight less obvious and frequently neglected parts of the trans-Pacific trade, I would like to call ‘the other New World’. The article introduces a variety of micro-historical bottom-up insights into connections between two places that at first sight seem related to each other only through the shipments of huge quantities of silver from the Cerro Rico in Potosí via Acapulco and Manila to China, in exchange for Chinese silks and porcelains, looking specifically at some micro networks, contraband, informal, accidental, and undesired exchanges. It offers preliminary results and a general framework and survey of trade connections, routes and information on the variety of Chinese products that reached Peru.
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21

Jamieson, Ross W. "Majolica in the Early Colonial Andes: The Role of Panamanian Wares." Latin American Antiquity 12, no. 1 (March 2001): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971756.

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As one of the most common artifact categories found on Spanish colonial sites, the wheel-made, tin-glazed pottery known as majolica is an important chronological and social indicator for archaeologists. Initially imported from Europe, several manufacturing centers for majolica were set up in the New World by the late sixteenth century. The study of colonial majolica in the Viceroyalty of Peru, which encompassed much of South America, has received less attention than ceramic production and trade in the colonial Caribbean and Mesoamerica. Prior to 1650 the Viceroyalty of Peru was supplied with majolica largely produced in the city of Panama Vieja, on the Pacific. Panama Vieja majolica has been recovered from throughout the Andes, as far south as Argentina. Majolica made in Panama Vieja provides an important chronological indicator of early colonial archaeological contexts in the region. The reproduction of Iberian-style majolica for use on elite tables was symbolically important to the imposition of Spanish rule, and thus Panamanian majolicas also provide an important indicator of elite status on Andean colonial sites.
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22

Burkholder, Mark A., and Valerie Fraser. "The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635." Sixteenth Century Journal 22, no. 4 (1991): 793. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542399.

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23

Mills, Kenneth, and Valerie Fraser. "The Architecture of Conquest. Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635." Bulletin of Latin American Research 10, no. 3 (1991): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338679.

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24

Kubler, George, and Valerie Fraser. "The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 1 (February 1991): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516443.

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25

TePaske, John Jay, and Valerie Fraser. "The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 1 (1992): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205537.

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26

Kubler, George. "The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535–1635." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 1 (February 1, 1991): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-71.1.163.

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27

Escanilla Huerta, Silvia. "“They Will Live without Law or Religion”: Cádiz, Indigenous People, and Political Change in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1812–1820." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 199–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8897464.

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Abstract This article argues that the impact of the Constitution of Cádiz among Indigenous communities in the Viceroyalty of Peru was significant. In the context of the imperial crisis of the Spanish crown, Indigenous people took the tools that the constitution granted them to increase their level of self-government. Moreover, the changes implemented by the constitution persisted after its abolition, allowing Indigenous people to retain a level of self-government otherwise impossible to conceive after Ferdinand VII restored absolutist rule. In other words, Indigenous communities held on to their jurisdictional authority and refused to surrender the political tools that the constitution had granted them. Their actions demonstrate that the constitution was a watershed moment in the history of the viceroyalty because it inaugurated an era of political change with consequences nobody could predict at the time.
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Latasa, Pilar. "“If they remained as mere words”: Trent, Marriage, and Freedom in the Viceroyalty of Peru, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries." Americas 73, no. 1 (January 2016): 13–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.2.

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The right of persons to marry without coercion and live their marriage freely was one of the foremost and frequently mentioned topics among synod and council fathers, moralists, and canon lawyers in colonial Spanish America. Within the territory of the viceroyalty of Peru, the recommendations of the Council of Trent in this regard took the form of a new set of ecclesiastical regulations, derived from synods and councils that occurred from the sixteenth through the eighteenth century.
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Cahill, David. "Colour by Numbers: Racial and Ethnic Categories in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1532–1824." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 2 (May 1994): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00016242.

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The distinction between ethnic and racial categories in social analysis is finely drawn, and rarely clear. In the case of Latin American societies, ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’ are sometimes synonymous, and far more often deployed as if they were. Researchers are familiar with the ways in which processes of deracination, acculturation and miscegenation iron out the cultural edges that demarcate social groups, one from another; perhaps the classic example is the gradual loss of indigenous characteristics attendant upon native American migration to cities. Yet, even in the complete absence of rural-to-urban migration, such processes have been at work moulding present-day indigenous communities, which once recognised numerous ethnic distinctions within ‘Indian’ society, distinctions that were progressively diluted – though not wholly extinguished – during some three centuries of colonial rule. To draw attention to the protean nature of ethnicity in Latin American societies, however, is not to say that researchers are necessarily unaware of the problem, but rather that they often follow research agendas that may be inconvenienced by attention to such nuances. Thus, for example, a number of broad-brush racial cum ethnic classifications provided the basis for the fiscal demands of Crown and Church alike during the colonial period, and as such provide the essential pillars for much of the quantitative fiscal and demographic database that we possess.
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Bradley, Peter T. "THE SHIPS OF THE ARMADA OF THE VICEROYALTY OF PERU IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Mariner's Mirror 79, no. 4 (January 1993): 393–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1993.10656470.

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31

ABERCROMBIE, THOMAS A. "The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635. VALERIE FRASER." American Ethnologist 20, no. 1 (February 1993): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1993.20.1.02a00210.

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32

Pablo Alayza, Pedro. "Arte del Sur Andino: la nueva sala del Museo Pedro de Osma." Illapa Mana Tukukuq, no. 14 (February 18, 2019): 84–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/illapa.v0i14.1882.

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La nueva sala del Museo Pedro de Osma, Arte del Sur Andino, Tiahuanaco, Inca, Virreinal-Siglos V al XIX, reúne una importante selección de obras precolombinas –perteneciente a la Colección Lambarri de Cusco– de estas culturas surandinas, además de obras virreinales. El objetivo de este nuevo espacio museográfico es confrontar estos universos culturales, a fin de mostrar al visitante de qué modo el arte virreinal cusqueño se sustentó en las creencias prehispánicas y cómo algunos elementos materiales de la cultura –el quero y el tupu– han seguido en uso bajo los mismos patrones ceremoniales desde el siglo V y durante el virreinato hasta fechas recientes. Se aplica así el concepto de la longue durée (la larga duración), que plantea la necesidad de enmarcar la historia de un territorio en procesos amplios, en lugar de considerar solamente la sucesión de acontecimientos. Palabras clave: museografía, arqueología, colecciones, museos, sur andino. AbstractThe new hall at the Museo Pedro de Osma (Pedro de Osma Museum), Art of the Southern Andean, Tiahuanaco, Inca, Viceroyalty – From the V to the XIX century, gathers an important selection of pre-Columbian works – belonging to the Lambarri Collection of Cusco - of these South Andean cultures, besides viceroyalty works. The objective of this new museographical space is to confront these cultural universes to show the visitor how Cuzco viceroyalty art was based on pre-Hispanic beliefs, and how some material elements of the culture -the quero and the tupu- have continued being used under the same ceremonial patterns, from the 5th century and during the viceroyalty until recent dates. The concept of the longue durée (long term) is thus applied, which raises the need to frame the history of a territory in broad processes, instead of considering only the succession of events. Keywords: Museography, Archeology, Collections, Museums, South Andean.
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Dueñas, Alcira. "Introduction: Andeans Articulating Colonial Worlds." Americas 72, no. 1 (January 2015): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2014.8.

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Whether they be the painted walls and highly ‘dressed’ altars of Andean churches, or the collective knotted strings and litigation proceedings housed in locked chests in local Indian municipal councils, artifacts conjure up cultural interstices instrumental for discerning the “fine grain” of Spanish colonialism in the Andes. After the early years of the Spanish presence, the Andes became a mosaic of multifarious articulations of indigenous, European, and African ways of thinking, living, and weaving a social order that continued to change over time and across the geographical space of the viceroyalty of Peru.
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McGlone, Mary M. "The King's Surprise: The Mission Methodology of Toribio de Mogrovejo." Americas 50, no. 1 (January 1993): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007264.

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In 1579 King Philip II selected the presiding inquisitor of Granada as the second archbishop of Los Reyes, or Lima. Countering precedents which favored the episcopal nomination of priests who had spent time in the New World, Philip chose Toribio de Mogrovejo, a man totally lacking in both clerical and missionary experience, to preside over the most important episcopal see in the Southern hemisphere. That curious choice revealed Philip's strategy for the future of the church of the Viceroyalty of Peru. Philip presumably named the young jurist to implement a rigorous organization of the Church in the territory that retiring Viceroy Francisco de Toledo had only recently brought under effective civil governance. This article will demonstrate that, contrary to Philip's expectations, Toribio de Mogrovejo not only failed toinstill a Toledan spirit in the Church, but that he actively developed a mission methodology in accord with that promoted by Bartolomé de Las Casas and his followers in Peru.
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FISHER, JOHN. "Valerie Fraser, "The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635" (Book Review)." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 69, no. 1 (January 1992): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.69.1.93a.

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36

Ricketts, Mónica. "Together or separate in the fight against oppression? Liberals in Peru and Spain in the 1820s." European History Quarterly 41, no. 3 (July 2011): 413–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691411405130.

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Following the new avenues of research opened by historians of the Atlantic world, this study analyzes key ideological writings in the press to illustrate some thematic and ideological interconnections between liberals in Spain and Peru in the 1810s and early 1820s. Liberalism emerged in the Spanish world as an ideology-in-the-making that was both Peninsular and American. Liberalism was conceived in broad and abstract terms as a struggle for the overthrow of absolutism and the implementation of liberties and constitutionalism. Soon it evolved into a protest against the oppression of Ferdinand VII’s despotic rule as well as military despotism in Spanish America. Although by the 1820s independence movements prevailed in most parts of Spanish America, many liberals on both sides of the Atlantic continued to envision their struggle as a common one. These circumstances have often been overlooked in the historiography of both Spain and Spanish America, but they are key to understanding the breakdown of the Spanish empire in central areas of Spanish dominion, such as the viceroyalty of Peru.
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Hampe-Martínez, Teodoro. "Private libraries in the colonial world: The diffusion of books and ideas in the viceroyalty of Peru." Intellectual News 2, no. 1 (September 1997): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15615324.1997.10429231.

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38

Cahill, David. "Financing Health Care in the Viceroyalty of Peru: The Hospitals of Lima in the Late Colonial Period." Americas 52, no. 2 (October 1995): 123–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008259.

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Perceptions of provision for health care in colonial Spanish America are invariably influenced by commonplaces familiar from the comparative history of pre-modern medicine. There is a danger that the reproduction of facile a priori judgements–such as lack of adequate provision, institutional underfunding, deficient nutrition, insanitary conditions, concomitant high mortality rates, and “Dickensian” institutions functioning as workhouses and death-traps for the poor–will distort our understanding of Spanish American health-care systems, such clichés being all too often simplistic, anachronistic, or culturally purblind. Moreover, the whole system, such as it was, may at first sight appear to have depended largely upon the desultory charity of some religious orders and a few pious individuals, with the royal exchequer occasionally rescuing financially-straitened institutions from the brink of bankruptcy and foreclosure. Like most such formulations, there is enough truth to this simplistic scenario for it to be a plausible enough portrait of health care not only in colonial Spanish America but in early modern Spain itself; indeed, of any pre-modern system of health provision. Some of these pejorative impressions–e.g., lack of adequate provision, underfunding–are hardy perennials that even today retain their currency in the wealthiest of welfare states, and are writ especially large in Third World countries. Then as now, such strictures, well-founded or not, are but part of the picture, and overlook considerable institutional achievements in making the best of available resources. Much of this criticism is of course susceptible to quantitative analysis, though statistical data on colonial health care are difficult to come by. As in so many spheres of colonial Spanish America, such figures as are available cluster in the second half of the eighteenth century, a product of the insatiable appetite of Bourbon ministers and bureaucrats for a quantitative dimension to policy-making.
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39

Cohen-Aponte, Ananda. "Forging a popular art history:Indigenismoand the art of colonial Peru." Res: Anthropology and aesthetics 67-68 (November 2017): 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/693932.

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40

Moroni, Pablo, and Nataly O’Leary. "Typification of Citharexylum (Verbenaceae) names based on the collections gathered by the Botanical Expedition to the Viceroyalty of Peru." Brittonia 71, no. 1 (October 24, 2018): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12228-018-9555-z.

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41

Weaver, Brendan J. M. "“The Grace of God and Virtue of Obedience”: The Archaeology of Slavery and the Jesuit Hacienda Systems of Nasca, Peru, 1619–1767." Journal of Jesuit Studies 8, no. 3 (April 19, 2021): 430–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-0803p005.

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Abstract Multi-scalar archaeological exploration offers new insights for understanding Jesuit estate systems and the slavery they depended on for agroindustrial production. Since 2009, ethnohistorical and archaeological research on two haciendas, San Joseph and San Francisco Xavier de la Nasca, in south coastal Peru’s Ingenio Valley, has illuminated the Jesuit institutions of slavery and the hacienda in colonial Peru. Belonging to two distinct Jesuit institutions, the estates supported schools in Cuzco and Lima, respectively. Since acquiring their first properties in Nasca in 1619, both colleges grew their haciendas by absorbing neighboring fields and noncontiguous lands throughout the region, becoming the largest, most profitable vineyards in the viceroyalty by the time of the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from the Spanish empire in 1767. Both hacienda administrations took similar approaches to property management and the large enslaved population that worked them, negotiating the cosmopolitanism of the communities and balancing obligations for evangelization and Christian discipline with the demands for agroindustrial production.
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42

Pérez Morales, Edgardo. "Manumission on the Land: Slaves, Masters, and Magistrates in Eighteenth-Century Mompox (Colombia)." Law and History Review 35, no. 2 (May 2017): 511–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000050.

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In the mid-1700s, the town of Mompox flourished in the Spanish viceroyalty of the New Kingdom of Granada, today part of the Republic of Colombia. Built on the banks of the northern Magdalena River, an important waterway connecting the Andean interior with the Caribbean Sea, Mompox constantly buzzed with travelers and trade alike. Mompox was home to a community of merchants who profited handsomely from both legal trade and smuggling, their networks reaching places as far away as Lima in Peru and Cádiz in Spain. These merchants were frequently also slaveholders and landowners. On haciendas outside of town, slaves cultivated the land and tended large herds of cattle. They gathered wood and resins and hunted for game and jaguars (panthera onca) that preyed on livestock. Along with free people of color, slaves also worked as artisans, journeymen, and oarsmen on boats transporting goods and people up and down the river (see Figure 1).
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43

Calligaro, Thomas, Pierre-Jacques Chiappero, François Gendron, and Gérard Poupeau. "New Clues on the Origin of the “Inca Mirror” at the Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle in Paris." Latin American Antiquity 30, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 422–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2019.3.

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Since at least 1742, the mineralogical collection of the Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle (MNHN) in Paris has hosted, under the reference number 22.U, a biconvex lens-shaped obsidian artifact, also described as a mirror, measuring 250 mm in diameter and finely polished on both faces. It has usually been ascribed to the shipment sent by Hernán Cortez in 1522 to the Emperor Charles V, which was captured by a French privateer. We investigated the object using modern techniques. The elemental composition of the obsidian determined by the particle induced X-ray emission (PIXE) method showed that the raw material originates from the Mullumica deposit (Ecuador). Documentary investigations revealed that the lens (renumbered No. 176.101) was sent in 1737 from Quito, Ecuador (at that time part of the viceroyalty of Peru), to France by members of the Godin–La Condamine geodesic expedition (1735–1743). The mirror is thus among the rare Ecuadorian archeological or colonial artifacts to have reached the Old World during the eighteenth century.
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44

Zimmerer, Karl S. "The Indigenous Andean Concept of Kawsay, the Politics of Knowledge and Development, and the Borderlands of Environmental Sustainability in Latin America." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 127, no. 3 (May 2012): 600–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2012.127.3.600.

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Kawsay in Colonial and Postcolonial BorderlandsThe personage of Huatya Curi, the “Baked Potato Gleaner,” figured prominently in an early colonial account of the landscape and religious mythology of the Andean people of Huarochirí, a province in the mountainous interior of Lima in the Viceroyalty of Peru. The Huarochirí manuscript, a sixteenth-century Quechua document, introduces Huatya Curi with these words: “Chay pacha cay huatya curi ñisca huacchalla micuspapas huatya cuspalla causaptinsi sutiachircan huatya curim ñispa …” ‘At that time Huatya Curi, a poor potato eater, was accustomed to living from gleaning baked potatoes, and for that reason people named him Huatya Curi …‘ (Salomon and Urioste 163; my trans.; see also Taylor 32–33). While poor, Huatya Curi was powerful; in the same passage he goes on to vanquish a mighty Andean lord, Tamta Ñamca. The demise of Tamta Ñamca sets the stage for the ascendance of Paria Caca, Huatya Curi's father, who emerges as the chief Andean deity. Huatya Curi's existence is earthly yet linked to his supernatural lineage.
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45

Prikladova, Mariia A. "NEW SPAIN’S BAROQUE PAINTING: THE WORK OF CRISTÓBAL DE VILLALPANDO." Articult, no. 3 (2020): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2227-6165-2020-3-73-80.

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The author of the paper investigates the work of Cristóbal de Villalpando (c.1649-1714). His paintings are analyzed in historical, cultural and social context. The author pays attention to the links and relationships between the art world of Europe and the Viceroyalty of New Spain. A significant part of his paintings belongs to the religious genre. Villalpando had been strongly influenced by works of Spanish and Flemish artists. Villalpando’s paintings demonstrate his penchant for narrative, monumentality and incorporation of many figures and details in his compositions. At the same time Villalpando acts as a distinctive painter, originally interpreting biblical scenes and signing himself as “inventor”. The relevance of the article is due to the lack of knowledge of the Baroque colonial artists’ heritage.
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46

McFarlane, Anthony. "Identity, Enlightenment and Political Dissent in Late Colonial Spanish America." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 309–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679300.

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During the long crisis of the Spanish empire between 1810 and 1825, the Creole leaders of Spanish American independence asserted a new identity for the citizens of the states which they sought to establish, calling them ‘Americanos’. This general title was paralleled and often supplanted by other political neologisms, as movements for independence and new polities took shape in the various territories of Spanish America. In New Spain, the insurgents who fought against royalist government during the decade after 1810 tried to rally fellow ‘Mexicans’ to a common cause; at independence in 1821, die Creole political leadership created a ‘Mexican empire’, the title of which, with its reference to the Aztec empire which had preceded Spain's conquest, was designed to evoke a ‘national’ history shared by all members of Mexican society. In South America, die leaders of the new republics also sought to promote patriotic feelings for territories which had been converted from administrative units of Spanish government into independent states. Thus, San Martín and O'Higgins convoked ‘Chileans’ to the cause of independence in the old Captaincy-General of Chile; shortly afterwards and with notably less success, San Martín called upon ‘Peruvians’ to throw off Spanish rule. Bolívar was, likewise, to call ‘Colombians’ to his banner in die erstwhile Viceroyalty of New Granada, before advancing south to liberate Peru in the name of ‘Peruvians’, and Upper Peru in the name of ‘Bolivians’, where the Republic which his military feats and political vision made possible was named after him.
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Szyszka, Tomasz. "Franciszkańscy misjonarze w Peru." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 22 (January 4, 2018): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2017.22.3.

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The history of evangelization in Peru, which started at the very onset of the 16th century is connected with the presence of the missionaries of the Franciscan Order, who played a major role in the building of Church structures on the territory of the former Inca empire. However, their main contribution was an effective evangelization of the indigenous peoples through the use of innovative methods (music, singing and art, organizing schools for Indians, knowledge of indigenous languages, protection of Indians against excessive exploitation). In this activity they were urged by their Franciscan charisma summed up in the greeting “Peace and good”. Their missionary commitment was realized not only in the Andean world, but over time expanded across the Amazon Selva.
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Germana, Gabriela, and Amy Bowman-McElhone. "Asserting the Vernacular: Contested Musealities and Contemporary Art in Lima, Peru." Arts 9, no. 1 (February 7, 2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010017.

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This essay examines three museums of contemporary art in Lima, Peru: MAC (Museum of Contemporary Art), MALI (Lima Art Museum), and MASM (San Marcos Art Museum). As framed through curatorial studies and cultural politics, we argue that the curatorial practices of these institutions are embedded with tensions linked to the negotiation of regional, national, and international identities, coloniality, and alternate modernities between Western paradigms of contemporary art and contemporary vernacular art in Peru. Peruvian national institutions have not engaged in the collection of contemporary art, leaving these practices to private entities such as the MAC, MALI, and MASM. However, these three institutions have not, until recently, actively collected contemporary vernacular Peruvian art and its by-products, thus inscribing this work as “non-Western” through curatorial practices and creating competing conceptions of the contemporary. The curatorial practices of the MAC, MALI, and MASM reflect the complex and contested musealities and conceptions of the contemporary that co-exist in Lima. This essay will address this environment and the emergence of alternative forms of museality, curatorial practices, and indigenous artist’s strategies that continually construct and disrupt different modernities and create spaces for questioning constructs of contemporary art and Peruvian cultural identities.
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49

Drewes, Hermann, and József Ádám. "The International Association of Geodesy: from an ideal sphere to an irregular body subjected to global change." History of Geo- and Space Sciences 10, no. 1 (April 16, 2019): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hgss-10-151-2019.

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Abstract. The history of geodesy can be traced back to Thales of Miletus (∼600 BC), who developed the concept of geometry, i.e. the measurement of the Earth. Eratosthenes (276–195 BC) recognized the Earth as a sphere and determined its radius. In the 18th century, Isaac Newton postulated an ellipsoidal figure due to the Earth's rotation, and the French Academy of Sciences organized two expeditions to Lapland and the Viceroyalty of Peru to determine the different curvatures of the Earth at the pole and the Equator. The Prussian General Johann Jacob Baeyer (1794–1885) initiated the international arc measurement to observe the irregular figure of the Earth given by an equipotential surface of the gravity field. This led to the foundation of the International Geodetic Association, which was transferred in 1919 to the Section of Geodesy of the International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics. This paper presents the activities from 1919 to 2019, characterized by a continuous broadening from geometric to gravimetric observations, from exclusive solid Earth parameters to atmospheric and hydrospheric effects, and from static to dynamic models. At present, we identify geodesy as the discipline of quantifying global change by geodetic measurements.
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Carmona Jiménez, Javiera. "Emblemática e iconografía virreinal. Las apuestas de Diego León Pinelo y Francisco De Ávila (Lima, siglo XVII)." Razón Crítica, no. 10 (January 2020): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.21789/25007807.1712.

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Emblematics in the Viceroyalty of Peru functioned as an intertextual system that established connections between models of emblems already consecrated and the shared use of symbols, Latin phrases and compositions that are related to —but also oppose and divert from— Western symbolic traditions. Hypomnema apologeticum pro Academia Limensi, by jurist Diego León Pinelo (1608-1671), and Tratado de los Evangelios, by the slayer of idolatries and Canon of the Cathedral of Lima, Francisco de Ávila (1573-1647), both published in Lima in 1648, had each front covers that are analyzed based on the visual set they incorporate, which is made up of allegorical images and emblems, and their contexts of production. The vice-regal visual rhetoric reveals that it was not only aimed at exalting monarchical and counter-reformist power and politics, but also at developing the identity of the artists in charge of the engravings. Paradoxically, both images can be considered as a failure on different levels, but also as a triumph within the symbolic struggle of every affirmation of identity whose verb-visual rhetoric remains fixed in memories that many people could decipher.
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