Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Art – Political aspects – Zimbabwe'
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Gandari, Jonathan. "An examination of how organisational policy and news professionalism are negotiated in a newsroom: a case study of Zimbabwe's Financial gazette." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002884.
Full textSamwanda, Biggie. "Postcolonial monuments and public sculpture in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006825.
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Wachanga, David Ndirangu. "Sanctioned and Controlled Message Propagation in a Restrictive Information Environment: The Small World of Clandestine Radio Broadcasting." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5113/.
Full textMunyanyi, Rachael Mationesa. "The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8972_1182748616.
Full textThe food security crisis which gripped the sub Sahara Africa after the drought in 1999/2000 threatened development initiatives in these countries. Zimbabwe&rsquo
s situation has since worsened and the country has failed to recuperate from the food problems, even after an improvement in the climatic conditions. International and local food aid activities then became a priority in the fight to sustain the right to food for the affected regions. It is argued in this research that if food aid is distributed on the basis of need it will enable the vulnerable populations recuperate form food insecurity problems. It is also postulated that if well implemented, food aid programmes are also able to play the dual role of averting starvation and leading to long term development. This thesis departs from the allegations of food aid politicisation in Zimbabwe.
Using the rational choice and neopatrimonial theories of individual behaviour, this research endeavored to ascertain whether political decisions influenced the government food aid distributions which were conducted through the Grain Marketing Board. In line with these theories, it is argued in this study that politicians behave in a manner that maximizes the fulfillment of their individual needs rather than the needs of the people who vote them in positions of power.
A qualitative approach was adopted in this study and data was gathered through household interviews in the Seke and Goromonzi districts of the Mashonaland East province in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, interviews were conducted with food aid experts from the governmental and non governmental organisations dealing with food security issues in Zimbabwe.
Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.
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Matiza, Tafadzwa. "The influence of non-financial nation brand image dimensions on foreign direct investment inflows in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/8902.
Full textMuzvidziwa, Itai. "Gender equality in decision-making processes: the case of the Zimbabwean cabinet." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018649.
Full textYounge, James Gavin Forrest. "The mirror and the square : a study of ideology within contemporary art systems with special reference to the American avant-garde in the period 1933-1953." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/16370.
Full textThis dissertation argues that abstract art is not ideologically neutral. In spite of many artists' anti-fascist stance early in their careers, the mantle of neutrality was assumed as a reaction to the protracted struggle between the two major ideologies confronting artists living in Europe and the United States of America in the period 1933-1953, namely capitalism and communism. These ideologies were not peripheral to artists lives, but were actively debated by both artists and intellectuals and resulted in the establishment of powerful cultural organisations. The ensuing growth in prestige and influence of left-wing artist's organisations was countered by a campaign which included direct suppression of left-wing artists as well as a form of ideological control. This control was vested in what has been called the specifics of patronage and is reflected in the establishment of the Arts Council in Britain and the private art museums in the United States. Changes in the art market have meant that, together with dealers and critics, these institutions wielded almost complete economic control over artists. The prevailing ideology of liberal humanism, which glorified individualism and defined democracy as a middle ground between the left and the right, favoured the development of a seemingly apolitical abstract art style. Analysis of the demise of the Artists International Association and the American Artist's Congress supports the conclusion that the figurative tradition lost prestige as a result of the stigma attached to Socialist Realism and the idealised realism demanded by National Socialism in Germany. Account is also taken of the attempt by well-positioned and influential commentators to identify all forms of realism with totalitarianism. It is not surprising therefore, that it was commonly believed that to paint in an abstract modern style was to strike a blow against fascism. In the same way that realism was identified with the regimentation of Soviet society, the avant-gardes' abstract experiments came to symbolize democracy. Drawing on the texts of writers, critics, artists and theorists, this dissertation shows that the force of the identification of progressive realism with totalitarianism, prepared the way for acceptance of the idea that freedom of expression epitomised freedom in general. In this way, anti-Stalinism and the post-war liberal philosophy of individual freedom, coupled with a search for 'essences' and the 'universal', directed artists inward to the medium of art as relevant subject-matter. This dissertation argues that this identification was ideologically motivated in respect to the balance of social and political power in America.
Nyaungwa, Mathew. "Newspapers' institutional voices in Zimbabwe : speaking to power through editorials between 1 June and 31 December 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017786.
Full textVan, der Merwe Justin Daniel Sean. "The 2003 Cricket World Cup : implications for identity formation and democratization prospects for Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16507.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: There can be little doubt about the ability of major international sporting events to capture the aspirations and hopes of nations. These events have an uncanny ability of seemingly effortlessly doing what a hundred speeches and mass rallies by politicians could only hope to achieve. Therefore, it is no surprise that they are commonly understood to be able to bring nations and people together and provide a focus for national identity and unity. The 1995 Rugby World Cup in South Africa is an obvious proponent of such a claim, whereby South Africa was emerging from a long and arduous political transition and needed something more than going to the polling booths to unite the nation. Major international sporting events are also said to be able to provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes. The 1988 Olympics in South Korea is a landmark of such claims whereby the South Korean government was said to bow to the democratizing pressures exerted on it due to its hosting of the event. Many have argued that China’s hosting of the Olympics in 2008 will have a similar effect. However, equally potent, major international sporting events can have various unintended consequences in terms of identity formation, democratization prospects and human rights for the host nations. An analysis of South Africa and Zimbabwe’s co-hosting of the 2003 Cricket World Cup demonstrates this point. The outcomes of the study suggest that whilst it is normally the intention for the host nations to use the games to bring nations and people together, the Cricket World Cup opened up a rift between races, both within the race contours of the cricket playing Commonwealth world and within South Africa's domestic politics. It was also established that much like the 1995 Rugby World Cup had sought to reconcile blacks and whites domestically under the “Rainbow Nation” during Mandela's presidency, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, with its more regional focus and under Mbeki’s presidency, presented an excellent opportunity for transnational reconciliation between Africa and the Anglo-Saxon world. However, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, as a project in racial reconciliation, was essentially a failure. This was predominantly due to the choice by South Africa of Zimbabwe as co-host and due to the shift of South Africa's national identity from that of the “Rainbow Nation” under Mandela, to that of “Africanism” under Mbeki. President Mbeki’s drive towards “Africanism” proved divisive both transnationally and domestically. Symbolically, the Cricket World Cup, when compared with the 1995 Rugby World Cup, had served to highlight the decline of the “Rainbow Nation”. Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event had served to further entrench the authoritarian regime. Instead of the regime opening up due to its co-hosting of the event, a broad clampdown on civil and political liberties was experienced. The Zimbabwean government felt the need to tighten its grip during the lead up to the event and throughout the tournament itself. The aim was to project a sanitized view of Zimbabwe to the rest of the world. Thus, the event presented an opportunity for the government to shore up its credibility and produce political propaganda. South Africa’s stance of “quiet diplomacy” also indirectly helped to further entrench the regime through the World Cup. Zimbabwe's co-hosting also impacted negatively on the opposition, the MDC. In addition to this, the various pressures which major events are said to exert on a host nation to reform politically and which result from boycott campaigns, pressure from the media, stimulation of civil society and protests, were not very effective in enhancing democratization prospects and human rights in Zimbabwe. This study reaches the overall conclusion that the claims that major events bring nations and people together and provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian regimes, need further revision. South Africa and Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event did indeed have unintended consequences. Policy implications are also assessed. Future areas for research are also identified.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar bestaan min twyfel dat groot internasionele sportgebeurtenisse die strewes en verwagtinge van nasies aanwakker. Hierdie gebeutenisse het die vermoë om op ‘n oënskylike moeitelose wyse meer te bereik as wat ‘n honderd toesprake en massavergaderings deur politici kan hoop om te bereik. Daarom is dit geen verrassing nie dat daar vry algemeen aanvaar word dat hierdie gebeurtenisse oor die vermoë beskik om nasies en mense by mekaar te bring en ‘n fokus vir nasionale identiteit en eenheid kan verskaf. Die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker in Suid-Afrika, is ‘n ooglopende voorbeeld: Suid Afrika het uit ‘n lang en moeilike politieke oorgang gekom en het meer as ‘n blote verkiesing nodig gehad ten einde die nasie te verenig. Voorts is dit ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse ‘n katalisator of aansporing is vir demokratisering en die bevordering van mensregte in outoritêre en semi-outoritêre regerings. Die 1988 Olimpiese Spele in Suid-Korea ondersteun hierdie aanspraak. As gasheerland van hierdie spele, het die Suid-Koreaanse regering onder toenemende druk gekom om aan die vereistes van demokrasie te voldoen. Daar word verwag dat die Olimpiese Spele van 2008 dieselfde impak op China, die gasheerland, sal hê. Terselfdertyd is dit egter ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse vir die gasheerlande onverwagte negatiewe gevolge ten opsigte van identiteitsvorming, demokratiseringsvooruitsigte en bevordering van menseregte kan hê. n’ Ontleiding van Sui-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker staaf hierdie stelling. Die resultate van die studie toon aan dat alhoewel gasheerlande normaalweg groot sportgebeurtenisse gebruik om nasies en mense byeen te bring, het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker ‘n kloof tussen rasse veroorsaak – binne die krieketspelende Statebondswêreld sowel as die Suid- Afrikaanse huishoudelike politiek. Daar is ook vasgestel dat net soos die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker aan Suid-Afrika tydens die presidentskap van Mandela en onder die vaandel van die “Reënboognasie” ‘n plaaslike versoeningsgeleentheid tussen swart en wit gebied het, net so het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker, met sy regionale fokus en onder presidentskap van Mbeki, ook ‘n uitstekende geleentheid vir trans-nasionale versoening tussen Afrika en die Anglo-Saksiese wêreld gebied. As versoeningsprojek was die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker egter in wese ‘n mislukking, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van Suid-Afrika se besluit dat Zimbabwe ‘n mede-gasheer moes wees en weens die feit dat Suid-Afrika se nasionale identiteit ‘n klemverskuiwing van “Reënboognasie” onder Mandela tot “Afrikanisme” onder Mbeki, ondergaan het. President Mbeki se beklemtoning van “Afrikanisme” was ook huishoudelik en trans-nasionaal verdelend. Simbolies gesproke, het die Krieket Wêreldbeker – in teenstelling met die Rugby Wêreldbeker – die “Reënboognasie” se verkwyning beklemtoon. Daar is ook vasgestel dat Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die Krieket Wêreldbeker inderdaad hierdie outoritêre regering versterk het. In plaas daarvan die Zimbabwiese regering sy outoritêre greep as gevolg van sy mede-aanbieding verslap het, was daar inderdaad ‘n verdere breë onderdrukking van burgerlike en politieke regte. Die Zimbabwiese regering het in die aanloop tot en in die loop van die toernooi sy outoritêre greep verstewig ten einde ‘n gesaniteerde beeld van Zimbabwe aan die res van die wêreld te kon voorhou. Die Zimbabwiese regering het die geleentheid misbruik om geloofwaardigheid te probeer wen en politieke propaganda uit te stuur. Suid-Afrika se standpunt van “stille diplomasie” het ook die hand van Zimbabwiese regering versterk; en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het ‘n negatiewe impak op die opposisie, die MDC, gehad. Die dwang wat op gasheerlande deur middel van boikotte, die media en proteste uitgeoefen kan word om polities te hervorm, was in die geval van Zimbabwe nie effektief nie. In hierdie studie word tot die slotsom gekom dat die aansprake dat groot sportgebeurtenisse nasies en mense saambring en ‘n aansporing vir demokratisering van outoritêre regerings is, verdere hersiening verg. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het onbeoogde gevolge gehad – en in sommige gevalle was hierdie gevolge selfs direk die teenoorgestelde van wat verwag is. Beleidsimplikasies word ook evalueer. Voorts word toekomstige navorsingsareas ook identifiseer.
Donelson, Sarah L. "Cries of agony : a work in photographic montage." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/864904.
Full textDepartment of Art
Koekemoer, Carmen. "Political grey : areas of ambiguity and contradiction." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013136.
Full textMukundu, Rashweat. "A critical discourse analysis of the coverage of operation "Restore Order" (Operation Murambatsvina) by Zimbabwe's weekly newspapers, the state-owned The Sunday Mail and the privately owned The Standard, in the period 18 May to 30 June 2005." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002925.
Full textMosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
Purnomo, Setianingsih, University of Western Sydney, Faculty of Visual and Performing Arts, and Department of Art History and Criticism. "The voice of muted people in modern Indonesian art." THESIS_FVPA_XXX_Purnomo_S.xml, 1995. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/661.
Full textMaster of Arts (Hons)
Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.
Full textMandipa, Esau. "A critical analysis of the legal and institutional frameworks for the realisation of the rights of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18613.
Full textThesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
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LLM
Wise, Gianni Ian Media Arts College of Fine Arts UNSW. "Scenario House." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Media Arts, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/26230.
Full textLaw, Nga Wing. "Performing identities: performative practices in post-handover Hong Kong art & activism." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/518.
Full textKroeter, Chloe Melinda. "Art and activism : promoting change through British periodical illustration, 1893-1914." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648341.
Full textMoyo, Chelesani. "A critical history of the rise and fall of the first ever independently owned Matabeleland publication in Zimbabwe : the case of The Southern Star." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013273.
Full textSteyn, Pieter Andrew. "The relationship between the concept 'art' and its institutionalisation during the period 1850-1871 in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005626.
Full textLochner, Eben. "The democratisation of art CAP as an alternative art space in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002205.
Full textHignell-Tully, Daniel Alexander. "Scoring other : the social function of art-making." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/68361/.
Full textShaw, Nancy (Nancy Alison) 1962. "Modern art, media pedagogy and cultural citizenship : the Museum of Modern Art's television project, 1952-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36790.
Full textPolgovsky, Ezcurra Mara. "Touched bodies : corporeal ethics in Latin American art at the onset of the media age." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709431.
Full textLeung, Wai-yee, and 梁偉怡. "The politics of perversion: the critical pedagogy of art in the age of advanced mechanical reproduction." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31952720.
Full textCooper, Craig. "The interrelationship and inscription in the experience of place in Hong Kong: art, bodies and architectures." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/749.
Full textThériault, Mark J. "Art as propaganda in Vichy France, 1940-1944." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112592.
Full textThe fine arts were purged of "foreign" influences, yet the German Arno Breker was invited to exhibit his sculptures in Paris. In the spirit of national redressement, traditional French art was promoted; however, Modern art, which Hitler condemned as cultural Bolshevism, continued to be produced. With reference to the words of Petain, Hitler, French artists and art critics, and a variety of artworks, this thesis shows how art was used to propagate the ideology of the Vichy regime.
Ganczak, Iwona. "At the crossroads of politics and culture : Polish dissident art of the 1980s." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83104.
Full textMcClelland, Roderick William. "White discourse in post-independence Zimbabwean literature." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18261.
Full textMlotshwa, Khanyile Joseph. "An interrogation of the representation of the San and Tonga ethnic ‘minorities’ in the Zimbabwean state-owned Chronicle, and the privately owned Newsday Southern Edition/Southern Eye newspapers during 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018546.
Full textOliveira, Mariana Bueno de. ""Tenho gatilhos e tambores" : impasses estéticos e engajamento político nas canções de Sérgio Ricardo (1958 - 1967) /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/157168.
Full textBanca: Rodrigo Czajka
Banca: Thaís Regina Pavez
Resumo: A presente pesquisa aborda o engajamento da bossa nova por meio da análise da obra fonográfica de Sérgio Ricardo, momento de impasses de uma geração de artistas que se debateu no limiar do engajamento artístico, da politização das artes e da emergência de uma indústria cultural no Brasil. Temos no período um projeto desenvolvimentista que contempla grande parte da classe média no Brasil, dessa mesma classe média surge um grupo de artistas e intelectuais que estão completamente relacionados com uma dimensão ideológica e política produzida em décadas anteriores, anos 1920, 1930 e 1940 (como o modernismo cultural, literatura regional, etc.) e usam da arte para tematizar questões que a política não consegue resolver. Sérgio Ricardo é um desses artistas que se sensibilizam com essas questões da realidade nacional, dos problemas da desigualdade social, da pobreza, mas eles não são oriundos dessa classe pela qual se sensibilizam. Demonstraremos como a obra de Sérgio Ricardo reflete, concomitantemente, uma síntese e um desajuste fecundo no processo de politização da arte e do artista na passagem das décadas de 1950 e 1960, tendo como referência a questão do nacional-popular e o engajamento de intelectuais e artistas contra a ditadura militar instaurada em 1964. Sérgio Ricardo demonstra através de suas canções que é possível assumir a vertente da bossa nova Nacionalista sem abandonar as formalidades estéticas da bossa nova Intimista. Aproximou-se dos músicos populares, mas nunca negou... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This research addresses the engagement of bossa nova by recording work of Sergio Ricardo's analysis, deadlocks time of a generation of artists who struggled on the threshold of artistic engagement, the politicization of the arts and the emergence of a cultural industry in Brazil. In this period we have a developmentalist project that contemplates a large part of the middle class in Brazil, from the same middle class a group of artists and intellectuals who are completely related to an ideological and political dimension produced in previous decades, 1920s, 1930s and 1940s cultural modernism, regional literature, etc.) and use art to thematize issues that politics can not solve. Sérgio Ricardo is one of those artists who are sensitive to these issues of the national reality, the problems of social inequality and poverty, but they do not come from this class by which they are sensitized. We will demonstrate how Sérgio Ricardo's work reflects, simultaneously, a fruitful synthesis and mismatch in the process of politicizing art and the artist in the 1950s and 1960s, with reference to the national-popular issue and the engagement of intellectuals and artists. Artists against the military dictatorship established in 1964. Sérgio Ricardo demonstrates through his songs that it is possible to take on the bossa nova Nacionalista side without abandoning the aesthetic formalities of bossa nova Intimista. He approached the popular musicians, but never denied the influence of jazz or class... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
Behrens, Monika Art College of Fine Arts UNSW. "Silent bang." Publisher:University of New South Wales. Art, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/42557.
Full textDe, Kock-Wiesener Cornelia. "Teken, landskap en kennis : 'n ondersoek na die rol van teken in Suid-Afrikaanse kuns." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53613.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the role played by drawings in the creation of knowledge. The study specifically focuses on drawings of the South African landscape and how it led to knowledge of our country. The Western perception of the concept of nature in relation to culture or civilisation is investigated by brief reference to a few periods in Western history. It is argued that man and nature was separated in Western thought by the establishment of rational thinking. This concept led to man's exploitation of nature to his own advantage. The division between man and nature was broadened in the quest for technological advancement. The first European travellers came to South Africa with a Western mind set, hoping for better economical conditions. The illustrated traveller's report reflects the verbal and visual capturing and exploitation of the South African landscape. It is further argued that European travellers tried to structure the landscape according to Western aesthetical traditions. Drawings appear to be picturesque but have radical political, economical and social implications. Colonial depictions created knowledge, but in fact symbolically legitimise the expansion of power. Until the middle of the twentieth century Western aesthetic traditions were applied to visual depictions of the South African landscape. During this period, artists were uncritical of the oppressive political system and in doing so gave their tacit consent. Ever since the middle of the twentieth century, several artists voiced their opinions against the unfair policy of the ruling political party. Visual images asked subtle questions and gave radical judgements; thus knowledge was created and a contribution made to the freedom of all South Africans. My drawings of South African landscapes are to be understood against this theoretical background. I use drawings to ask questions about the relationship between the visual image and the establishment of knowledge. I also refer to the relationship between the original and the copy, reality, the photo and the drawing. I conclude the following: drawings lead to the creation of knowledge and landscape depictions have implications of power. The solution to this problem lies, in the end, once more III drawings.My depictions of South African landscapes are given as an answer.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n ondersoek na die rol wat visuele beelde kan speel in die oordrag van idees. Daar word spesifiek gekyk na hoe tekeninge van die Suid-Afrikaanse landskap gelei het tot die totstandkoming van kennis oor ons land. Die Westerse verstaan van die begrip natuur in verhouding tot kultuur of beskawing word ondersoek deur kortliks te verwys na 'n paar periodes gedurende die Westerse geskiedenis. Daar word aangevoer dat Westerse denke die mens en die natuur van mekaar geskei het deur die instelling van rasionele denke. So het daar 'n geloof in menslike rede ontstaan. Dié beskouing het daartoe gelei dat die mens die natuur begin uitbuit het tot eie voordeel. Die kloof tussen mens en natuur het al hoe dieper geword in 'n strewe na tegnologiese vooruitgang. Die eerste Europese reisigers het vanuit 'n Westerse verwysingsraamwerk na Suid-Afrika gekom met die hoop op beter ekonomiese vooruitsigte. Die geïllustreerde reisverslag weerspieël die inneming en uitbuiting van die Suid-Afrikaanse landskap visueel en verbaal. Daar word aangevoer dat Europese reisigers die landskap deur middel van tekeninge, uitgevoer volgens Westerse estetiese tradisies, probeer struktureer het. Tekeninge kom skilderagtig voor, maar het radikale politiese, ekonomiese en sosiale implikasies. Koloniale tekeninge het kennis geskep en in werklikheid magsuitbreiding simbolies gelegitimeer. Westerse estetiese tradisies is tot die middel van die twintigste eeu toegepas op visuele uitbeeldings van die Suid-Afrikaanse landskap. Gedurende dié tydperk het kunstenaars die onderdrukkende, heersende politieke stelsel in werklikheid ondersteun deur totaalonkrities daarteenoor te staan. Teen die middel van die twintigste eeu het verskillende kunstenaars in opstand gekom teen die onregverdige beleid van die regerende party. Visuele beelde is gebruik om subtiele vrae te stel sowel as radikale uitsprake te lewer en het so kennis geskep en bygedra tot die bevryding van alle Suid- Afrikaners. My tekeninge van Suid-Afrikaanse landskappe moet teen dié teoretiese agtergrond gelees word. Ek gebruik teken om vrae steloor die verhouding tussen die visuele beeld en kennis wat so tot stand kom. Daar word verwys na die verhouding tussen oorspronklike en kopie, werklikheid, foto en tekening. Die gevolgtrekking is dat tekeninge kan lei tot die totstandkoming van kennis en dat uitbeeldings van landskappe magsimplikasies kan hê. Die oplossing vir hierdie probleem lê uiteindelik weer in tekeninge. My uitbeeldings van Suid-Afrikaanse landskappe word as antwoord gebied.
Kambanje, Cuthbert. "Economic impacts of large-scale land investments along the emerging Chisumbanje Sugarcane Bio-ethanol Value Chain in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1737.
Full textKaden, Martha J. "Herinnering, geskiedenis, identiteit : 'n ondersoek na beeld en teks in mito-poesis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/8546.
Full text214 Leaves printed on single pages, preliminary pages i- xvi and numbered pages 1-191. Includes bibliography and illustrations.
Digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner. Digitized by Ivan Jacobs on request of Niel Hendrickz, 15 April 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This investigation is informed by the assumption that language, as representation and as image, is positioned in a metaphorical relationship to reality. Language, as a structure of representation, is the way in which we represent reality to ourselves and to others and recreate the past, as well as the way in which we invest our lives with meaning, significance and experience. Language includes visual and verbal representation, and this investigation shows how image and text create a variety of multiple meanings through playful and interactive reciprocation. Following from the assumption that language comprises temporal and spatial qualities, it is also the terrain that enables us to know and understand reality, ourselves, and others. This emphasizes the material nature of language, which is also connected with social and cultural practices and, as such, involves reciprocation and interaction between divergences. Language is therefore a mode of action that makes the bridging of divisions possible. Language is proposed as a medium through which the monolithic hegemony of the apartheid past may be confronted within a multicultural South Africa. The aim of representing this past in my work is not to recall it as it was or to discover etemal, inheritable qualities, but rather to bring about re-demption (healing) through re-presentation. Re-demption and re-presentation is a textual practice that involves a re-script of the past. With the understanding that history and culture are regarded as text, re-writing the past does not involve representation as mimesis, but as production. This investigation recognizes the role of the subconscious as the other or the alterity in all language constructs that makes it possible to circumvent the logic of binary oppositions; entertain alternatives simultaneously; erase boundaries; share spaces, and discover the other in the self. This unconscious language of the other, as a strange doubling and interplay between near and far, gives rise to poies/s. The creation of multi-dimensional spaces that draw the poetical and the everyday into an imaginative and directed conceptual interplay as well as provoke dialogue between differences and diversities, engenders a desire for the complexity of the other. The interplay and recurrent movement across divisions and between paradoxes create a new and changed interspace, characterized by difference, plurality, and contradiction. Intertextual spaces allow relationships between differences and exist precisely as a result of dialogicity between diversities. In this way it is possible to establish, by virtue of difference, a mutual, interdependent relationship with the other. Metaphorical language requires an allegorical reading that places divergences in relation to one another, thereby causing a mythic animation of signification that moves from one level to another. Mytho-poeisis, as an allegorical structure, is proposed as a model by means of which symbolic transformation and redemption of the personal and collective psyche may occur. Poetic re-imagining as re-presentation impels change and transformation and points to other possible forms of social and ethical experiences. This impulse, to reconcile the social and the aesthetic, or the cultural with symbolic form, is based on the principle of reconciliation between art and life.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie ondersoek handhaaf die veronderstelling dat taal in 'n metaforiese verhouding tot die werklikheid staan as voorstelling en as beeld. Taal, as 'n struktuur van voorstelling, is die wyse waarop ons die werklikheid aan onsself en ander voorstel en die verlede herskep, asook die wyse waarop ons sin, betekenis en ervaring aan ons lewens verskaf. Taal sluit visuele en verbale voorstellings in en hierdie ondersoek toon op watter wyse beeld en teks in speelse en interaktiewe wisselwerking 'n verskeidenheid meersinnige betekenisse skep. Uitgaande van die veronderstelling dat taal temporele en ruimtelike kwaliteite betrek, is dit ook die terrein wat ons in staat stel om die werklikheid, onsself en ander te ken en verstaan. Dit beklemtoon die materiele aard van taal, wat ook met sosiale en kulturele praktyke verbind is en sodanig wisselwerking en interaksie tussen uiteenlopendhede betrek. Taal is dus 'n modus van doen, wat oorbrugging van skeidings moontlik maak. Taal word as 'n medium voorgestel waardeur die monolitiese hegemonie van die apartheidsverlede binne 'n multikulturele Suid-Afrika gekonfronteer word. Voorstelling van hierdie verlede in my werk is nie met die doel om dit te herroep soos dit was, of ewige, erfbare eienskappe te ontdek nie, maar eerder om herstel deur her-voorstelling te bewerkstellig. Her-stel en her-voorstelling is 'n tekstuele praktyk wat 'n re-skripsie van die verlede behels. Met begrip dat geskiedenis en kultuur as teks beskou word, behels die her-skryf van die verlede nie voorstelling as mimesis nie, maar as produksie. Hierdie ondersoek erken die rol van die onderbewussyn as die ander of die alteriteit (alterity) in alle taalvoorstellings wat dit moontlik maak om die logika van binere oposisies te omseil; alternatiewe gelyktydig in ag te neem; grense uit te wis, ruimtes te deel en die ander in die self te ontdek. Hierdie onbewuste taal van die ander, as 'n vreemde verdubbeling en spel tussen naby en ver, gee aanleiding tot poesis (poiesis). Die skep van multidimensionele ruimtes wat die poetiese en die alledaagse in 'n verbeeldingryke en gerigte konseptuele wisselspel betrek, asook dialoog tussen verskille en diversiteite bewerkstellig, skep 'n aandrang vir die kompleksiteit van die ander. Die interspel en ewigdurende beweging oor skeidings en tussen paradokse skep 'n nuwe en veranderde interruimte, wat gekenmerk word deur verskil, pluraliteit en kontradiksie. Intertekstuele ruimtes laat verskilsverhoudings toe en bestaan juis as gevolg van dialogisiteit tussen diversiteite. Op hierdie wyse is dit moontlik om op grond van verskil 'n wedersydse en interafhanklike verhouding met die ander aan te knoop. Metaforiese taalgebruik verg 'n allegoriese lees wat uiteenlopendhede in verhouding tot mekaar plaas sodat dit 'n mitiese animasie van betekening bewerkstellig wat vanaf een vlak na 'n ander vlak beweeg. Mito-poesis, as 'n allegoriese struktuur, word voorgestel as model waarvolgens simboliese transformasie en herstel van die persoonlike en kollektiewe psige kan geskied. Poetiese her-verbeelding as her-voorstelling motiveer verandering en transformasie en dui op ander moontlike vorms van sosiale en etiese ervarings. Hierdie impuls, om die sosiale en die estetiese, of om die kulturele met simboliese vorm te vereenselwig, berus op die beginsel van versoening tussen kuns en lewe.
Baumann, Chiara Manina. "A legal and ethical analysis of the South African government’s response toward Zimbabwean immigrants." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4347.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of the South African government‘s response toward Zimbabwean immigration, focusing on the period from 2000 to July 2009. The aim is to shed light on why the government has acted in the manner that it has, using a human security framework. South Africa‘s legal obligations under international, regional, and domestic law are investigated and the ethical debate concerning issues of entrance and borders is explored. Concepts of morality, universality, and human dignity are central to this discussion. Against this backdrop, the Zimbabwean migration is briefly analysed in terms of push and pull factors and numbers; and the legal debate concerning the classification of Zimbabweans is explored. The challenges Zimbabweans face in South Africa and how the government has dealt with the Zimbabwean immigration is covered. Key actors from civil society and government are interviewed in an attempt to engage opinions about the government‘s response. The main opinions as to why the government has responded in the manner it has are then discussed and other factors are considered. Issues of solidarity, land reform, and South Africa‘s involvement in the Zimbabwean mediation process are some of the factors considered. The conclusion of this study is that the South African government has not succeeded in meeting its legal obligations nor acted ethically concerning Zimbabwean immigrants. The particular sentiments of ex-president Thabo Mbeki, the solidarity amongst national liberation movements, regional considerations, and the capitalist interests of some South Africans are factors that carry the most weight in explaining the South African government‘s response to the Zimbabwean crisis and its subsequent migrants.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n studie van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die immigrasie van Zimbabwiërs na Suid-Afrika, met die klem op die tydperk tussen 2000 en Julie 2009. Die doel is om lig te werp op die regering se optrede in dié tydperk aan die hand van 'n menslike veiligheidsnetwerk. Suid-Afrika se regsverpligtinge onder internasionale, streek- en plaaslike reg, sowel as die etiese debat rakende kwessies soos die binnekoms van immigrante en grense, word ondersoek. Konsepte van moraliteit, universaliteit en menslike waardigheid , staan sentraal tot hierdie bespreking. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die Zimbabwiese migrasie kortliks ontleed in terme van die stukrag-en-trefkrag faktore en getalle; en word die regsdebat oor die klassifisering van Zimbabwiërs onder die loep geneem. Die uitdagings wat Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika in die gesig staar en hoe die regering Zimbabiese immigrasie hanteer het, word bekyk. Onderhoude is gevoer met sleutelspelers in die burgerlike samelewing en die regering in ‗n poging om agter die kap van die byl te kom met betrekking tot die regering se reaksie op Zimbabwiese immigrasie. Die belangrikste standpunte ten opsigte van die regering se optrede word dan bespreek in die lig van faktore soos solidariteit, grondhervorming, en Suid-Afrika se betrokkenheid by die Zimbabwiese mediasieproses. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering nie daarin geslaag het om sy regsverpligtinge na te kom nie, en nie eties korrek opgetree het nie met betrekking tot Zimbabwiese immigrante. Die sentimente van oudpres. Thabo Mbeki, die solidariteit onder die nasionale bevrydingsbewegings, en die kapitalistiese belange van sekere Suid-Afrikaners, is van die belangrikste faktore aan die hand waarvan die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die Zimbabwiese immigrasie-krisis verklaar word.
Dickenson, Rachelle. "The stories told : indigenous art collections, museums, and national identities." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98919.
Full textVan, Robbroeck Lize. "Writing white on black : modernism as discursive paradigm in South African writing on modern Black art." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1329.
Full textPycroft, Hayley. "Beyond Afrocentricism and Orientalism contemporary representations of transnational identities in the works of Nontsikelelo "Lolo" Veleko and Tracy Payne." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002216.
Full textFournier, Anik Micheline. "Building nation and self through the other : two exhibitions of Chinese painting in Paris, 19331977." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82704.
Full textHojdyssek, Gunter Art College of Fine Arts UNSW. "From laughing at the world to living in the world." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Art, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/43091.
Full textKam, Ting, and 甘婷. "An analysis of policy agenda setting: a studyof government policy on creative industries in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46780671.
Full textBelluigi, Dina Zoe. "Excavating the 'critique' : an investigation into disjunctions between the espoused and the practiced within a Fine Art studio practice curriculum." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003413.
Full textBoyle, Amy L. "Marcel Broodthaers and Fred Wilson : contemporary strategies for institutional criticism." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98914.
Full textFonseca, Felipe Schmidt 1978. "Redelabs : laboratórios experimentais em rede." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268901.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Esta dissertação relata as descobertas, hipóteses e conclusões de pesquisa a respeito de um tipo de produção colaborativa que aproxima arte, ciência, ativismo, inovação, design, entre outras áreas. Concentra-se no surgimento, em anos recentes, dos assim chamados laboratórios experimentais - espaços articulados em rede nos quais tal produção toma corpo. São abordadas sob tal perspectiva denominações tais como labs de mídia, hackerspaces, Fablabs, entre outras. A pesquisa analisa alguns desses modelos sobre o pano de fundo do imaginário tecnoutópico, que afirma as tecnologias de informação como instrumentos de combate à burocratização e à alienação da sociedade. Com o objetivo de questionar a usual associação dos labs experimentais em termos gerais ao desenvolvimento da cibernética e em particular ao histórico do estadunidense MIT Media Lab, a pesquisa explora outros fios narrativos para os múltiplos campos que influenciam a formação dos labs. Debruça-se ainda sobre o diálogo entre, de um lado, o contexto contemporâneo dos labs em diferentes partes do mundo, e de outro a contribuição da ideia de uma cultura digital particularmente brasileira - que ao longo da última década proporcionou a construção de um discurso que aproximava software livre, diversidade cultural e políticas públicas de inclusão social. São debatidos em particular dois eixos da cultura digital brasileira: o compensatório, que buscaria corrigir distorções históricas incluindo populações na chamada era da informação; e o exploratório, que buscaria criticar e influenciar os caminhos futuros da articulação entre tecnologia e sociedade. A dissertação relata ainda pesquisa de campo desenvolvida na Finlândia, onde foram vivenciados a preparação de um festival internacional de arte e tecnologia, visitas a diferentes espaços que se situam no campo dos labs experimentais, e o contato pessoal com integrantes de grupos e coletivos que atuam na fronteira entre cultura e tecnologia. Tais experiências contribuíram para a compreensão de elementos importantes dos labs experimentais, principalmente o aspecto da não conformação às expectativas de uma sociedade cada vez mais regida pela transformação de toda expressão cultural em valor econômico. Esse entendimento é aprofundado ao fim da dissertação na imagem do lab experimental como espaço em branco que, ao mesmo tempo em que funciona como interface entre redes digitais e as dinâmicas particulares dos locais onde se encontram, também situam-se como instâncias de resistência e reinvenção frente ao capitalismo informacional de matriz cibernética
Abstract: This dissertation reports on discoveries, hypotheses and conclusions of research on a kind of collaborative production that connects arts, science, activism, innovation, design, among other areas. It focuses on the appearing, in recent years, of the so-called experimental labs ¿ network articulated spaces in which such a production comes into being. Under that perspective are approached denominations such as media labs, hackerspaces, Fablabs, among others. The research analyses some of these models against the background of techno-utopian imaginary, which asserts information technologies as tools to fight against burocracy and allienation of society. With the goal of questioning the usual association of experimental labs in general to the development of cybernetics and particularly to the history of MIT Media Lab in the USA, the research explores other narrative threads for the multiple fields that influence the formation of labs. Attention is paid to the dialogue between, on one side, the contemporary context of labs in different parts of the wirld, and on the other the contribution of the idea of a particularly brazilian digital culture ¿ which over the last decade offered the possibility of building a discourse that draws closer free (open) software, cultural diversity and public policies for social inclusion. Two particular axes of the brazilian digital culture are discussed: the compensatory, which seeks to correct historical distortions by including populations in the so-called information age; and the exploratory, that seeks to criticize and influence future paths of the articulation of technology and society. The dissertation reports as weel on field research undertaken in Finland, where were experimented the preparation of an international festival on arts and technology, visits to different spaces situated on the field of experimental labs, and personal contact with members of groups and collectives that work on the border of culture and technology. Such experiences contributed to the understanding of important elements of experimental labs, especially the aspect of non-conformation to the expectations of a society increasingly ruled by the transformation of every cultural expression into economic value. This understanding is deepened by the end of the dissertation on the image of the experimental lab as a blank space that, as well as working as an interface between digital networks and the particular dynamics of the places in which they are located, are also situated as instances of resistance and reinvention before the cybernetical informational capitalism
Mestrado
Divulgação Científica e Cultural
Mestre em Divulgação Científica e Cultural
Czajka, Rodrigo. "Praticando delitos, formando opinião : intelectuais, comunismo e repressão no Brasil (1958-1968)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280603.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A produção artística e cultural realizada no Brasil entre as décadas de 1950 e 1960 é permeada de intensas discussões, tensões e conflitos que envolvem a disputa de distintos projetos intelectuais. Assim, a formação de um campo intelectual, a diversificação dos circuitos culturais e núcleos intelectuais e a emergência de uma intelectualidade de esquerda foram elementos presentes nesse contexto sócio-cultural. Estes foram fatores essenciais na consolidação de uma resistência cultural de esquerda que se defrontava tanto com o centralismo burocrático do Partido Comunista Brasileiro quanto com o regime militar após 1964. Entre dilemas ideológicos e políticos uma intelectualidade de esquerda floresceu não de forma homogênea e unitária, mas entremeada de impasses, disputas e embates que permitiram, em certa medida, a formação de núcleos culturais caracterizados, sobretudo, pela fragmentação. Com intuito de aferir tal modelo de análise dispusemos de um conjunto de Inquéritos Policiais-Militares (IPMs) que além de constituírem um material inédito de pesquisa, trazem elementos importantes para a discussão e detalhamento das questões culturais caras à intelectualidade de esquerda daquele momento. Constata-se, por exemplo, que a resistência cultural, mais que símbolo de uma unidade contra a repressão seja dos partidos ou do Estado, foi um fenômeno a partir do qual determinados núcleos intelectuais viram-se representados; uma hegemonia cultural de esquerda construída não pela coesão dos projetos de resistência, mas pelas dissensões e por aquilo que representava a resistência e a subversão comunista
Abstract: The artistic and cultural production made in Brazil at the 1950s and 1960s is permeated intensive discussions, tensions and conflicts involving the dispute of different intellectual projects. The formation of an intellectual sphere and the emergence of a left intellectuals group were elements presents in this context. These were key factors in consolidating a culture resistance of left that was built in the middle at the bureaucratic centralism of the Brazilian Communist Party and the military dictatorship after 1964. Between ideological and political dilemmas the left intellectuals appeared not homogeneous, but permeate of impasses, disputes and conflicts that favored the formation of cultural groups characterized by ragmentation. To check this analysis we searched a large number of military process (called IPMs) that as being a new material research, provide important elements for discussion and details of the cultural questions of the intellectuals at that time. For example, that cultural resistance, more than a symbol of unity against oppression of the the Party or the State, was a phenomenon from which certain intelectuals groups have been represented; a cultural hegemony of the left not made the cohesion of the projects of resistance, but by dissension and by what it represented the resistence and communist subversion
Doutorado
Doutor em Sociologia
Mihail, Benoît. "Le "Néo-Flamand" en France: un passé régional retrouvé et réinventé sous la Troisième République." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211363.
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