Academic literature on the topic 'Art (Paris, France : 1875)'

ABSTRACT The years 1870––71 marked the beginning of dramatic changes in French political and cultural life. A few short months witnessed defeat to Germany in the Franco-Prussian War and the fall of the Second Empire, as well as the rapid rise of the Paris Commune and its subsequent violent suppression through the establishment of republican government. The Parisian musical world, while severely affected by the events of war and deprived of performers and audiences, did not come to a standstill. Indeed, these years ushered in a remarkable increase in the number of institutions and concert societies dedicated to supporting French music and to making what would become the standard repertoire more accessible to the average citizen. Music heightened reactions to the turmoil of war and revolution in Paris at this crucial moment in France's history. Because of their stringent governmental control and largely middle- and working-class audiences, entertainments organized initially by wartime concert societies, and then under the aegis of the Commune, provide us with the greatest opportunity for understanding the political and social contexts in which music operated. Through investigation of the contemporary French press it can be shown that: (1) the perceived function of musical performance was adjusted to suit the practical and symbolic needs of a besieged city; (2) all the factions competing for power during the war and the post-war insurrection in Paris appropriated the connotations of civilization, social stability, and good taste that surrounded ““art music””; (3) the Commune's sudden rejection of the Austro-German musical tradition marked a brief but significant moment in which nationalistic preoccupations supplanted historically cosmopolitan attitudes toward foreign art. The study concludes with a meditation on Alfred Roll's painting of the execution of a Communard trumpeter, in which we find one of the strongest images relating war and rebellion to music in the France of 1871.

The years 1870–1960 were a period of vibrant innovation in France when traditional ideas about art and living were challenged. At the turn of the twentieth century, Paris became the epicentre for creative risk, innovation and originality. The city both represented and became a ‘laboratory of culture’ that attracted individuals eager to ride the waves of modernism. What forces enabled Paris to become a site of such artistic vibrancy? What cultural labour was involved in propelling avant-gardism forwards? In this article, I introduce a few examples of women who played a vital role in the modernisation of the arts in Paris, the internationalisation of French artistic tastes, and the cultivation of Paris’s reputation as the centre of avant-gardism and artistic development. In doing so, I offer a new paradigm for understanding the art worlds of Paris in this period by revealing women as important and effective arbiters of taste.

Although it is a precious and rare material testament to the introduction of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England, the Liudhard medalet (pl. I) has received surprisingly little scholarly attention. It is scarcely known to art historians. The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the emblem on the reverse of the issue, and to offer an hypothesis on its meaning. Discovered ‘some years’ before 1844 with other gold coins – looped for suspension as if for a necklace of medalets – and jewellery in or near the churchyard of St Martin's, Canterbury, and published in 1845, the medalet recently has been convincingly assigned to a group of grave goods deposited c. 580–90. Besides the coin in question, the group included an Italian tremissis of Justin II, a Germanic tremissis of unsure origin, a Merovingian solidus struck by Leudulf at Ivegio vico and two tremisses from southern France, the first from Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges, the second from Agen. Today these objects are in Liverpool, and Philip Grierson has persuasively argued for the inclusion of a Merovingian tremissis in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, as once forming part of the deposit. Most likely all the coins of the Canterbury group were issued during the second half of the sixth century.

AbstractThe nucleus of the collection of paintings in the Mauritshuis around 130 pictures - came from the hereditary stadholder Prince William v. It is widely believed to have become, the property of the State at the beginning of the 19th century, but how this happened is still. unclear. A hand-written notebook on this subject, compiled in 1876 by - the director Jonkheer J. K. L. de Jonge is in the archives of the Mauritshuis Note 4). On this basis a clnsor systematic and chronological investigation has been carried out into the stadholder's. property rights in respect of his collectcons and the changes these underwent between 1795 and 1816. Royal decrees and other documents of the period 1814- 16 in particular giae a clearer picture of whal look place. 0n 18 January 1795 William V (Fig. 2) left the Netherlands and fled to England. On 22 January the Dutch Republic was occupied by French armies. Since France had declared war on the stadholder, the ownership of all his propergy in the Netherlands, passed to France, in accordance with the laws of war of the time. His famous art collections on the Builerth of in. The Hague were taken to Paris, but the remaining art objects, distributed over his various houses, remained in the Netherlands. On 16 May 1795 the French concluded a treaty with the Batavian Republic, recognizing it as an independent power. All the properties of William v in the Netehrlands but not those taken to France, were made over to the Republic (Note 14), which proceeded to sell objects from the collections, at least seven sales taking place until 1798 (Note 15). A plan was then evolved to bring the remaining treasures together in a museum in emulation of the French. On the initiative of J. A. Gogel, the Nationale Konst-Galerij', the first national museum in the .Netherlands, was estahlished in The Hague and opened to the public on ,31 May 1800. Nothing was ever sold from lhe former stadholder's library and in 1798 a Nationale Bibliotheek was founded as well. In 1796, quite soon after the French had carried off the Stadholder, possessions to Paris or made them over to the Batavian Republic, indemnification was already mentioned (Note 19). However, only in the Trealy of Amiens of 180 and a subaequent agreement, between France ararl Prussia of 1 802, in which the Prince of Orarage renounced his and his heirs' rights in the Netherlands, did Prussia provide a certain compensation in the form of l.artds in Weslphalia and Swabia (Note 24) - William v left the management of these areas to the hereditary prince , who had already been involved in the problems oncerning his father's former possessions. In 1804 the Balavian Republic offered a sum of five million guilders 10 plenipotentiaries of the prince as compensation for the sequestrated titles and goods, including furniture, paintings, books and rarities'. This was accepted (Notes 27, 28), but the agreement was never carried out as the Batavian Republic failed to ratify the payment. In the meantime the Nationale Bibliolkeek and the Nationale Konst-Galerij had begun to develop, albeit at first on a small scale. The advent of Louis Napoleon as King of Hollarad in 1806 brought great changes. He made a start on a structured art policy. In 1806 the library, now called `Royal', was moved to the Mauritshuis and in 1808 the collectiorts in The Hague were transferred to Amsterdam, where a Koninklijk Museum was founded, which was housed in the former town hall. This collection was subsequertly to remain in Amsterdam, forming the nucleus of the later Rijksmuseum. The library too was intended to be transferred to Amsterdam, but this never happened and it remained in the Mauritshuis until 1819. Both institutions underwent a great expansion in the period 1806-10, the library's holdings increasing from around 10,000 to over 45,000 books and objects, while the museum acquired a number of paintings, the most important being Rembrandt's Night Watch and Syndics, which were placed in the new museum by the City of Amsterdam in 1808 (Note 44). In 1810 the Netherlands was incorporated into France. In the art field there was now a complete standstill and in 1812 books and in particular prints (around 11,000 of them) were again taken from The Hague to Paris. In November 1813 the French dominion was ended and on 2 December the hereditary prince, William Frederick, was declared sovereign ruler. He was inaugurated as constitutional monarch on 30 March 1814. On January 3rd the provisional council of The Hague had already declared that the city was in (unlawful' possession of a library, a collection of paintings, prints and other objects of art and science and requested the king tot take them back. The war was over and what had been confiscated from William under the laws of war could now be given back, but this never happened. By Royal Decree of 14 January 1814 Mr. ( later Baron) A. J. C. Lampsins (Fig. I ) was commissioned to come to an understanding with the burgomaster of The Hague over this transfer, to bring out a report on the condition of the objects and to formulate a proposal on the measures to be taken (Note 48). On 17 January Lampsins submitted a memorandum on the taking over of the Library as the private property of His Royal Highness the Sovereign of the United Netherlartds'. Although Lampsins was granted the right to bear the title 'Interim Director of the Royal Library' by a Royal Decree of 9 February 1814, William I did not propose to pay The costs himself ; they were to be carried by the Home Office (Note 52). Thus he left the question of ownership undecided. On 18 April Lampsins brought out a detailed report on all the measures to be taken (Appendix IIa ) . His suggestion was that the objects, formerly belonging to the stadholder should be removed from the former royal museum, now the Rijksmuseum, in Amsterdam and to return the 'Library', as the collectiort of books, paintings and prints in The Hague was called, to the place where they had been in 1795. Once again the king's reaction was not very clear. Among other things, he said that he wanted to wait until it was known how extensive the restitution of objects from Paris would be and to consider in zvhich scholarly context the collections would best, fit (Note 54) . While the ownership of the former collections of Prince William I was thus left undecided, a ruling had already been enacted in respect of the immovable property. By the Constitution of 1814, which came into effect on 30 March, the king was granted a high income, partly to make up for the losses he had sulfered. A Royal Decree of 22 January 1815 does, however, imply that William had renounced the right to his, father's collections, for he let it be known that he had not only accepted the situation that had developed in the Netherlands since 1795, but also wished it to be continued (Note 62). The restitution of the collections carried off to France could only be considered in its entirety after the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815- This was no simple matter, but in the end most, though not all, of the former possessions of William V were returned to the Netherlands. What was not or could not be recovered then (inc.uding 66 paintings, for example) is still in France today (Note 71)- On 20 November 1815 127 paintings, including Paulus Potter's Young Bull (Fig. 15), made a ceremonial entry into The Hague. But on 6 October, before anything had actually been returned, it had already been stipulated by Royal Decree that the control of the objects would hence forlh be in the hands of the State (Note 72). Thus William I no longer regarded his father's collections as the private property of the House of Orange, but he did retain the right to decide on the fulure destiny of the... painting.s and objects of art and science'. For the time being the paintings were replaced in the Gallery on the Buitenhof, from which they had been removed in 1795 (Note 73). In November 1815 the natural history collection was made the property of Leiden University (Note 74), becoming the basis for the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie, The print collection, part of the Royal Library in The Hague, was exchanged in May 1816 for the national collectiort of coins and medals, part of the Rijksmuseum. As of 1 Jufy 1816 directors were appointed for four different institutions in The Hague, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (with the Koninklijk Penningkabinet ) , the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Yoninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 80) . From that time these institutions led independenl lives. The king continued to lake a keen interest in them and not merely in respect of collecting Their accommodation in The Hague was already too cramped in 1816. By a Royal Decree of 18 May 1819 the Hotel Huguetan, the former palace of the. crown prince on Lange Voorhout, was earmarked for the Koninklijke Bibliotheek and the Koninklijk Penningkabinet (Note 87) . while at the king's behest the Mauritshuis, which had been rented up to then, was bought by the State on 27 March 1820 and on IO July allotted to the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 88). Only the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen is still in the place assigned to it by William and the collection has meanwhile become so identified with its home that it is generally known as the Mauritshui.s'. William i's most important gift was made in July 1816,just after the foundation of the four royal institutions, when he had deposited most of the objects that his father had taken first to England and later to Oranienstein in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden. The rarities (Fig. 17), curios (Fig. 18) and paintings (Fig. 19), remained there (Note 84), while the other art objects were sorted and divided between the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (the manuscripts and books) and the koninklijk Penningkabinet (the cameos and gems) (Note 85). In 1819 and 182 the king also gave the Koninklijke Bibliotheek an important part of the Nassau Library from the castle at Dillenburg. Clearly he is one of the European monarchs who in the second half of the 18th and the 19th century made their collectiorts accessible to the public, and thus laid the foundatinns of many of today's museums. But William 1 also made purchases on behalf of the institutions he had created. For the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, for example, he had the 'Tweede Historiebijbel', made in Utrecht around 1430, bought in Louvain in 1829 for 1, 134 guilders (Pigs.30,3 I, Note 92). For the Koninkijk Penningkabinet he bought a collection of 62 gems and four cameos , for ,50,000 guilders in 1819. This had belonged to the philosopher Frans Hemsterhuis, the keeper of his father's cabinet of antiquities (Note 95) . The most spectacular acquisition. for the Penninukabinet., however, was a cameo carved in onyx, a late Roman work with the Triumph of Claudius, which the king bought in 1823 for 50,000 guilders, an enormous sum in those days. The Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamhedert also received princely gifts. In 1821- the so-called doll's house of Tzar Peter was bought out of the king's special funds for 2.800 guilders (Figs.33, 34, ,Note 97) , while even in 1838, when no more money was available for art, unnecessary expenditure on luxury' the Von Siebold ethnographical collection was bought at the king's behest for over 55,000 guilders (Note 98). The Koninklijk Kabinel van Schilderyen must have been close to the hearl of the king, who regarded it as an extension of the palace (Notes 99, 100) . The old master paintings he acquzred for it are among the most important in the collection (the modern pictures, not dealt with here, were transferred to the Paviljoen Welgelegen in Haarlem in 1838, Note 104). For instance, in 1820 he bought a portrait of Johan Maurice of Nassau (Fig.35)., while in 1822, against the advice of the then director, he bought Vermeer' s View of Delft for 2,900 guilders (Fig.36, Note 105) and in 1827 it was made known, from Brussels that His Majesty had recommended the purchase of Rogier van der Weyden's Lamentation (Fig.37) . The most spectacular example of the king's love for 'his' museum, however, is the purchase in 1828 of Rembrandt's Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp for 32,000 guilders. The director of the Rijksmuseum, C. Apostool, cortsidered this Rembrandt'sfinest painting and had already drawn attention to it in 1817, At the king'.s behest the picture, the purchase of which had been financed in part by the sale of a number of painlings from. the Rijksmuseum, was placed in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen in The Hague. On his accession King William I had left the art objects which had become state propery after being ceded by the French to the Batavian Republic in 1795 as they were. He reclaimed the collections carried off to France as his own property, but it can be deduced from the Royal Decrees of 1815 and 1816 that it Was his wish that they should be made over to the State, including those paintings that form the nucleus of the collection in the Mauritshuis. In addition, in 1816 he handed over many art objects which his father had taken with him into exile. His son, William II, later accepted this, after having the matter investigated (Note 107 and Appendix IV). Thus William I'S munificence proves to have been much more extensive than has ever been realized.

Background. А history of the development of the human community is at the same time a history of the relationship between men and women, their role in society, in formation of mindset, development of science, technology and art. A woman’s path to the recognition of her merits is a struggle for equality and inclusion in all sectors of public life. Originated with particular urgency in the twentieth century, this set of problems gave impetus to the study of the female phenomenon in the sociocultural space. In this context, the disclosure of the direct contribution of talented women to art and their influence on its development has become of special relevance. The purpose of the article is to summarize segmental of information that highlights the contribution of women to the treasury of world art, their creative and inspiring power. Analytical, historical-biographical and comparative studying methods were applied to reveal the gender relationships in art and the role of woman in them as well as in the sociocultural space in general. The results from this study present a panorama of gifted women from the world of art and music who paved the way for future generations. Among them are: A. Gentileschi (1593–1653), who was the first woman admitted to The Florence Academy of Art; M. Vigee Le Brun (1755–1842), who painted portraits of the French aristocracy and later became a confidant of Marie-Antoinette; B. Morisot (1841–1895), who was accepted by the impressionists in their circle and repeatedly exhibited her works in the Paris Salon; F. Caccini (1587–1640), who went down in history as an Italian composer, teacher, harpsichordist, author of ballets and music for court theater performances; J. Kinkel (1810–1858) – the first female choral director in Germany, who published books about musical education, composed songs on poems of famous poets, as well as on her own texts; F. Mendelssohn (1805–1847) – German singer, pianist and composer, author of cantatas, vocal miniatures of organ preludes, piano pieces; R. Clark (1886–1979) – British viola player and composer who created trio, quartets, compositions for solo instruments, songs on poems of English poets; L. Boulanger (1893–1918) became the first woman to receive Grand Prix de Rome; R. Tsekhlin (1926–2007) – German harpsichordist, composer and teacher who successfully combined the composition of symphonies, concerts, choral and vocal opuses, operas, ballets, music for theatrical productions and cinema with active performing and teaching activities, and many others. The article emphasise the contribution of women-composers, writers, poetesses to the treasury of world literature and art. Among the composers in this row is S. Gubaidulina (1931), who has about 30 prizes and awards. She wrote music for 17 films and her works are being performed by famous musicians around the world. The glory of Ukrainian music is L. Dychko (1939) – the author of operas, oratorios, cantatas, symphonies, choral concertos, ballets, piano works, romances, film music. The broad famous are the French writers: S.-G. Colette (1873–1954), to which the films were devoted, the performances based on her novels are going all over the world, her lyrics are being studied in the literature departments. She was the President of the Goncourt Academy, Chevalier of the Legion of Honour, a square in the center of Paris is named after her. Also, creativity by her compatriot, L. de Vilmorin (1902–1969), on whose poems С. Arrieu, G. Auric, F. Poulenc wrote vocal miniatures, is beloved and recognized as in France as and widely abroad. The article denotes a circle of women who combined the position of a selfsufficient creator and a muse for their companion. M. Verevkina (1860–1938) – a Russian artist, a representative of expressionism in painting, not only helped shape the aesthetic views of her husband A. Yavlensky, contributing to his art education, but for a long time “left the stage” for to not compete with him and help him develop his talent fully. Furthermore, she managed to anticipate many of the discoveries as for the use of light that are associated with the names of H. Matisse, A. Derain and other French fauvist. F. Kahlo (1907–1954), a Mexican artist, was a strict critic and supporter for her husband D. Rivera, led his business, was frequently depicted in his frescoes. C. Schumann (1819–1896) was a committed promoter of R. Schumann’s creativity. She performed his music even when he was not yet recognized by public. She included his compositions in the repertoire of her students after the composer lost his ability to play due to the illness of the hands. She herself performed his works, making R. Schumann famous across Europe. In addition, Clara took care of the welfare of the family – the main source of finance was income from her concerts. The article indicates the growing interest of the twentieth century composers to the poems of female poets. Among them M. Debord-Valmore (1786–1859) – a French poetess, about whom S. Zweig, P. Verlaine and L. Aragon wrote their essays, and her poems were set to music by C. Franck, G. Bizet and R. Ahn; R. Auslender (1901–1988) is a German poetess, a native of Ukraine (Chernovtsy city), author of more than 20 collections, her lyrics were used by an American woman-composer E. Alexander to write “Three Songs” and by German composer G. Grosse-Schware who wrote four pieces for the choir; I. Bachmann (1926–1973) – the winner of three major Austrian awards, author of the libretto for the ballet “Idiot” and opera “The Prince of Hombur”. The composer H. W. Henze, in turn, created music for the play “Cicadas” by I. Bachmann. On this basis, we conclude that women not only successfully engaged in painting, wrote poems and novels, composed music, opened «locked doors», destroyed established stereotypes but were a powerful source of inspiration. Combining the roles of the creator and muse, they helped men reach the greatest heights. Toward the twentieth century, the role of the fair sex representatives in the world of art increased and strengthened significantly, which led Western European culture to a new round of its evolution.

Problem setting. Since ancient times, guardianship of the health of the population has become an obligatory part of the foundation of a powerful state. Later on, special bodies began to be created, whose powers at first were limited only to the monitoring of food supplies, but with the spread of epidemics their role increased and spread around the world. In the 19th century, cities began to grow rapidly and the number of inhabitants increased. States were faced with the challenge of ensuring healthy living conditions. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The scientific research on this issue is reflected in the works: Derjuzhinsky V.F., Busse R, Riesberg A., Lochowa L. V., Hamlin C., Shambara K., Norman G. Scientists have analysed the regulatory framework of individual countries in the medical context. Target of research. Identification of the essence and features of sanitary legislation (including international sanitary conventions, interstate agreements on sanitation and epidemiology) operating in the territory of European countries in the XIX century. Article’s main body. The legal and regulatory framework for sanitation includes a set of legal, technical and legal standards, the observance of which involves ensuring that an adequate level of public health is maintained. European countries in the nineteenth century devoted considerable attention to sanitation not only in domestic law, but also in the international arena. Health protection, sanitation and preventive measures are reflected in many legislative acts, for example, the “Medical Regulations” (Prussia, 1725), the “Law on Health Insurance during Diseases” (Germany, 1883) and, in Austria, the “Health Statute” (1770), the “Public Health Act” (Great Britain, 1848 and 1875) and the “Medical Act” (Great Britain, 1858) and the “Public Health Protection Act” (France, 1892). The legislative acts formulated the powers of sanitary authorities, and in the same period, works on the impact of ecology on human health and on the importance of a healthy lifestyle appeared. The State has a duty to protect citizens who have the sole property, their labour, but health is essential to work. Separately, it should be noted that in the middle of the XIX century elements of the international health system began to emerge in Europe. In particular, starting from 1851. At the initiative of France, a number of international conferences on sanitation were organized in Paris. Subsequently, such conferences were held in Constantinople (1866), Vienna (1874), USA (1881), Rome (1885), Dresden (1893). These conferences addressed various issues of sanitation and the fight against epidemic diseases. At the same time, the application of land and river quarantine in Europe was considered impossible by most delegates. Instead, the use of “sanitary inspection” and “observation posts” with medical personnel and the necessary means for timely isolation of patients and disinfection of ships was recommended Conclusions and prospects for the development. Thus, the forms of organization of national health systems in Europe in the 19th century were diverse. Each country created and developed its own unique systems, different ways of attracting financial resources for medical care and health preservation. Thanks to the development of the legislative framework, water supply, sewerage, working and living conditions, sanitation and hygiene have improved. International cooperation to combat epidemics has made a significant contribution to the development of effective and progressive legislation in the international arena, and has greatly influenced the creation of appropriate domestic legislation in Member States, developing more effective models to combat epidemic diseases.

ABSTRACTDuring the Franco-Prussian War, Paris was besieged by the Prussians from the middle of September 1870 until the end of January 1871. During most of the period, the main means of transportation – railways, roads, telegraph, bridges, etc. – were cut off by the Prussians. This article shows that, given the elimination of the main means of diffusion of news, some novel strategies were used to preserve a democratic distribution of information. An analysis of the content of four illustrated periodicals – The Illustrated London News and The Graphic in London and L'Illustration and Le Monde Illustré in Paris – shows that innovative methods involving such things as the balloon and the carrier pigeon were used to circulate news inside and outside the fortifications of Paris and beyond the surrounding Prussian army. The article also demonstrates that while this distribution had a different form from that occurring in normal situations, it did not prevent the papers from reaching a balance among the various issues related to the war and covered by their content.

Ce texte est le dernier que nous ait donné Denis Richet, quelques mois avant sa mort, survenue brusquement en septembre dernier. Il témoigne du projet qui l'animait : comprendre les ruptures du tissu politique et social de la France moderne. Comme tel il témoigne d'une attitude, que Denis Richet a su enseigner : « Aimer l'histoire pour elle-même… ». Sa chaleur nous manque.Isoler le fait-barricades de l'histoire générale de Paris est une nécessité et une gageure. Les barricades ne sont pas comme un élément chimiquement pur ; elles supposent une convergence de données historiques qu'il serait fastidieux de rappeler. Je note seulement que la Commune de 1871 a joué un grand rôle dans l'intérêt porté au 12 mai 1588. Dans la Revue des Deux Mondes, dès septembre 1871, A. Maury publiait un article sur «La commune de Paris de 1588». Et Paul Robiquet, en écrivant de 1884 à 1904 ses trois volumes de l'Histoire municipale de Paris, qui demeure la meilleure synthèse accessible, ne manque pas de faire allusion, avec une certaine prudence, au printemps tragique de 1871. Il est, à mon sens, intéressant de constater que l'historiographie actuelle — disons : trentenaire — de la journée du 12 mai 1588 s'est enrichie grâce à des recherches menées par des historiens français et non français. En Union Soviétique, à Lvow plus précisément, en cette partie de la Biélorussie naguère polonaise, où le professeur Lozinsky a mené un travail d'autant plus exemplaire qu'il n'a jamais pu bénéficier du contact direct avec les archives parisiennes; en Israël, où Elie Barnavi, après un long séjour en France, a pu éclairer l'histoire de la Ligue ; aux États-Unis, grâce aux recherches des professeurs Salmon et Ascoli; en France même, les recherches de Robert Descimon ont largement déblayé le terrain.

The paper briefly describes a history of establishing Russian Public Library in Paris, 1875, by an initiative of Russian politician German Lopatin; now, the Library is considered as the oldest Russian language book collection formed outside Russia. Ivan Turgenev's personal library took as a basis of the memorial document collection that gradually became a center of cultural life for the first wave of Russian revolution emigration to France. The article discloses content of the document collection by type of issues, calls its sources until it was seized by Nazi occupational administration in 1940, outlines the history of its “travelling”. Also, the general description of several examples of books and magazines that previously belonged to Ivan Turgenev's Russian Public Library and now is stocked in Vyacheslav Shishkov Altai Regional Universal Scientific Library (Barnaul, Russia) is given.

La basilique du Sacré-Cœur a toujours été l'objet de nombreuses contestations. Pour les comprendre, il faut demander à ses promoteurs quelles étaient leurs intentions. Traumatisés par les évènements de 1870 tant en France qu'à Rome, ils promettent en décembre 1870-janvier 1871 de construire une église en l'honneur du cœur du christ par souscription nationale pour obtenir de dieu le salut de la France et la délivrance du souverain pontife. Leur initiative est déclarée d'utilité publique par l'assemblée nationale. Paul Abadie devient leur architecte. La lente édification du monument s'accompagne de la création d'un pèlerinage ou une adoration perpétuelle s'établit rapidement. La décoration récapitule dans la pierre la vision du monde des constructeurs. Les contestations et les contestataires de l'entreprise, d'hier et d'aujourd'hui, retiennent longuement l'attention, mais sont contestés à leur tour
The basilica of the sacred heart has always been the target of numerous criticisms. These cannot be understood without investigating the promoters' intentions. Under the shock of the event of 1870 in Rome as well as in France, they pledged in December 1870-January 1871 to build a church dedicated to the heart of Christ thanks to a national subscription, so as to obtain from god both salvation for France and liberation for the Holy Father. The national assembly granted their initiative the public interest status. Paul Abadie became their architect. During the slow building of the monument, pilgrimages and perpetual adoration began rapidly. The decoration expressed in the stone the builders' vision of the world. The critics and the criticisms of times past and present have long held general attention but are now being criticized themselves

Dès la fin du 19ème siècle jusqu’à la première guerre mondiale, les artistes américains se sont rendus à Paris dans le but de parfaire leur parcours artistique dans les écoles et académies d’art dont regorgeait la capitale française. Au début du 20ème siècle, alors que Paris assiste avec enthousiasme et émotion à la naissance de l’art moderne, la communauté américaine de tradition conversatrice connait de profonds changements qui vont affecter à jamais le visage de la communauté elle-Même, le développement de l’art moderne dans un Paris marqué par l’internationalisme, et le futur de l’histoire de l’art américain pour de longues années. Cette étude se propose de revenir sur ces années cruciales pour les artistes outre-Atlantique souvent négligés des études portant sur cette époque. Ces artistes tissèrent des relations amicales et professionnelles importantes avec les principaux acteurs parisiens et contribuèrent pleinement au développement et à l’essor de l’art moderne aussi bien en France qu’aux Etats-Unis
From the end of the 19th century until the First World War, American artists travel to Paris to attend the numerous art schools and official academies in order to build and refine their career. At the beginning of the 20th century, while Paris gives birth to modern art, the American community who was artistically conservative, is subject to many changes that will alter the course of modern art in Paris along with the future of American art. This study goes back to these crucial years and focuses on these artists who lived in Paris at a very special time, when the French capital was an international center for the arts. These artists are often neglected and underestimated, yet they dealt with the main artists of the time and played their

Frederick Lemaître fut l'un des comédiens les plus populaires du boulevard du crime ; au XIXème siècle. Issu de la petite bourgeoisie normande, il accéda à la célébrité en 1823 grâce à sa création du rôle de Robert Macaire dans l'auberge des adrets, et joua presque sans interruption jusqu'à sa mort en 1876. Il fut l'interprète de Victor Hugo (Ruy Blas), de Dumas (Kean), de Lamartine (Toussaint Louverture), mais aussi de nombreux obscurs auteurs de mélodrames. Ses diverses tournées lui permirent de se faire connaitre et applaudir à travers toute la France ainsi qu'à Londres, Bruxelles et Genève. Il entretint au cours de sa carrière des liens très forts avec son public, qui le suivait d'un théâtre à un autre (de la porte Saint-Martin, où il joua le plus souvent à l'ambigu et même aux variétés ou aux folies dramatiques) et savait lui manifester tout aussi bruyamment son enthousiasme que sa désapprobation. Sa vie privée, dont le public était curieux, fut en grande partie dévoilée par la presse, d'autant plus que sa femme, comme la plupart de ses maitresses, fut également sa partenaire au théâtre. Peu à peu, une véritable légende se créa autour le lui, étayée par de nombreuses anecdotes rocambolesques, le présentant comme un débauche et un ivrogne qui battait ses maitresses et jetait l'argent par les fenêtres. Peu soucieux de donner un démenti à ces allégations, Frederick Lemaître semble même parfois s'être amusé à jouer son propre rôle en dehors de la scène. A l'inverse, il prit bien davantage à cœur de réfuter l'idée, reprise par plusieurs critiques, qu'il mettait un peu de Robert Macaire dans chacune de ses créations. En effet, en 1834, il avait participé à l'écriture et interprète une pièce qui reprenait le héros de l'auberge des adrets et en faisait un escroc de haut vol. Perçue comme une satire de la société, la pièce connut un énorme succès. Par la suite, malgré ses prouesses dans de multiples rôles très différents, ce personnage lui colla à la peau durant toute la fin de sa carrière et même au-delà
Frederick Lemaître was one of the most famous actors of the + boulevard du crime ; in the xixth century. He was born in normandy in a middle-class family. He became famous in 1823 thanks to his creation of the character of robert macaire in the auberge des adrets, and played almost without a break until he died in 1876. He has been the interpreter of Victor Hugo (Ruy Blas), of Dumas (Kean), of Lamartine (Toussaint Louverture), but also of numerous unknown authors of melodrama. His differents tours allowed him to be famous through the whole country and even in london, brussels and geneva. He had very strong links with his audience, who followed him from one theater to another (from the porte saint-martin where he played most of the time to the ambigu or even the varietes or the folies-dramatiques) and this audience used to applaud him as well as to boo him if they were displeased. The audience was also interrested in the actor's private life and newspapers published a lot of articles about it, all the more than his wife, like most of his mistresses were also frequently his main partners. Gradually a real legend was created around his personnality, presenting him as a debauched man, a drunkard who beat his lovers and wasted all his money. Frederick Lemaître seams to have taken pleasure sometimes in playing his own character out of the stage. On the contrary, Frederick seams to have taken to heart to dismiss the idea, spread by several critics, that he always played something of robert macaire whatever the play he performed. In fact, in 1834 he wrote a play which showed the character of robert macaire became a great swindler and performed it. The play was perceived as a satire of the society and was very successfull. From then, in spite of all his efforts in very different parts, this robert macaire stuck to him until his death and even after

Ce travail étudie comparativement les carrières internationales des avant-gardes parisiennes, à partir d'une base de données de catalogues d'expositions. La stratégie du détour par l'étranger permettait de rester d'avant-garde dans le champ artistique parisien, tout en exportant une peinture plus vendable. En jouant sur les décalages entre les champs artistiques nationaux, les artistes prétendaient à une reconnaissance étrangère qui prouvait le retard parisien. L'accueil par l'étranger des avant-gardes parisiennes n'était pas pour autant garanti. Il peut être analysé comme le résultat d'un transfert culturel, fondé sur une stratégie d'expositions différenciées selon les lieux. Il fut assuré par une population de médiateurs cosmopolite, de position sociale intermédiaire. La clé des carrières n'était ni le système marchand-critique, ni la presse, mais une véritable anticipation herméneutique des interprétations des publics, que permettait une orientation cosmopolite.

La présente thèse propose la première monographie sur la société des Buveurs d’eau. Cette association artistique de secours mutuels rassembla dans le Paris des années 1840 onze peintres, sculpteurs et écrivains débutants qui, pour la plupart, allaient entrer dans l’histoire non pas grâce à leurs œuvres, mais parce qu’ils allaient devenir les exemples d’un type de créateur : l’artiste ou l’écrivain bohème. Ce fut leur sort à cause d’un livre que l’un d’eux publia en 1851, et ce fut à leur grand dam et au dam de l’histoire. Les Scènes de la vie de bohème d’Henry Murger fondent depuis plus d’un siècle et demi l’idée que l’on se fait de la première bohème parisienne. Elles doivent leur popularité originale à leur adaptation au théâtre de boulevard en 1849 et leur popularité durable à leur adaptation à l’opéra en 1896, dans La Bohème de Puccini. Elles doivent leur place dans les travaux universitaires aux qualités de document et de tableau de mœurs qu’on leur attribue depuis leur parution. Ce sont d’abord ces qualités du livre de Murger, largement admises sans être historiquement vérifiées, et souvent amplifiées depuis trente ans par l’histoire des représentations et par la sociologie, qui rendent les Buveurs d’eau aussi illustres qu’inconnus. C’est également l’obscurité des œuvres de ces hommes, majoritairement artistes, qui éloigne les chercheurs – et en premier lieu les historiens de l’art – de l’histoire de cette société. Or, il est possible de faire cette histoire, à l’aide des outils de l’histoire de l’art d’abord et de l’histoire littéraire ensuite. Ses fondements sont jetés ici et ils répondent à une question trop rarement posée : quel est l’art de la bohème ?
This thesis is the first monograph on the artistic brotherhood of the Water Drinkers, a mutual aid association that united eleven young painters, sculptors and writers in 1840s Paris. Most of these men were to enter history not thanks to their art but because they were to exemplify the bohemian artist or writer. That was due to a book published by one of the group members in 1851—to the disservice of the Water Drinkers and history alike. For more than a century and a half, Henri Murger’s La Vie de Bohème has been the basis of our notion of bohemian Paris. This book owes its initial fame to its theatrical adaptation in 1849 and its lasting fame to its operatic adaptation in 1896, in Puccini’s La Bohème. It owes its place in academic research to its reputation as a historical document and a novel of manners. It is first and foremost this reputation—widely accepted though historically unverified, and frequently enhanced by cultural historians and sociologists over the past three decades—that is responsible for the Water Drinkers being unknown as artists, and famous as bohemians. It is additionally the obscurity of the works of the group members, chiefly visual artists, that is responsible for scholars and especially art historians not studying their history. Yet their history can be studied, by means of art history first and literary history second. This thesis lays the foundation for this study and answers a question too seldom asked: what is bohemian art?

Cette étude se propose d'analyser quelques éléments du milieu artistique parisien entre 1896 et 1908. Le tournant du XXe siècle est considéré comme une période charnière -point final du symbolisme et point de départ des "avant-gardes"- Sans que l'on en mesure toujours la "réalité" artistique. La formation d'une nouvelle conscience artistique n'est pas le fait seulement d'une avant-garde à l'écart qui se résume souvent en quelques noms (Picasso, Matisse ou Apollinaire), mais tient à nombre de personnalités, artistes, écrivains et critiques d'art méconnus, intégrées elles aussi dans l'histoire de la modernité. Ainsi, nous avons tenté de dégager, dans une première partie, certaines manifestations artistiques qui mettent en relation tout un ensemble de personnalités qui occupent une place non négligeable au sein de l'activité littéraire, philosophique et artistique du début du XXe siècle. De ce fait, le philosophe polonais Mécislas Golberg, dont les relations avec Guillaume Apollinaire et Henri Matisse ont pu être éclaircies grâce à l'apport de correspondances inédites, apparaît comme un maillon essentiel dans le cheminement de la constitution des avant-gardes. Dans un deuxième temps, ce principe de réseaux et de collusions entre plusieurs personnalités, a été élargi au quartier Montparnasse ; ce qui nous a permis d'en préciser la genèse artistique, bien avant sa consécration à partir des années 1910. Enfin, à travers les changements que connait la critique d'art, nous avons tenté de réintégrer dans cette histoire de la naissance des avant-gardes, des critiques dont les textes nous permettent de mieux comprendre certaines évolutions, en particulier celle de la poésie-critique à travers les écrits de Marius-Ary Leblond
This study seeks to analyse some elements of the Parisian artistic environment between 1896 and 1908. The bend of the 20th century is considered as a transitory period -the end of the symbolism and the beginning of the avant-gardes- without that one always measures it the artistic "reality". The formation of a new artistic consciousness is not the fact only of an avant-garde aside which often amounts in some names (Picasso, Matisse or Apollinaire), but includes numbers of personalities, artists, writers and underestimated art critics, integrated too into the history of modernity. So we tried to develop, in a first part, some artistic manifestations which connect a set of personalities who occupy a not unimportant place within the literary, philosophic and artistiic activity of the beginning of the 20th century. Therefore, the Polish philosopher Mécislas Golberg, whose relations with Guillaume Apollinaire, and Henri Matisse were able to be cleared up thanks to the contribution of new correspondences, appears as an essential link in the progress of the constitution of the avant-garde. In a second time, it principles of networks and collusions among several personalities was widened in the district Montparnasse, what allowed us to clarify the artistic genesis of it, well before its consecration from 1910's. Finally, through the changes of the art criticism, we tried to reinstate in this history of the birth of the avant-gardes, some texts of art critics which allow us better to understand some evolutions, in particular that of the poetry-criticism through Marius-Ary Leblond's papers

Le théâtre nondramatique désigne une conception et une pratique du théâtre propre aux avant-gardes historiques parisiennes, et plus particulièrement à Gertrude Stein, aux dadaïstes et aux surréalistes. Bien qu'elles soient davantage connues pour leurs autres pratiques comme la littérature, la poésie ou la peinture, voire pour leur refus de la catégorie d'art même, le théâtre semble cependant hanter leurs productions et leurs discours. Par le refus des conventions du théâtre dramatique - de la structure narrative à la présence de personnages et à celle d'acteurs pour les incarner - Gertrude Stein, Dada et le surréalisme développent tous à leur façon une oeuvre théâtrale critique qui forment ensemble un panorama de l'antithéâtralisme propre à la modernité, mais aussi un répertoire des alternatives et variantes pensées par rapport au théâtre. Les théâtres de Gertrude Stein, de Dada et des surréalistes sont analysés au prisme des révolutions scientifiques et philosophiques de leur époque, parmi lesquelles les théories de William James se révèlent fondamentales. Dans ce contexte, les "conversation" et "landscape plays" de Stein, les soirées dadaïstes et les nombreux manifestes, comme leurs pièces de théâtre sont compris comme autant de tentatives de redéfinir le théâtre. Le théâtre nondramatique est ainsi compris comme un ensemble de théâtralités fondées sur la redéfinition de l'acte théâtral, comme la primauté du verbe, celle de l'acte performatif, et de la refonte de la communication théâtrale entre l'oeuvre et le spectateur-lecteur. De nouvelles définitions du sujet et du théâtre se font alors jour au carrefour des trois concepts esthétiques fondamentaux pour les avant-gardes : la métâthéâtralité comprise comme métalepse ontologique, la simultanéité et enfin le primitivisme
Nondramatic theater refers to a theatrical conception and an artistic practice developed by the historical Parisian avant-gardes, and more precisely by Gertrude Stein, Dadaists, and surrealists. Even though they are more commonly acknowledged for their other achievements in literature, poetry or painting, or even for their rejection of art as a category, yet, theater seems to haunt their productions and discourse. By their refusal of dramatic conventions - from the narrative structure, to the characters and the actors to incarnate them - Gertrude Stein, Dada and surrealism all develop their own critical theatrical works which form together a panorama of the antitheatricalism proper to the Modern era, but also some alternatives and variations to it thought in relation to theater. The plays by Gertrude Stein, Dada and Surreaslim are analyzed through the lens of the scientific and philosophical revolutions of their time, among which William James' theories are fundamental. Stein's conversation and landscape plays, but also the Dada evenings and the numerous manifestoes, can be considered as a variety of attempts to redefine what is theater. Nondramatic theater is thus understood as a set of theatricalities based on the redefinition of the theatrical art, like the primacy of speech, of the performative act, and the revision of the theatrical communication between the artwork and the spectator-reader. New definitions of the subject and of the theater reveal themselves at the crossroads of three aesthetical concepts that are fundamental for the avant-garde : metatheatricality understood as an ontological metalepsis, simultaneity, and finally Primitivism

Préoccupés par la conservation de leurs collections de peintures, les amateurs d’art parisiens font appel, entre 1789 et 1870, aux restaurateurs de tableaux, ces derniers relevant d’une profession qui, à la même époque, se définit indépendamment de celles du marchand, de l’expert ou même du peintre. Si le restaurateur intervient sur les œuvres du particulier, il joue, par ailleurs, pour l’amateur, un rôle de guide dans sa connaissance, voire dans son apprentissage, des procédés picturaux. Progressivement, cette prise en compte de la matérialité de l’œuvre contribue à intégrer le collectionneur au sein des commissions muséales en tant que conseiller, avant qu’il n’acquière un statut privilégié au musée à partir des années 1860 par le legs de ses œuvres
Concerned about the conservation of their art collections, in the years between 1789 and 1870, Parisian amateurs called upon the services of painting restorers, who, at that time, belonged to a profession considered quite separate from that of art dealer, expert or even painter. While the restorer worked on paintings belonging to private collectors, he also acted as a guide for the latter, broadening their knowledge of Ŕ or even teaching them about Ŕ pictorial techniques. This understanding of the materiality of artworks gradually contributed to collectors being invited into museum committees as advisors, before they acquired a privileged status in museums, from the 1860s onwards, by bequeathing their collections

Cette thèse ambitionne de définir le rôle de la marchande d’art Berthe Weill dans l’avènement de l’art moderne. À l’origine du baptême d’un nombre considérable d’artistes plus tard couronnés par le marché, son patrimoine demeure méconnu et en grande partie oublié. Occupant à la fois un statut de mécène et de découvreuse, de médiatrice et d’éditrice, elle initia à l’ouverture de son commerce en 1901 une impulsion vers la jeune peinture alors encore dépourvue de représentant. Pionnière féministe, elle usa des moyens de communication à sa disposition pour diffuser ses opinions, osant un usage véritablement politique de ses cimaises et de ses colonnes. Cette étude vise à mieux appréhender sa position dans la hiérarchie du marché de l’art moderne, en observant le contexte sociétal qui encouragea et brida ses initiatives. En quarante ans de carrière, cette femme issue d’une famille juive pauvre traversa les deux guerres mondiales, en s’imposant comme une personnalité incontournable de la vie culturelle parisienne. Sans fonds préexistant auquel se référer, des archives relatives à la Galerie B.Weill ont été entièrement reconstituées, permettant un premier bilan validant son rôle de pivot dans la carrière d’artistes majeurs de la première moitié du XXe siècle. A travers le truchement de ces archives sont soulevées des problématiques plus larges liées à la discipline de la recherche de provenance : sur les questions d’authentification, mais aussi sur les spoliations antisémites durant l’Occupation et la difficulté d’accès aux données marchandes malgré les mesures légales en place pour garantir la probité du patrimoine
The ambition of this thesis is to define the role of the art merchant Bethe Weill, in the birth of modern art. Behind the discovery of a considerable number of artists who were later crowned with success by the market, her legacy remains misunderstood and mostly forgotten. In her multiple roles as sponsor and discoverer, mediator and editor, she initiated, with the opening of her gallery in 1901, a drive toward new painting, a movement until then bereft of a spokesperson. A feminist pioneer, she used all the means of communication at her disposal to disseminate her opinions, daring to make her gallery walls and columns a site for political statements. This study hopes to elucidate her position in the hierarchy of the modern art market, looking at the societal context which encouraged or restrained her initiatives. In a career spanning forty years, this woman from a poor Jewish family lived through two world wars and established herself as a major figure in Parisian cultural life. Without a pre-existent archival foundation to which one might refer, the archives relating to the B. Weill Gallery had to be entirely reconstructed, giving initial results which validate her pivotal role in the careers of major artists of the first half of the twentieth century. Through the intermediary of these archives larger issues are raised in connection to research on provenance: questions of authentication, but also on Anti-Semitic spoliations during the Occupation and the difficulty of access to market data in spite of the legal measures in place to guarantee patrimonial probity

La plupart des études portant sur le bijou au XIXe siècle privilégient l’aspect stylistique et formel. La question des usages est, quant à elle, le plus souvent éludée et les rares considérations d’ordre social ou sociétal, lorsqu’elles sont abordées, demeurent anecdotiques. Or, le bijou joue un rôle social déterminant, notamment dans l’expression de la fortune mais aussi dans le processus d’identification et d’appartenance à un groupe. À cet égard, les périodiques de mode constituent un support d’étude des plus précieux. Ils nous renseignent sur l’usage très codifié que les femmes appartenant à l’élite faisaient de leurs bijoux, et implicitement sur la place et le rôle qui étaient assignés à ces dernières dans la société du XIXe siècle. Le périodique de mode constitue par ailleurs une source très intéressante pour contextualiser la création du bijou, qui devient dès lors un miroir des événements. Le bijou apparaît comme le reflet d’influences diverses, à la fois du point de vue technique, du choix des matériaux employés, du style adopté, des formes ou encore par la symbolique des décors travaillés. Grâce aux descriptions de bijoux contenues dans les chroniques de mode ainsi qu’aux gravures qui les accompagnent, nous retracerons une histoire des formes en discriminant les grandes tendances récurrentes entre 1820 et 1870 avant d’aborder celles qui caractérisent une période en particulier. Nous exploiterons aussi les mentions publicitaires afin d’examiner les relations qu’entretiennent les différents acteurs participant à la fabrication et au commerce des bijoux avec les phénomènes de mode
Most studies regarding 19th-century jewellery favour the study of its stylistic and formal aspects. As for its uses, they are most often eluded and the rare social and societal considerations, when they are tackled, remain anecdotal. Yet, jewellery plays a determining social role, especially in the expression of wealth but also in the process of identification and of belonging to a group. For this, fashion periodicals constitute a most precious support for study. They tell us about the very codified use women from the elite made of their jewellery, and implicitly of the place and role that was assigned to them in 19th century society. The fashion periodical is also a very interesting source to contextualise the jewel creation, which thus becomes a mirror of events. Jewellery appears as a reflection of various influences, all at once from the technical point of view, the choice of materials, the chosen style, the form or the symbolism of the worked designs. Through the descriptions of jewellery contained in fashion chronicles and engravings that accompany them, we shall retrace a history of forms by categorising the great trends recurring between 1820 and 1870 before dealing with those characterising one particular era. We shall also use advertisement notices in order to examine the relationships linking the different actors that participate in the making and marketing of jewellery with the fashion phenomena

In May 2018, a Chechen-born Frenchman killed one and injured several people in a knife attack near the Opera. A scene anticipated in the ballet La Source? In four historic performances, over 150 years, this book explores the sacrifice of an embodied Nature to the ballet’s contemporary cosmopolitics. The original ballet, via its natural history, reflected on the history of difference within France as well as the question of “force” or regeneration of the “race.” By 1875, La Source revealed the colonial stakes of national technologies, ethnic tensions and competition for resources, racialized and gendered differences, and cultural confrontation. In its 21st century revival, playing alongside the Arab spring and movements for gender and climate justice, the ballet stages the displacement of a narrative about the environment onto Muslim conflict. Rather than a platform to reconsider the caricatures of Muslims running through French cultural production, or the lack of minority representation, the ballet serves as an example of the state of emergency declared to protect planet climate negotiations but cast in the rhetoric of a war against Islamic terrorism. In 2011 and 2014, the ballet’s intrigues of environmental crisis and Muslim violence could not have been more current, but they were represented by the Opera under a banner of “re-enchantment” that disavowed the ballet’s historic centrality and continuing interest.

Anton von Werner’s Im Etappenquartier vor Paris (In quarters before Paris) is based on a sketch done by the painter during the German military campaign against France in October 1870. German soldiers amuse themselves with songs at the piano in a requisitioned manor house near Paris (Brunoy). Attracted by the music, the French concierge and child appear in the doorway. Some mundane activities to further enhance the atmosphere are in progress: lamps are lighted and a fire is kindled in the fireplace. We even know the song that is performed: Schubert’s “Am Meer” (By the sea), with words by Heinrich Heine. Nothing yet anticipates the disillusioned statement of George Steiner that became characteristic of late-twentieth-century reflection on war and culture: “We know now that a man can read Goethe or Rilke in the evening, that he can play Bach and Schubert, and go to his day’s work at Auschwitz in the morning.” In Werner’s painting, war still seems to be an innocent affair that first of all produces mud-stained boots. These boots and the sphere of fraternization that even encompasses the French housekeeper were meant to evoke the impression of sincerity in German soldiers, according to a German art historian. Ultimately converted into a painting, the picture became really popular when it was sold on the German market as a small tapestry after 1895. As the German writer and critic Ludwig Pietsch wrote at the time, “[Such pictures show] the good-natured and sentimental nature of the national character [. . .] which even in the rough and wild times of war and in the midst of an irreconcilable enemy cannot be denied.” Not surprisingly, the French reading of this picture (once or twice on exhibition in Paris) is somewhat different: “The attitudes of the lumpish soldiers with their blusterous posture, their heavy mud-stained boots, are completely in contrast to the refinement of the furniture. The conquerors behave somewhat like vandals. At the right in the doorway, the maid, on whom an officer seems to have designs, watches the scene accompanied by her daughter, who is hardly able to hide her fear.”

This chapter surveys how the case comparisons were selected and how they throw new light on well known histories of declining states. We compare pairs of states falling at similar rates but responding slightly differently. The small decliners are 1872 and 1908 Great Britain; the medium decliners are 1888 Russia and 1893 France; the large decliners are 1908 Russia and 1925 France.

Gall remained a controversial figure throughout his life, which ended in Paris in 1828. In his later years, he continued to fight with Georges Cuvier, who had overseen the rejection of his and Spurzheim’s Mémoire to the Institut National in 1808, and with Cuvier’s protégé, physiologist Pierre Flourens. Flourens initially looked favorably on Gall’s doctrine, but during the 1820s his brain lesion experiments on birds and other animals were heralded by the French élite as strong evidence against cortical localization of function. Despite this formidable opposition, Gall did find a supporter of localization of function in physician Jean-Baptiste Bouillaud, who started reporting in 1825 that lesions of the anterior part of the brain are more likely to affect speech than posterior brain damage. Gall’s health began to fail a year later, when he was 68 and began to have strokes. After he succumbed to a cerebral hemorrhage in 1828, his body was buried in Paris’ Cimetiére du Pére-Lachaise, but not his skull, which was examined by his followers and added to his collection. Gall’s organologie, now regarded as phrénologie, now began an even steeper decline in France and throughout the Continent, although “popular phrenology,” with less emphasis on the underlying science, continued to be influential on British and American landscapes.

The attempts to ban the burkini on numerous beaches in the summer of 2016 highlight the extent of fears of visual signifiers of Arabo-Muslim ‘difference’ in public spaces in France. Given these anxieties, the positive reception of El Seed’s ‘calligraffiti’ – combining graffiti and Arabic calligraphy – in Paris might seem surprising. Focusing on El Seed’s work, this chapter asks how art can encourage dialogue and tolerance between cultures and communities in local – particularly Parisian – contexts and in a globalised frame. How does El Seed bring Arabic writing, a visual signifier of ‘difference’, into the public spaces of the French capital? How does he use public sites within and beyond France? How does the digital online presence of his multi-sited ephemeral work signal new means of evoking cultural identity and of interpolating diversely located spectators?