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Journal articles on the topic 'Ashraf Muslims'
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1
ARA, GULSHAN, YASIR HASAN SIDDIQUE, TANVEER BEG, and MOHAMMAD AFZAL. "ABORTION INDEX AND MORTALITY OF OFFSPRING AMONG WOMEN OF DIFFERENT AGE, CASTE AND POPULATION GROUPS OF NORTH INDIAN MUSLIMS." Journal of Biosocial Science 40, no. 3 (May 2008): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932007002428.
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SummaryThe Muslims of Aligarh city are predominantly Sunnis, although there are also a considerable number of Shias. Among the Sunnis, approximately a quarter belong to Syed, Sheikh, Moghal and Pathan groups, and three-quarters belong to various lower biradaris. In the present study, 304 women attending the Primary Health Centre of the J. N. Medical College and Hospital, Aligarh Muslim University, Uttar Pradesh, were surveyed and the following recorded among Muslim women of high-rank (Ashraf) and low-rank (Ajlaf) castes: incidence of marriage, age of the mother at the time of marriage, present age of the mother, abortions, still births, pre-reproductive mortality and overall mortality. The Ashraf are comprised of the Sheikh, Syed and Pathan, whereas the Ajlafs have Qureshi, Saifi and Ansari biradaris. Maternal age was scored as above and below 45 years in each biradari. Significant effects of maternal age were seen on mortality of offspring, whereas populations did not show consistent differences, except when Ashrafs and Ajlafs were considered separately. The results show higher mortality and abortions for various groups. This may be due to various biological and socio-cultural factors, including hidden inbreeding in the remote past.
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GAUTIER, LAURENCE, and JULIEN LEVESQUE. "Introduction: Historicizing Sayyid-ness: Social Status and Muslim Identity in South Asia." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 3 (March 2, 2020): 383–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186320000139.
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AbstractThe introduction to the special issue provides a framework to think about the changing conceptions of Sayyid-ness in various historical contexts in South Asia. First, we review some of the sociological and anthropological literature on caste among South Asian Muslims, to argue for a contextualised and historicised study of Muslim social stratification in Muslims’ own terms. Second, we throw light on the fact that Sayyid-ness, far from being a transhistorical fact, may be conceptualised differently in different socio-political and historical contexts. For instance, Sayyid pedigree was at times downplayed in favour of a more encompassing Ashraf identity in order to project the idea of a single Muslim community. Far from projecting an essentialising image of Sayyid-ness, by focusing on historical change, the articles in this collection de-naturalise Sayyids’ and Ashraf's social superiority as a ‘well-understood and accepted fact’. They further shift attention from the debate on ‘Muslim caste’, often marred by Hindu-centric assumptions, to focus instead on social dynamics among South Asian Muslims ‘in their own terms’. In so doing, these studies highlight the importance of the local, while pointing to possible comparisons with Muslim groups outside South Asia.
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DeCuir, Amaarah. "New Directions in Islamic Education: Pedagogy and Identity Formation (by Abdullah Sahin)." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i2.586.
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Abdullah Sahin’s New Directions in Islamic Education offers an original conceptualization of the role of Islamic education in enriching the identity formation of young British Muslims. Existing education literature centered on Muslims is often categorized in one of two ways: (1) texts that offer classical, prophetic depictions of pursuits towards religious knowledge (Al-Attas 1979; Ashraf & Hirst 1994; Abbas 2011); or (2) texts that offer modern representations of the lived experiences of Muslims in western contexts (Abdalla, Chown, & Abdullah 2018; Khan & Siddiqui 2017; Haddad, Senzai, & Smith 2009).
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DeCuir, Amaarah. "New Directions in Islamic Education." American Journal of Islam and Society 36, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i2.586.
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Abdullah Sahin’s New Directions in Islamic Education offers an original conceptualization of the role of Islamic education in enriching the identity formation of young British Muslims. Existing education literature centered on Muslims is often categorized in one of two ways: (1) texts that offer classical, prophetic depictions of pursuits towards religious knowledge (Al-Attas 1979; Ashraf & Hirst 1994; Abbas 2011); or (2) texts that offer modern representations of the lived experiences of Muslims in western contexts (Abdalla, Chown, & Abdullah 2018; Khan & Siddiqui 2017; Haddad, Senzai, & Smith 2009).
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Dey, Amit. "Book Review: Margrit Pernau, Ashraf Into Middle Classes: Muslims in Nineteenth-Century Delhi." History and Sociology of South Asia 8, no. 2 (May 5, 2014): 217–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807514524045.
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Parker-Jenkins, Marie. "Muslim Matters." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 351–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2573.
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The recent publication of The Satanic Verses has helped to unmask Muslimdiscontent in British society. Athough the initial outrage ditected at theauthor seems to have subsided, advocacy by Muslims living in Britain whoare concerned about their children's educational needs will not disappear. Thispaper addresses the difficulty of making adequate provisions for Muslim childrenin the maintained (i.e., public) school sector as well as the call for separate and publicly funded schooling. Attempts to modify certain aspects ofschooling (i.e., physical education) are discussed, as is the movement towardsscrutinizing the entire curriculum to eflsure that it reflects cultural diversity.The extent to which the common school curriculum can accommodate all pupilsis also explored in light of statutory requirements imposed by the NationalCurriculum. Finally, administrative adjustments and the resulting implicationsfor schools trying to meet Muslim needs are discussed, as are the legalalternatives to state education available to Muslim parents.Muslims are the third largest religious minority in Britain today; RomanCatholics and Anglicans are larger in number (Ashraf 1986). While multiracial,multicultural, and multilingual in nature, they m united by a religiousdimension within their lives (Nasr 1975). The powerful Islamic revival amongMuslim populations, which the West views as "Islamic fundamentalism," hasdeeply affected the thinking of Muslim minority groups in the "unsympathetic"West (Anwar 1982; Hulmes 1989; Qureshi and Khan 1989). Indeed,Islam can be seen as a religion, a social and moral code, and "as a bulwarkagainst modem atheistic Concepts" (Union of Muslim Organisations 1976).While some view Muslim communities as cores of resistance in liberal democracies,Muslims see themselves as fighting a tide of secularization. Beneaththis rather superficial description, however, lie major issues conceming socialcohesion, cultural diversity, and the extent of minority rights in a democracy ...
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Gupta, Narayani. "Book Review: Margrit Pernau (Joy Titheridge, tr.), Ashraf into Middle Classes: Muslims in Nineteenth-Century Delhi." Indian Historical Review 40, no. 2 (November 26, 2013): 387–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983613499693.
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INGRAM, BRANNON D. "The Portable Madrasa: Print, publics, and the authority of the Deobandi `ulama." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 4 (October 23, 2013): 845–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000097.
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AbstractIn the first decades of the twentieth century, classically trained Muslim scholars (`ulama) of the influential Deobandi school of North India issued a number of immensely popular, mass-printed ‘primers’ on Islamic belief and ritual practice. Now ubiquitous in the Islamic bookshops in South Asia and elsewhere, these primers sought to summarize the rudiments of an Islamic education for a nascent lay Muslim reading public. Focusing on three Deobandi`ulama—Ashraf `Ali Thanvi (d. 1943), Mufti Muhammad Kifayatullah (d. 1952), and Muhammad Manzur Nu`mani (d. 1997)—this paper explores how their primers advanced the Deobandi school's well-known critique of popular piety even as they claimed to address Muslims generally, and how their authors negotiated the subtle dynamics of print. Understanding the potentially subversive power of print to open a space for readers to form their own interpretations of minute doctrinal matters and the threat of mass-printed religious texts to their own authority, these`ulamaimplored readers to refrain from forming their own opinions of the primers’ content and to consult the`ulamathroughout the reading process. Thus, even as they took advantage of print's possibilities, they remained deeply suspect of its ramifications.
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Alam, Asiya. "Ashraf into Middle Classes: Muslims in Nineteenth-Century Delhi. By Margrit Pernau. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2013. xxxvi, 504 pp. ISBN: 9780198092285 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 3 (August 2018): 831–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911818000785.
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Alam, Arshad. "Syed Ahmed Khan and His Educational Ideas." Contemporary Education Dialogue 16, no. 1 (December 6, 2018): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973184918807297.
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Syed Ahmed Khan is understood as the harbinger of modern education amongst Muslims of South Asia. There is a general scholarly consensus that it was through his educational efforts that English medium education came to Muslims who were otherwise aligned with traditional religious education. The commentary argues that this consensus needs revision and that Muslims were already accessing modern education through the English medium even before Syed Ahmed started his college at Aligarh. Moreover, the commentary also problematizes the notion of Muslim community within Syed Ahmed’s thought. Through his writings and speeches, it is pointed out that for Syed Ahmed, the notion of Muslim community was confined to upper caste Muslims called the Ashrafs. Also, Syed Ahmed’s views were extremely regressive when it came to women’s education. Despite Aligarh being a modern university which is accessible to all castes and gender, Syed Ahmed’s legacy has not been critically analysed. The commentary is a small start in this direction
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Yusoff, Mohammad Agus, Athambawa Sarjoon, and Zawiyah Mohd Zain. "Analyzing the Fragmented Sri Lankan Muslim Politics in Post-Ashraff Era." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 3 (August 12, 2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n3p17.
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The traditional Muslim politics in Sri Lanka transformed with the formation of Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) and its active communal politics under its founder-leader, M.H.M.Ashraff. While representing the interests of the Muslim community, particularly those living in the north-eastern region, SLMC through its politics of bargaining and consensus voiced and advocated for the interests, rights and privileges of the Muslim community as well as contributed to their socio-economic and cultural upliftment at the crossroad of ethnic conflict and civil war. Although SLMC received popular mandate from the Muslim community, the party fell into fragmentation with the unexpected demise of its founder-leader in 2000, and splits were instigated shortly. This fragmentation caused a severe effect in the distinct path of Muslim politics in Sri Lanka. This study examines the fragmented nature and the trends of Muslim politics, particularly the politics of SLMC in post-Ashraff era and their impact. This study reveals that the fragmentation within SLMC caused leadership crisis and emergence of many Muslim political parties that promoted ugly politics of opportunism. This trend ultimately reduced the bargaining strength of Muslim politics, negatively influenced representative politics, leading to the negligence and marginalisation of Muslims’ concerns and grievances in national politics. The leadership crisis and regionalism also negatively influenced the politics of SLMC and other Muslim parties in post-Ashraff era. This study also finds that unifying splinter-groups, reforming party structure and procedures, and redefining goals and path of achieving them would not only strengthen the politics of SLMC and other Muslim political parties but also would give a new brand for Muslim minority politics in Sri Lanka.
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Umar, Sanober. "The Identity of Language and the Language of Erasure." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (February 14, 2020): 175–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.29.
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Perhaps it is best to summarize what this article is not about, and then highlight what it seeks to do instead, finally surmising those strands together cohesively. This article is not on Urdu as a medium for self-fashioning elite Ashrafi Muslims in Lucknow who lamented the “death of the city” in shahr-i-adab (the city of high culture and noble manners) kind of literatures, instead it is about how Ashrafis came to be normatively portrayed by prominent leaders of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh as “foreigners.” This article is not exclusively about caste politics, but rather how the trope of the foreigner was used as a way to otherize and prevent some of the most downtrodden Muslims from availing affirmative action policies and how lower caste and Dalit Muslims themselves tried to find liberation away from their stigmatized caste histories, unfortunately without success as conversion did not eclipse casteist tropes against them. This article is not just about the institutional history of the fall of Urdu in Uttar Pradesh, but it focusses on how Urdu was used to shape the minority citizen status of Muslims, and how it impacted their political economy and caste histoies in Lucknow by using both written materials documenting these issues and oral testimonies of Ashrafi and Pasmanda Muslims in Lucknow. In the process, this article is about the contours that defined the production of Muslim minoritysm in India, externally by Post Colonial governmentality of the 1950s and internally by Muslims themselves who were compelled to “self homogenize” despite political and social fractures within the community in the face of demonizing and ahistoric stereotypes of the Muslim community as “backward Musalmaans” that ignored their multiple layers of institutionally created marginalization.
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Wagner, Daniel A. "New Horizons in Muslim Education. S. A. Ashraf." Comparative Education Review 31, no. 1 (February 1987): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/446667.
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Sajid Anwar. "تحریک قیام پاکستان :سیدابوالاعلیٰ مودودی ؒ اور مولانا اشرف علی تھانوی ؒ کی فکری مماثلت." Al-Idah | Shaykh Zayed Islamic Centre, University of Peshawar 37, - 2 (January 12, 2020): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37556/al-idah.037.02.0567.
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Syed Abul Ala Moudoodi and Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi were the genii of their time. They influenced political and religious trends of their time. They observed the period of Pakistan movement and struggle for freedom. Though Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi had passed away in 1943 whereas Syed Moudoodi died later in 1979. They belong to a different school of thought but they were coincident in their views about Pakistan movement.
Syed Moudoodi having different political theology had a distinct political agenda. Because Syed Moudoodi was abandoned from Mysticism intentionally and started his political movement on his intellectual and theological thinking. On the other side Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi owing Mystic ideology; abandon from livelihood; though having deep insight in political affairs. This is very authentic that both having the same intellectual ideology; were against Congress and consider her like a poisonous killer. They had envisioned and desire to optimise the weaknesses of the Muslim League.
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Rai, Santosh Kumar. "Social histories of exclusion and moments of resistance: The case of Muslim Julaha weavers in colonial United Provinces." Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, no. 4 (September 28, 2018): 549–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618796896.
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Locating the theorisation and practices of caste hierarchies within South Asian Islam with reference to high-caste Muslims (Ashrafs) versus Julaha weavers (Ajlafs), this article argues that class exploitation and class hegemony over the marginalised sections of Muslim society in North India were practised through caste stratifications, social hierarchies and land relations. The horizontal equality of ‘textual Islam’ was transformed into vertical social hierarchies in South Asia. While explaining the conditions of the disadvantageous socio-economic status that ensured their subordination, this article narrates instances of resistance and quests for equality undertaken by the Julaha weavers. The dialectics of these negotiations produced factors such as the stigma of status mandated by their caste, on the one hand, and the weavers’ integration within the capitalist colonial economy and politics, on the other. The article explores this history of hierarchies and the complex resistances offered to it, closely mediated by social and economic structures, prevailing ideologies and notions of colonial legality and mobility. The processes of the weavers challenging their social marginalisation, predicated on their economic status and their quest for new identities may look familiar to other communities which similarly used religion, caste and colonial law to resist and subvert hierarchies. Hence, the politicisation of the colonial public sphere affected the relations among the Indian Muslims in a new milieu. These arguments are significant in terms of rewriting the existing historiography that reinforces the binaries of nationalist–communalist or Hindu–Muslim politics.
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Najem, Faraj. "Murābiṭīn and Ashrāf of Libya: betwixt and between roots and rule." Libyan Studies 36 (2005): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900005495.
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AbstractLibya in the last nine centuries has been dramatically transformed from a multi-religious, predominantly Berber speaking State into an almost Arabised, Muslim nation. This transformation is considered in relation to the emergence of the Ribāṭ and the Murābiṭīn, including the Ashrāf. This article explores the linguistic and historical roots of the Ribāṭ, Murābiṭīn and Ashrāf. It also examines the spread of Ṣufism in Libya, and die influence both the Ṣūfi orders and the Murābiṭin and Ashrāf have had on Libyan politics and society.
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Ahmed, Akbar S. "New Horizons in Muslim Education." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (September 1, 1986): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2765.
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New Horizons in Muslim EducationS. A. AshrafThe Concept of an Islamic UniversityH. H. Bilgrami and S. A. AshrafIslamic Sociology: An IntroductionI. Ba-Yunus and F Ahmad
The three small -average 100 pages -introductory books under review forma piece and are the first volley from the Islamic Academy at Cambridge. TheAcademy’s Islamic Monograph Series is attractively produced and easy to read.The guiding genius of the Academy is Professor S. A. Ashraf. He was alsoone of the key figures, as organizing secretary, of the First World Conferenceon Muslim Education in Makkah in 1977. That Conference greatly acceleratedthe present trend in Islamic scholarship. Today we hear of Islamic Economics,Islamic Sociology and so on as one result (see my Towards Islamic Anthropology:definition, dogma and directions published by the InternationalInstitute of Islamic Thought and Defining Islamic Anthropology in the RoyalAnthropological Institute News, London.)The two books on education are linked by the authorship and ideas of ProfessorAshraf. In the one on education he clearly plans out an Islamic syllabi,training courses (for both students and teachers) and conferences.Islamic scholarship rests on the following assumptions: “Firstly, the Islamicconcept of Man has the width and range no other concept of Man has. AsMan can become Khalifatullah by cultivating or realizing within himself theattributes of God [strictly at the human level] and as these attributes havea limitless dimension, Man’s moral, spiritual and intellectual progress is potentiallylimitless. Secondly, as knowledge is the source of this progress anddevelopment, Islam does not put any bar to the acquisition of knowledge.Thirdly, the range of this acquisition must be all by acquiring intellectual expertisebecause in isolation a person cannot maintain a baland growth. Fourthly,the spiritual, moral, intellectual, imaginative, emotional and physicalaspects of man’s personality are kept in view in establishing the interrelationshipamong the disciplines., Fifthly, the development of personality is seenin the context of Man’s relationship with God, Man and Nature. Thereforethe organization of disciplines and arrangement of subjects are planned withreference to Man as an individual, Man as a social being and Man as a beingwho has to live in harmony with Nature.” (Ashraf, page 5) ...
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Alam, Arshad. "Challenging the Ashrafs: The Politics of Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz1." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 29, no. 2 (June 2009): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602000902943542.
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Hewitt, Ibrahim. "Sex Education and Religion." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i1.2081.
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The far-reaching implications of the debate surrounding sex education instate schools are summed up by the late Professor Syed Ali Ashraf in hisForeword to this book: "We are up against a tremendous conspiracy todethrone the religious concept of a human being from the minds of people."Sex education is "just a modus operandi" of the "secularist philosophy" underpinningthis conspiracy (p. 3).1n presenting a number of essays on sex education from different faith andnonfaith perspectives, the editors have succeeded in introducing readers notonly to Islamic concepts of sexual relationships and sex education, but also tothe ideological battle that is being played out with children's education. At thevery heart of this debate we find unanswered and unanswerable questions about liberal democracy and how liberal it can be in allowing minorities toflourish in its midst.The argument basically revolves around the liberal push for increasing individualrights and to see how far such rights can go in relation to responsibilities.As Carole Ulanowsky notes in her contribution titled "Sex Education:Beyond Information to Values," the balance has tipped in favor of rights - aposition that is (perhaps) suitable for the mature educator but which "can leaveyoung people morally adrift" (p. 22).In his overview titled "Values and Sex Education in a Multicultural Society,"Mark Halstead demonstrates that this issue is complex and laced with difficulties;however, "the promotion of 'responsible sexual behavior' has become adominant motif in contemporary sex education in Britain as in other westerncountries" (p. 236). But who is to decide what is "reasonable"? Parents?Educators? Or that thorn in the side of liberal sex educators: religion?In stating Islamic positions on this subject, Noibi and Abdul Mabud coverground that has been well-presented elsewhere; however, the fact that theircontributions are neither out of place nor dated illustrates how little educatorshave learnt from earlier publications by Muslims on this subject. An alternative,less charitable view might conclude that the liberal sex education lobbyhas learnt too much about the Islamic position and has, as a result, strengthenedefforts to undermine it.For example, Michael Reiss proposes that "the way forward may be for societyto make it easier for homosexuals to live in lasting and mutually faithfulsexual relationships" (p. 146), and David Carr asks, "How could any civilizedperson see it as other than a moral advance over bygone tyrannies that homosexualmen and women are no longer persecuted?" (p. 170). Going further,Carr says that "liberal modernity has at least freed us from a range of irrationalprohibitions." This stand taken by both men demonstrates how "liberal values"can in fact be imposed on young people and, in doing so, force them to altertheir own beliefs (and possibly practices). Carr's implication is that the prohibitionof homosexuality in scriptures is "irrational," thereby making his ownstatement "rational." But on what grounds can he make such a judgment? As anumber of contributions remind us, education is not value-free, and it is a mythto suggest that the liberal view of sex education is either neutral or morallysuperior to other views. Abdul Mabud puts it succinctly: "Passivity [and] neutrality"in sex education are themselves "values" (p. 110) ...
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Guenther, Alan M. "Justice Mahmood and English Education in India." South Asia Research 31, no. 1 (February 2011): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272801003100104.
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This article traces the motif of English education in Justice Syed Mahmood’s intellectual history and demonstrates the dialogical nature of knowledge formation in British India. While his own educational experience at Cambridge University had a profound and lasting impact on his own conception of the nature and purpose of education, Mahmood transformed and adapted that experiential knowledge to serve his predominant public concerns. He was increasingly committed to arresting the perceived decline in social standing, political influence and above all educational competence of the Muslim community in India. Seeing government service as the birthright of the ashraf Muslim classes, he encouraged the creation of institutions that would facilitate the training of young men from fine families to become effective bureaucrats in the government machinery of British India. In all these endeavours, Mahmood considered the promotion of English education to be the key to real progress for individuals and for the Muslim community.
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Solihu, Abdul Kabir Hussain. "Crossing the Threshold." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1629.
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Debate over the Hindu and Muslim religious identity, as well as the natureof the two communities’ interaction, has generated different answers. Tosome, it has been an interaction full of conflict and conflict-resolutionbetween two irreconcilable faiths. To others, it remains impossible to reconstructtheir history as one of convergence or divergence, due to the considerablevariation in their cultures and religions over time. Khan addresses thequestion from a different perspective. According to her, “the Hindus or theMuslims whom the question addresses are not real characters” (p. 4): Thereligious identity of the “Self” is not completely distinct from that of the“Other” in medieval India. Thus, the sporadic clashes between Hindus andMuslims have been due mainly to political reasons and occasionally to economicfactors, but definitely never to religious differences.Khan’s book dwells on the making of identity in the Indian subcontinentbetween medieval India and the end of the twentieth century. It seeks toexplore the spiritual encounters between the indigenous Hindu traditionsand Islam, their historical harmonious coexistence, and their presentpredicaments, with special reference to the intermediary position of NizariIsmailism, a Shi`i sect. Based on field research, observation, and personalexperience, the author demonstrates with vivid case studies, legends, andfolklore how the two peoples had formerly lived by shared deities and howthe change of identity based on Hindu nationalism and Islam has wroughthavoc.The book is broadly divided into four chapters. Chapter 1 examinessome important terminologies that underpin religio-cultural identities inIndian history. In ancient and medieval India, people were distinguished bysocio-religious strata, first by the varna system (socio-ritual categories) andlater by the jati panth (caste and sect) system. A similar thing applied toIndian Muslims, who were hierarchically categorized as Ashrafs (referringto nobles, foreign Muslims) and Ajlafs (referring to converts), but not simplyas “Muslims.”The interface between the indigenous Hindu religion and Islam goesbeyond the terminological resemblance and reaches the heart of religious ritualsand ideologies. In chapter 2, the author cites three modes of interaction ...
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Khoja-Moolji, Shenila. "Re-animating Muslim women’s auto/biographical writings: Hayat-e-Ashraf as a palimpsest of educated selves." Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal 4, no. 4-5 (June 5, 2019): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2019.1622443.
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ROOHI, EHSAN. "The Murder of the Jewish Chieftain Ka‘b b. al-Ashraf: A Re-examination." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 31, no. 1 (October 8, 2020): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618632000053x.
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AbstractThe murder of the Prophet's chief Jewish opponent, Ka‘b b. al-Ashraf, led to grave consequences for the tribe of Banū al-Naḍīr and for the Jews as a whole. The incident ushered in a series of hostile Muslim-Jewish encounters that reached its climax in the battle of Khaybar. Despite the constructive study undertaken by previous scholars, there still seem to be some contradictory elements and vague accounts that have been either utterly ignored or for which a satisfactory explanation is lacking. In the light of certain striking pieces of evidence, scattered in unlikely places in the sīra and tafsīr compendia, the present study sets out to examine critically the extent to which the accounts of Ka‘b's murder can be trusted. It will be argued that what we are faced with is seriously distorted material with logical absurdities and discrepancies that cannot easily be reconciled. Apart from the historical reconstruction, special attention will be devoted to a momentous historiographical point—that our reports have been doctored for political reasons. This helps us adopt a more realistic view of the individuals whose names occurred in the accounts of the event in question.
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Irsyadunnas, Irsyadunnas. "The Hermeneutic Thoughts of Ashgar Ali Engineer in The Interpretation of Feminism." Jurnal Ushuluddin 25, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/jush.v25i1.2120.
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Using hermeneutic as a method and approach in systematic interpretation of Al-Qur'an had begun during contemporary period. The reality and fulfillment of the academic standard had pushed contemporary Muslim scholars used the method. Asghar Ali Engineer was one of the Muslim scholars who supported hermeneutic in the study of Qur'anic exegesis on feminism. This article examined the impacts on how feminism in Engineer's hermeneutic exegesis of the Qur'an played significant role in the Qur'anic exegesis studies. He was placed at the same position with other contemporary Muslim scholars. His popularity as a Muslim feminist had been well-known mainly on his interpretation of the Qur'an about feminism. According to Engineer, the interpretation of the Qur'an had to consider three concepts, “the freedom of Al-Qur'an,” “the spirit of the Qur'an against Patriarchy,” and “the classified Qur'anic verses and sociological normative.” Engineer offered three sources when interpreting al- Qur'an; namely, text, context, and perspective. The Engineer interpreted Qur'anic verses about gender at QS. An-Nisa: 1; 3, and 34 by applying these concept, method and sources
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TIGNOL, EVE. "Genealogy, authority and Muslim political representation in British India." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 3 (June 17, 2020): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186320000243.
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AbstractThis article reflects on the significance of genealogy for Sayyids and other Muslim elites in British North India by exploring some literary productions and political endeavours of the Aligarh movement. At the end of the nineteenth century, poems recalling the extra-Indian origins of Muslim elites became increasingly popular, as Altaf Husain Hali's Musaddas best exemplified. Translating an anxiety of seeing their power and influence reduced in the colonial world, such nostalgic discourse, intertwining representations of lineage and authority, promptly entered the political realm. The genealogy rhetoric deployed in Urdu poetry played a significant role in sustaining the claims of the leaders of the Aligarh movement as they strove to bolster a cohesive sharīf community identity and secure political leadership during the anti-Congress propaganda of 1888 as well as to obtain advantages from British officials according to their so-called political importance. In this context, this article emphasises that in Aligarh's nostalgic poetry, the greatest political weight was put on belonging to the ashrāf category rather than to the Sayyids, who only occasionally feature in the sources.
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Werbner, Pnina. "Hoque, Ashraf. Being young, male and Muslim in Luton. viii, 118 pp., bibliogr. London: UCL Press, 2019. £15.00 (paper)." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 25, no. 4 (November 8, 2019): 818–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9655.13137.
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Sanyal, Usha. "In Good Company." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i3.846.
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This article is part of Darakhshan Khan’s larger body of work on womenin the Tablīghī Jamā‘at, who, as she argues persuasively, have not been giventhe scholarly attention they deserve (barring a few notable exceptions,among them Metcalf 2000). Khan observes that the reasons for this rangefrom the fact that the public image of the Tablīghī Jamā‘at is that of itinerantmales, not females, and that gender segregation in South Asian Muslimcommunities makes women invisible to male scholars. Moreover, in today’spost-9/11 world the Tablīghī Jamā‘at is often viewed through the lens ofcounter-terrorist concerns.Khan’s article revolves around several key themes: the geographicalmobility of Muslim bureaucrats in late nineteenth-century British India;changes in the structure of the family; changing patterns of religious leadershipin British India, resulting in part from the creation of seminaries suchas the Dār al-‘Ulūm, Deoband; and the incorporation of Muslim womenin religious leadership roles in Tablīghī networks from the mid-twentiethcentury onward. The article seems to fall into two distinct parts. The firsthalf deals with Muslim men from ashraf families working in British Indiangovernment jobs in the late nineteenth century who moved constantly(with their wives and children) in response to bureaucratic postings, livingwesternized lives at the margins of highly stratified British Indian socialnetworks. Drawing on sources ranging from Urdu literature to biographies,Khan shows how isolating this was for the wives and sometimes professionallydisappointing for the husbands. The second half of the article dealswith Muslim religious elites and their more limited geographical travelsin British India in pursuit of religious knowledge, often coinciding with ...
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Murali, Sreejith. "Firoz Uncle." Contemporary Education Dialogue 14, no. 1 (January 2017): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973184916678703.
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This article focuses on the educational efforts of Syed Firoz Ashraf in the East Jogeshwari area of Mumbai and places his work in the context of the increasing communalisation of social life and education in a poor working class suburb in Mumbai city. Muslim community has been ghettoised in the metropolis to specific areas especially since the riots of 1992-93, increasing their vulnerability. For more than twenty years ‘Uncle’, as he is affectionately called, has been running after-school classes for children from the working class neighbourhoods of Jogeshwari and Juhu Lane. He has worked within the system to enhance opportunities for higher education for children, and to end the humiliation and indignity associated with educational failure. As Uncle says, there is hope as more and more children break out of the confines of their locality and step out into the world through higher education.
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Ritawati, Raden Ayu. "ETOS KERJA DALAM EKONOMI GLOBAL (KASUS MASYARAKAT MUSLIM MELAYU PALEMBANG)." Nurani: Jurnal Kajian Syari'ah dan Masyarakat 18, no. 1 (July 17, 2018): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/nurani.v18i1.1889.
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The purpose of this research is to know the influence of Malay and Islam in shaping the social character of Palembang Malay workers in global economic development. The Islamic economic norms embedded and rooted in the local social identity of the local Malays are the key determinants of evaluative aspects of a judging nature.
This research departs from the reason as Ushul Fiqih's written adage says "Al-Muhafazhatu'alal 'qadimis salih wal-akhdzu bil jadidil ashlah" which means "Maintaining a good old value and seeking new value better.” Field research with the participation of observations and in-depth interviews uses a qualitative approach. Respondents in this study are Palembang original Malay Muslim community, spread over 14 districts using random sampling technique. While the method of data analysis is cyclical of three stages: data collection, data display and data verification. The results of this study prove that excessive material competition in the global economy has resulted in an anomic Palembang Malay society. Achievements in the economic field, it turns out to have transformed Palembang Malay people into a generation that is uprooted from values, fragile from the spiritual aspect, give up easily and lose socio-economic footing. The relationship of Malayness and Islamism obscures the role and competitiveness of Palembang Malay Muslims themselves in the global economic arena.
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Virani, Shafique N. "Taqiyyaand Identity in a South Asian Community." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 1 (February 2011): 99–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810002974.
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The Guptīs of Bhavnagar, India, represent an unexplored case oftaqiyya, or precautionary dissimulation, and challenge traditional categories of religious identity in South Asia.Taqiyyais normally practiced by minority or otherwise disadvantaged groups of Muslims who fear negative repercussions should their real faith become known. Historically, the Shī‘a, whether Ithnā-‘asharī or Ismaili, have commonly dissimulated as Sunnīs, who form the dominant community. However, the Guptīs, who are followers of the Ismaili imam, and whose name means “secret” or “hidden ones,” dissimulate not as Sunnī Muslims, but as Hindus. The Guptī practice oftaqiyyais exceptional for another reason: Hinduism is not simply a veil used to avoid harmful consequences, but forms an integral part of the Guptīs’ belief system and identity, and the basis of their conviction in the Aga Khan, not only as the imam, but as theavatāraof the current age.
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Saqeb, Ghulam Nabi. "Islamization of Education." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2229.
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The Sixth International Conference on Islamic Education heldA.D. September 20-25, 1996/6-11 jamad al-Awwal, 141 7A.H. at lslamia College, Gatesville, Cape Town, South AfricaAfter World War 11, most colonized Muslim countries achieved independence.During their days of struggle for independence, all majorpolitical parties in Muslim lands had committed themselves to liquidatetheir inherited, ill-conceived, divisive, and un-Islamic systems of educationand to replace them with truly Islamic ones. But after independence,while politicians in power (constrained for whatever reasons) remainedreluctant to bring about the promised changes, academics were, by andlarge, not clear as to how to Islamize education. The most that they couldpropose was installation of lame-duck departments of Islamic studieswithin the inherited systems, established parallel to the predominantlysecular departments, thereby perpetuating a discredited, dualistic form ofeducation that was generating split personalities among the Muslim youth.This remained the shape of education in the Islamic world duringdecades after independence in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. It was inthese circumstances that King Abdulaziz University, Jeddah/Makkah,under the dynamic leadership of Dr. Muhammad Abduh Yamani and Dr.Abdullah Omar Nasseef obtained approval from the then king, Khalidbin Abdulaziz, to hold the First World Conference on Islamic Educationin Makkah. For two years, its organizing committee under the chairmanshipof Shaykh Ahmad Salah Jamjoom and comprising Professor SyedAli Ashraf, Dr. Abdullah Muhammad Zaid, and Dr. Ghulam Nabi Saqeb,worked day and night, along with renowned colleagues such as ProfessorMuhammed Qutb, Professor Muhammad Al-Mubarak (now deceased),Professor Hussain Hamed Hassan, and others to examine all issues relatedto the task. The Conference held in Makkah al-Mukarramah in 1977was a tremendous event. Attended by some 350 Muslim scholars from ...
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Memet, Feiza. "A Research on Satisfaction during Friday Religious Services, Practices Associated with Health and Social Relationships, in Anadolchioi Mosque." European Journal of Theology and Philosophy 1, no. 3 (June 19, 2021): 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/theology.2021.1.3.16.
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This paper evaluates the indoor temperature and thermal sensation inside the naturally ventilated small-medium size, historical Anadolchioi Mosque, built in Constanta, in 1870, for the Muslim minority living in Constanta. Are considered Friday prayers (Dhuhr). The methodology used for this assessment is related to the outdoor and indoor temperatures measurements, each Friday, in July, between 10 AM and 4 PM, due to the fact that in Constanta, Friday prayers (in July) starts between 1.20 PM and 1.23 PM (depending on the sun position). The measurements will indicate that, although indoor temperature is slightly higher than the outdoor one, the average indoor temperature, for the considered period, is in the recommended thermal comfort temperature range, according to ASHRAE 2010. Also, the measured indoor air temperatures and predicted temperature for comfortable indoors- given by Humphreys formula, have been compared, in order to have an idea if the building is able to provide pleasant indoor temperatures. On the other hand, the methodology is focusing on ASHRAE seven point scale, when assessing the thermal sensation. In this respect, a survey regarding the thermal sensation of the occupants indicated that a low percent (5.55%) felt uncomfortable during the religious services. The majority of occupants (77.77%) felt comfortable and do not need a cooler environment. The results are in concordance with the participants’ age profiles: older persons preferring higher indoor temperatures.
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Wafiroh, Ani. "Reinterpretasi Konsep Fî Sabîl Al-Lâh Sebagai Ashnâf Zakat." Ulumuna 10, no. 1 (November 4, 2017): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v10i1.434.
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The term jihad fi sabîl al-Lâh is often used to refer to physical war in the path of God. The word, as it is derived from the Qs. al-Tawbah (9): 60, in fact connotes specific and general meanings. The specific meaning of it commonly found in classical ulema’s interpretation is related to the war. This interpretation is based on historical evidence and supported by the literal meaning of Qur’an and the hadith. But such a meaning is now criticized and regarded as going beyond the conceptual boundary of jihad in Islam.
This article seeks to explore the general meaning of the term in the works of classical and contemporary Muslim scholars, aimed at offering a more contextual meaning. It shows that the term does not always necessarily mean the physical war in the name of God or religion, but it can be meant as education, human welfare, and social development.
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Nofal, Faris Osmanovich. "Metaphysical Foundations of Spatiality in the Teachings of the Classical Mutakallims (VIII-XIII centuries)." Philosophy of Religion: Analytic Researches 5, no. 1 (2021): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2587-683x-2021-5-1-18-31.
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The article reviews Muslim mutakallimūn’s doctrines of VIII–XIII centuries about metaphysic basis of spatiality. Using a huge amount of Mutazili’, Ashari’ and Zaydi’ treatises, the author analyzes three the most significant conceptual blocks of physical theories of Muslim theologists – cosmologic, macro- and microspatial. The study shows, that pre-islamic time’s mythologems, which partially consist in a Muslim mythological corpus texti, specify basic theoretical coordinates of kalām cosmology. The latter, in its turn, bases on general Semitic intuition of hierarchy layout of metaverse. As for indigenous speculation of Mutakalimūn’s about tridimentional microspace, it has found its expression in elaborating the categories of makān and djiha – to denote virtual or real whereabouts of the entity and the void. In the end, Middle-East philosophers-atomists interpreted microspace – hayyiz predicatively connected with the sense of tiny matter particles, as geometrical unexpanse, which serves as ontology base both for one- or two-dimensionality and for three-dimensional complex entities. Separately the article offers original Mutakallimūn’s theories, which refer to the problems of reciprocity between spiritual entities and physical space.
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Siegel, Benjamin. "The Kibbutz and the Ashram: Sarvodaya Agriculture, Israeli Aid, and the Global Imaginaries of Indian Development." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (October 2020): 1175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa233.
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Abstract In the first two decades of Indian independence, members of the Sarvodaya movement—India’s popular, non-state program for Gandhian social uplift—sought to partner with representatives of Israel’s developmental apparatus to build a communal agricultural settlement at Gandhi’s former ashram. Working against the lure of large-scale, Nehruvian development, Cold War politics, and cool formal diplomatic relations between the two countries, Indian votaries of small-scale rural uplift saw in Israeli collective agriculture the chance to give Gandhian “constructive work” a practical program rooted in voluntary, village-based socialism—a goal that eluded Gandhi himself. Israeli planners saw their work with Indian civil society as a means of securing the formal diplomatic sanction largely stymied by India’s relationship with the broader Muslim world. Gandhi’s vision of the Indian “village Republic” and the Israeli model of agrarian collectivism both owed their origins to nineteenth-century utopian thought, and both projects felt anachronistic by the time of their decade-long joint effort, whose initial promise succumbed to realpolitik and the hegemony of the developmental state. Yet their work foregrounds the enduring international stake that Indian civil society maintained in development and nation-building, long presumed to have withered with the arrival of the nation-state.
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Ansari, Usamah. "Producing the Conjugal Patriarchal Family in Maulana Thanvi’s Heavenly Ornaments: Biopolotics, ‘Shariatic Modernity’ and Managing Women." Comparative Islamic Studies 5, no. 1 (July 10, 2011): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v5i1.93.
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Written in the 1930s for Muslim women in north India by Maulana Ashraf Thanvi (1864-1943), Bahishti Zewar or Heavenly Ornaments, has been influential in defining proper feminine etiquette and household management. The household type that is produced is nuclear and with a clearly defined male patriarch. The most mundane of tasks are outlined and related to religious duty. What is central to my analysis is how the meticulous details of household management, bodily comportment and etiquette articulate a regime not of repressive power but rather a (modern) productive modality of power that produce trained docile bodies (Foucault, 1975) and complementary gendered Muslim subjectivities. Thus the tropes Thanvi uses to produce a manual for the self-management of women cannot be divorced from certain logics of modernity and modernist reform; but instead of medico-scientific discourses producing women’s subjectivity, Thanvi uses shariatic principles as the vector through which a modern vision of a managed patriarchal conjugal family infiltrates the household. I am thus depending on Foucault’s notion of biopower that characterizes a modern modality of power. In order to justify my use of this concept, I will outline how Thanvi’s reformist ideas are not inherently oppositional to the logics of Bourgeois modernist production of the conjugal family and the scientific management of the private sphere (Abu-Lughod, 1998). Though I am not claiming that a European Victorian mode of modernity was synonymous with Thanvi’s reformist sentiments, I will reveal that the Bahishti Zewar can be thought of as a modern text, though one articulating an alternative modernity (Göle, 2002; Zaidi, 2006; Gaonkar, 2001) organized around Thanvi’s selective interpretation of shariatic principles. This will reveal the ability to rethink modernity’s relationship with reformist Islamic sentiment and challenge the denial of coavelesence (Fabian, 1983) between modernity’s temporality and Islam, as well as challenging the idea that Thanvi refuted modernity (Naeem, 2003: 2).
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Hawari, Nadirsah, Rachma Octariani, Eva Rosalia, Sinta Arifka, and Asep Candra. "TARSYIH KEPEMIMPINAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF TAFSIR DAN UNDANG-UNDANG PEMILU NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017." Jurnal Tapis: Jurnal Teropong Aspirasi Politik Islam 15, no. 1 (June 27, 2019): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/tps.v15i1.4304.
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Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly. Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.
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Tahir, Masnun. "Pencarian Otentisitas Islam Liberal Di Indonesia." Ulumuna 10, no. 1 (November 4, 2017): 121–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v10i1.438.
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In the contemporary Islamic discourse in Indonesia, an Islamic movement initiated by a group of young muslim intelectuals emerged which offered a new paradigm in comprehending Islamic doctrines. The movement naming itself Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) carrys some jargons of modern life like pluralism, tolerance, inclussivism, freedom of thought, and human rights.
Through sociological approach, this article shows that JIL has played a significant role in dinamizing Islamic discouse in Indonesia. JIL proposed the “individualism” of Islamic thought; it is called “individual autonomy” in Berger and Luckman’s term, and “Islamic liberalism” in Binder and Kurzman’s one. Some methodologies applied by JIL in promoting its ideas are ijtihad freedom, hermeneutics, reactualization of Islamic doctrines, and “al-muhâfazhah ‘alâ al-qadîm al-shâlih wa al-akhdzu bi al-jadîd al-ashlah”.
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Mulyono, Puput. "MEMBUMIKAN NU KULTURAL." Manarul Qur'an: Jurnal Ilmiah Studi Islam 17, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32699/mq.v17i1.926.
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Akhir-akhir ini ada sebagian golongan muslim yang berperilaku beragamagampang mengkafirkan, bid’ah, sesat, syirik kepada muslim yang lain ataugolongan takfiri. Golongan takfiri tersebut seolah menutup mata dengankeberhasilan dakwah Walisongo yang melakukan pendekatan langsung kebudaya (kultural) dan adat istiadat lokal. Pendekatan langsung ke budaya(kultural) tersebut diteruskan oleh warga NU. Menurut Gus Dur NU ituada dua: NU Struktural dan NU Kultural. Struktural yaitu Kyai-kyai yangmenduduki posisi di Tanfidhiyah dan Syuriah. Sedangkan kultural yaituKyai-kyai yang menghidupkan tradisi NU. Tradisi NU itu diantaranya:ziarah kubur, tawasul, tahlil, istigasah, zikir bersama, peringatan maulid,manakib, ngalab berkah dan lain-lain. Dan NU berkembang karena NUkultural.Dalam penelitian ini akan diuraikan tentang hal yang menjadi rumusanmasalah yaitu bagaimana kontribusi NU kultural dalam menghadapigolongan takfiri di Indonesia. Adapun maksud dan tujuan penulisanjurnal ini adalah untuk mengetahui kontribusi NU kultural dalammenghadapi golongan takfiri di Indonesia. Penelitian ini merupakanpenelitian kepustakaan (library research) yang menitikberatkanpembahasan yang bersifat literer. Metode pengumpulan datamenggunakan sumber primer dan sekunder. Adapun analisis datanyamenggunakan analisis isi (content analysis). Dalam tulisan inidiungkapkan bahwa prinsip gerakan NU kultural metodologinya samayang dilakukan ketika zaman Walisongo yaitu Al-muhafazhah ‘ala al-qadimash-shalih wa al-akhdz bi al-jadid al-ashlah (menjaga tradisi lama yang baik,sambil menerima tradisi baru yang baik).
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Mitchell, Matthew C., Muhamad Iqbal Mohd Rafi, Sean Severe, and Jeffrey Kappen. "Conventional Vs. Islamic Finance: the Impact of Ramadan Upon Sharia-compliant Markets." Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies 5, no. 1 (May 30, 2014): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/omee.2014.5.1.14244.
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The Islamic financial industry is growing at a rate 50% faster than that of conventional banking and is expected to be worth USD 2.1 trillion by the end of 2014. This rapid growth and institutionalization of an alternative financial market highlights a growing need to further investigate Sharia-compliant markets and how they compare with their conventional market counterparts. This paper investigates this broad relationship by focusing on the effects of Ramadan upon the performance of Sharia-compliant financial instruments. Specifically, we utilize an event-study methodology to compare the performance of Sharia-compliant stocks to their conventional counterparts across a large sample of countries and regions. We find strong evidence for a significant Ramadan effect within Muslim majority countries and regions. The effect is strongest in the days leading up to Ramadan, and also around the beginning of Ramadan’s third Ashra on the 20th day. This timing reflects the mental, emotional and practical preparations that individuals go through during the course of the month-long observance. These results are not consistent with traditional economic expectations and therefore reflect the unique socially-embedded nature of this emerging and religiously inspired financial system.
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Lynch, Ryan J. "Self-Revision and the Arabic Historical Tradition: Identifying Textual Reuse and Reorganization in the Works Of Al-Balā Dhurāi." Medieval Globe 6, no. 1 (2020): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.6-1.2.
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While there is growing historiographical analysis of the reuse of circulating narrative materials in medieval books from various textual traditions, there have been fewer studies of the late antique and early medieval periods that have considered the process of authorial self-revision. This is especially the case with early Arabic/Islamicate texts. This study is a discussion of the historical material that is reused in the two surviving Arabic works of the Muslim author al-Balādhurī (d. ca. 892 CE/279 AH), material which appears in his Kitāb Futūḥ al-buldān (The Book of the Conquest of Lands) and that was apparently reused in his Ansāb al-Ashrāf (The Lineage of Nobles). In discussing how al-Balādhurī recycled this information and emplotted it in verbatim and near-verbatim forms, it shows how shifting the location of these shared traditions demonstrates the different goals of his two books and also showcases his work as an author: in the former, he places an emphasis on the creation of early Islamic institutions; in the later, he eulogizes the character and qualities of Islam's earliest leaders. Additionally, all of the reused material discussed here was identified through computer meditated analysis, so this study also highlights how the tools of the digital and computational humanities demonstrate immense promise in enhancing and expediting the research of scholars across the medieval globe.
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Fuadah, Sofia, and Arif Afendi. "IMPLEMENTASI ZAKAT PENGHASILAN SEBAGAI PENGURANG PENGHASILAN KENA PAJAK PERORANGAN (STUDI KASUS MUZAKKI DI BAZNAS KABUPATEN SEMARANG)." At-Taqaddum 11, no. 2 (January 8, 2020): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/at.v11i2.4445.
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<p><em>Tax is a obligatory payment to the country by a person or company and one of the highest source of income for a country. Amid the increasing role of taxes in this country revenue, raising awareness of Muslims on the role of zakat. This requires the proper management of Zakat and Tax. The government strives to minimize the double obligation by making regulations that can be a solution, namely Law Number 36 of 2008 concerning Income Tax and Law No. 23 of 2011 concerning Management of Zakat.</em><em> </em><em>The purpose of this study was to find out the Implementation of Income Zakat as a Deduction of Personal Taxable Income on muzaki in BAZNAS Semarang Regency and the Impact of Implementation of Income Zakat as a Deduction of Taxable Income for State Revenues and Community Welfare.</em><em> </em><em> </em><em>The method used in this study is a field research method conducted with a qualitative approach. The technique of collecting data is done by observation, interviews, and documentation. The descriptive analytical analysis is used as the method.</em><em> </em><em>The results showed that muzaki in BAZNAS Semarang District had implemented the policy even though it was still in a relatively low percentage, this was due to a lack of socialization from BAZNAS and KPP Pratama and a lack of community trust towards zakat management institutions. The policy has an impact on increasing the amount of zakat even though state revenues are reduced. The amount of zakat paid by muzaki can be used to assist the Government in alleviating poverty, because besides being distributed to 8 ashnaf, the funds can be used for empowerment programs that include Semarang Care, Semarang Healthy, Semarang Clever and Semarang Prosper.</em><em></em></p><p>==================================================</p><p>Pajak adalah kontribusi wajib kepada negara oleh pribadi atau badan yang bersifat memaksa dan merupakan sumber penerimaan tertinggi bagi suatu negara. Ditengah menguatnya peranan pajak dalam penerimaan negara ini, secara bersamaan muncul kesadaran umat Islam akan peranan zakat. Dengan adanya hal ini menuntut pengelolaan yang tepat antara Zakat dan Pajak. Pemerintah berupaya untuk meminimalkan kewajiban ganda tersebut dengan membuat peraturan yang dapat menjadi solusi yaitu Undang-Undang Nomor 36 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pajak Penghasilan dan Undang - Undang No. 23 Tahun 2011 tentang Pengelolaan Zakat.</p><p>Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui Implementasi dari Zakat Penghasilan sebagai Pengurang Penghasilan Kena Pajak Orang Pribadi pada Muzaki di BAZNAS Kabupaten Semarang dan Dampak Implementasi Zakat Penghasilan sebagai Pengurang Penghasilan Kena Pajak Bagi Penerimaan Negara dan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat.</p><p>Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian lapangan yang dilakukan dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Metode analisis yang digunakan adalah metode analisis deskriptif-analitis.</p><p>Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Muzakki di BAZNAS Kabupaten Semarang sudah menerapkan kebijakan tersebut meskipun masih dalam prosentase yang relatif rendah hal ini terjadi karena kurangnya sosialisasi dari pihak BAZNAS dan KPP Pratama dan kurangnya rasa percaya masyarakat terhadap lembaga pengelola zakat. Kebijakan tersebut berdampak pada meningkatnya jumlah zakat meskipun penerimaan negara berkurang. Jumlah zakat yang dibayarkan muzakki dapat digunakan untuk membantu Pemerintah dalam mengentaskan kemiskinan, karena selain disalurkan kepada 8 ashnaf, dana tersebut dapat digunakan untuk program pemberdayaan yang meliputi Semarang Peduli, Semarang Sehat, Semarang Cerdas dan Semarang Makmur.</p>
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Bruckmayr, Philipp. "The Shi‘a in Modern South Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i4.939.
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The volume at hand brings together recent advances in and new avenues forthe study of both Ithna ‘Ashari and Isma‘ili Shi‘ism in South Asia. As FrancisRobinson notes in his introduction, the region’s roughly 60 million Shi‘aswere grossly neglected in scholarship until the mid-1980s. Since then, andparticularly from the turn of the twenty-first century onward, the situation haschanged significantly. Indeed, some of the most interesting and promising recentstudies of various historical and contemporary aspects of Shi‘ism in generalhave focused on those very communities. Justin Jones, one of the spearheadsof this development, has acted as co-editor of this important collectionof eight thematically highly diverse essays.After Robinson’s overview of the field’s existing literature and the volume’scontents, Sajjad Rizvi tackles a major desideratum in the study of IndianShi‘i scholarly history by closely examining the life and works of Sayyid DildarAli Nasirabadi (d. 1820). A major scholar of his day, as well as the founderof a scholarly dynasty and an instrumental figure in establishing the Usuli traditionin the Shi‘i state of Awadh, his figure and works have, surprisingly, onlyreceived attention in the context of Dildar Alis’s polemics against Shah Abdal-Aziz of Delhi (d. 1823) and his critique of Shi‘ism. Reviewing Ali’s severelycontested but lastingly influential intellectual attack on Akhbarism, Sufism,Sunnism, and philosophy, all expressed in the context of rising Shi‘ipower in late eighteenth-century Awadh, Rizvi aptly highlights the importanceof seriously considering major developments in the late pre-colonial periodin order to more fully understand the actual and supposed transformations thatSouth Asian Shi‘ism underwent during and beyond colonial rule. Needless tosay, this also holds true for the study of other Muslim communities of thenineteenth and twentieth centuries ...
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"Ashraf into middle classes: Muslims in nineteenth-century Delhi." Choice Reviews Online 51, no. 07 (February 20, 2014): 51–4007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-4007.
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Mian, Ali Altaf. "Surviving Desire: Reading Ḥāfiz̤ in Colonial India." Journal of Urdu Studies, May 19, 2021, 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659050-12340019.
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Abstract This article contributes to scholarship on Muslim humanities, Islam in modern South Asia, and the Urdu literary tradition in colonial India. It does so by contextualizing and closely reading Ashraf ʿAlī Thānavī’s (1863–1943) commentary on the Dīvān of the fourteenth-century Persian poet Ḥāfiz̤. Unlike his modernist contemporaries, Ashraf ʿAlī does not read Ḥāfiz̤ through the prisms of social reform or anti-colonial nationalist struggle. Rather, in his capacity as a Sufi master, he approaches Ḥāfiz̤’s Dīvān as a mystical text in order to generate insights through which he counsels his disciples. He uses the commentary genre to explore Sufi themes such as consolation, contraction, annihilation, subsistence, and the master-disciple relational dynamic. His engagement with Ḥāfiz̤’s ġhazals enables him to elaborate a practical mystical theology and to eroticize normative devotional rituals. Yet the affirmation of an analogical correspondence between sensual and divine love on the part of Ashraf ʿAlī also implies the survival of Ḥāfiz̤’s emphases on the disposability of the world and intoxicated longing for the beloved despite the demands of colonial modernity.
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Jamaluddin, Jamaluddin, and Mohamad Rapik. "Kebangkitan Islam di Indonesia Perspektif Post-Tradisionalisme Islam." Kontekstualita 34, no. 02 (March 1, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.30631/kontekstualita.v34i02.41.
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Artikel ini membahas tentang proyek kebangkitan Islam dalam merespon modernitas di Indonesia. Dengan mengacu pada gerakan Post-Tradisionalisme Islam, artikel ini ingin melihat bagaimana pembacaan terhadap tradisi (turats) dan modernitas (al-hadatsah). Ideologi gerakan Post-Tradisionalisme Islam di Indonesia merujuk pada pemikiran Muhammad Abid Al-Jabiri yang, dalam banyak karyanya, memberikan ulasan dan kritiknya terhadap nalar Arab yang dianggap sebagai pangkal pembacaan terhadap tradisi itu sendiri. Post-Tradisionalisme menemukan lahannya pada gerakan Islam Nusantara yang memiliki slogan al-muhafadah ala al-qadim al-shalih (menjaga tradisi) dan wa al-akhzu bi al-jadid al-ashlah (mengambil tradisi baru yang lebih baik). Post-Tradisionalisme terbukti memiliki pandangan filosofis yang baik untuk menjaga (tradisi) Islam, tetapi juga dapat mengambil manfaat dari modernitas, sehingga dengan pandangan ini, Muslim di Indonesia mendapatkan argumentasi untuk menerima NKRI dan Pancasila ketimbang Khilafah. Oleh karenanya, Post-Tradisionalisme memberikan jalan bagi Muslim di Indonesia pada kebangkitan Islam yang sebenarnya, yakni menjembatani antara tradisi dan modernitas.
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"Indian Art Education and Contemporary Art Practices." International Journal For Innovative Engineering and Management Research, September 25, 2021, 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.48047/ijiemr/v10/i09/16.
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Arts education is a distinct academic discipline in India, with governmental and private institutions offering specialised training in the arts.Religious paradigms such as the Hindu Ashram and Muslim madrasas, Buddhist monastery etc., were used to build ancient Indian educational systemsuntil the British instituted schools following their system of preparatory schools under the Cambridge system to promote service to the British Empire. As a result, Indian perceptions of literacy and education, as well as the culture of learning, have shiftedincluding, in the context of the arts, the concepts of differences between art and craft, the social relationship between master craftsperson and artisan, public art and individual art, religious art and secular art, and so on. Art in India, as in the rest of the world, has undergone numerous changes that have resulted in what we see today, a unique amalgamation of sensibilities from the west as well as from across Asia. In the twenty-first century, a new era in India begun.The country's cultural diversity adds to the multi-dimensional approach, which is a direct approach and a direct contribution of various religious beliefs, languages, and the still prevalent rural culture congregating with the rapidly growing urban culture.The country's diversity, like its art, is an experience in and of itself that is difficult to comprehend.This is the core and crux of the new modern India and its emerging art. The paper will discuss about the contemporary art practices in India with reference to its practising artists.
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Marni, Nurazmallail. "Peristiwa Tahkim Antara ‘Ali dan Mu´awiyah (Tahun 36 H): Suatu Kajian dan Pengajaran." Jurnal Teknologi, January 20, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/jt.v38.516.
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Tulisan ini membincangkan Peristiwa Tahkim iaitu persetujuan antara Saidina cAli dan Mu‘ã–wiyah pada tahun 36 H untuk menerima keputusan wakil–wakil yang dilantik dalam menyelesaikan perselisihan antara mereka. Objektif kajian ini ialah untuk memberikan penjelasan menangani peristiwa tersebut. Kajian ini meliputi perbincangan dari beberapa aspek seperti faktor pendorong Peristiwa Tahkim, gambaran peristiwa pada peringkat permulaan dan peringkat perhimpunan wakil kedua pihak. Kajian ini juga membuat analisis terhadap faktor–faktor kegagalan Saidina cAli menangani isu Tahkim dan justifikasi pendirian beberapa sahabat mengenai perlantikan ‘Ali sebagai khalifah. Fokus utama kajian tertumpu pada sejauhmana kebenaran cerita yang mengatakan bahawa wakil pihak Mucãwiyah iaitu cAmr ibn Al–cÃs telah memperdayakan wakil pihak Saidina cAli iaitu Abu Musã al–Ashcari hingga berjaya melucutkan jawatan khalifah daripada Saidina cAli dan mengekalkan kedudukan Mucãwiyah. Kajian mendapati pendapat yang menerima cerita penipuan cAmr ibn Al–cÃs dalam majlis Tahkim lebih berdasarkan sumber riwayat, sementara pendapat yang menolak kesahihannya adalah berdasarkan hujah akal yang disokong oleh beberapa riwayat yang menjelaskan realiti sebenar peristiwa. Ini bermakna pandangan yang mengatakan bahawa Abu Musa al–Ashcari adalah seorang yang bodoh sementara cAmr ibn Al–cÃs adalah seorang penipu, kurang pegangan agama dan tidak menepati janji merupakan pandangan yang salah dan perlu dijauhi. Kata kunci: Peristiwa TAhkim; Saidina Ali; Muawiyah; Amr ibn Al-As; Abu Musa al-Ashari This article focusses on the event of tahkim; an agreement between Caliph cAli and Muawiyah to enable their representatives discuss and find solution for their dispute. A thorough explanation is important in order to clear untruthful narration that surrounded the event. The discussion will include factors that led to the event; the developments of the event, and the meeting itself. This research will also focus on the factors which led to Caliph cAli´s failure in the tahkim as well as justifications of the companions on the appointment of cAli as caliph. The main focus will be on whether cAmr ibn Al–cÃs manipulated and cheated cAli´s representative Abu Musa al–Ashcari loosing cAli which led to his position as the caliph to Muawiyah. This research suggests that the current perceptions of Muslims on the issues are baseless and should be avoided. Key words: Event of Tahkim; Caliph Ali Muawiyah; Amr ibn Al- As; Abu Musa al-Ashari
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Abdul Hai and Dr. Muhammad Ismaeel. "محدثين كے ہاں قراء ثلاثہ كا مقام ومرتبہ اور علم حديث ميں ان كى خدمات." rahatulquloob, December 30, 2019, 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51411/rahat.3.2.2019.75.
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Allah Himself has taken the responsibility to protect the Holy Quran and the Hadith of the Holy Prophet. He Himself has provided the sources of their protection. One of the means of the protection that was the creation of such a group of the Qura who not only served the Holy Quran but also provided worth mentioning services in Ahadith of the Holy Prophet. But their services are hidden from us. By Qura the researcher means those Qura whose recitation styles and narrations are studied and taught in the different quarters of the world who are known as Qura Saba & Ashra (سبعہ وعشرہ). They are ten imams each with two Ravi’s. They are thirty Qura in total. I have selected only last three Imam & their two narrators in this Article. These Qurra are known as Qurra Thlathah (قراء ثلاثہ). The services of these imams have been highlighted in the light of the following eleven Ahadith books. Sihah: Sahih Bukhari, Sahih Muslim, Sahih Ibn-e-Habban, Sahih Ibn-e-Khuzeema. Sunan: Sunan Abu Dawud, Sunan al-Tirmidhi, Sunan al-Nasai, Sunan Ibn Majah, and Sunan al-Kubra. Masaneed: Musnad Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Musnad Abu Ya`la al-Mawsili. How many people have reported them and what is the standard of the weakness and soundness of those narrators have also been discussed in this article. Besides these books of Ahadith, these Ahadith have been searched in other books of Ahadith also. The status of these Qura has been explained in the light of the commentary of Muhadithin. Whether Ahadith critics have declared them thiqa or weak or have declared them as average sadooq. The most important thing is that there is no one weak reporter in these imam qura. Two out of three imam qura are ranked as thiqa and one sadooq. And among the narrators of these qura one is thiqa, one sadooq, and nobody are weak reporters. There is silence about the remaining four reporters of these qura. The reason is that there is no hadith reported from them. Because of all this their religious and scholarly authenticity could be determined. The narrations of these thalathah (ثلاثہ) Qura are confined to reporting the Holy Quran but they have also reported about every part of fiqh and they have been utilized and refered to