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Journal articles on the topic 'Asia Foreign relations China'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges

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Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.

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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrain

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Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.

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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the

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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.

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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the f

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Ziegler, Charles E. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 53, no. 3 (May 2013): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.3.484.

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This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.

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Hevia, James L. "Tribute, Asymmetry, and Imperial Formations: Rethinking Relations of Power in East Asia." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645751.

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AbstractIn organizing the conference “History and China's Foreign Relations, ” John Wills set two difficult tasks for the participants. The first was to consider the role of the academy in U.S. policy-making toward China and surmise whether academics were more influential in John Fairbank's day than today. The second involved a consideration of the models or theoretical constructs used for characterizing China's relations with other countries. Although there is much to say about the relation between area studies and the state, my focus will be on the latter topic, models and theories of foreig

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Panda, Jagannath P. "China in SAARC." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600310.

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Crafting interregional cooperation that involves China as a participant has been the hallmark of Chinese foreign policy in recent times. Though the Chinese involvement in South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is a statement of China’s adherence to the theory of multilateral practices; it is Beijing’s orderly contact with the SAARC members and systematic ‘good-neighbourhood’ policy that have fetched adequate space to China in South Asian politics today. Consequently, Beijing institutionalises the China–South Asia network through SAARC. In addition, the rise of China offers gr

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Fernando, Sithara N. "China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.

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China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in m

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9

Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.

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Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.

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Freeman, Carla P. "China’s ‘regionalism foreign policy’ and China-India relations in South Asia." Contemporary Politics 24, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2017.1408168.

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11

Ding, Sheng. "China Among Unequals: Asymmetric Foreign Relations in Asia by Brantly Womack." China Review International 19, no. 1 (2012): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2012.0014.

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Petrunina, Zhanna V. "on china’s foreign POLICY IN SOUTHern ASIA: China-Pakistan relations today." Scholarly Notes of Komsomolsk-na-Amure State Technical University 2, no. 21 (January 30, 2015): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/2015.i-2(21).4.

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13

Rogozhina, Natalia G. "The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-073-081.

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The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diploma

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Keith, Ronald C. "Review: Asia: The Making of Foreign Policy in China." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 2 (June 1986): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100213.

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Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya. "The Two Faces of Russia Foreign Policy toward China and Taiwan." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.5.

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Russia, as one of the key actors in international politics, faces problematic issues in Chinese-Taiwan Relations. As a significant player, Russia reserves a close and stable relationship with China. However, Russia could not avoid Taiwan's significant role in Northeast Asia, especially its role in allying with the West. Taiwan undoubtedly offers a promising prospect for the Russian economy, but political relations with Taiwan could not significantly contribute to Russian FP. In this paper, Russian foreign policy will be examined on both sides, Russian foreign policy toward China and Russian fo

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Ishaque, Waseem, Rizwana Karim Abbasi, and Usha Rehman. "Comparative Analysis of the US and Chinese Foreign Policy Towards South Asia; Implications for Pakistan." Global Regional Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iv).01.

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South Asia has its geopolitical significance due to its proximity with the oil-rich Middle Eastern States, natural resourcerich Central Asia and economically developed states of South-East Asian States. South Asia has two nuclear states; Pakistan and India. Since the end of 2nd World War, the USA has been present which has provided stability to this region. The USA had extended its investment and aid to Pakistan in during cold war which had maintained a Balance of Power between India and Pakistan. U.S. articulated response against Soviet invasion in 1979 and later entered in Afghanistan in 200

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Kukreja, Veena. "India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (March 2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901187.

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India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central A

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Dadparvar, Shabnam, and Hamidreza Azizi. "Confucian Influence: The Place of Soft Power in China’s Strategy Towards Central Asia." China Report 55, no. 4 (November 2019): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519875233.

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China has traditionally had close relations with Central Asia for quite a long time. The main reasons for this are probably their social, cultural, and demographic bonds, as well as geographical proximity, providing China with a different status in Central Asia from those of the other regions in the world. These bonds have also been strengthened by the ancient Silk Road, beginning in China and passing through Central Asia and Iran towards Europe. Cultural relations, in general, and China’s attempt to expand its means of soft power in the region, in particular, have been a significant aspect of

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Samphantharak, Krislert. "The Rise of China and Foreign Direct Investment from Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000204.

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This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised

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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.

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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as

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Cai, Penghong. "The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (January 2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.

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Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believe

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Tingting, F. "Energy Factor in PRC’s Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-87-90.

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In recent years, China’s fast-growing economy has fuelled the demand for energy. For China energy policy becomes not only a part of foreign policy and diplomacy, but also part of the state development strategy. The article explores the main directions of China's energy policy at the present stage. A detailed analysis of energy factors in Chinese foreign policy at the present stage is undertaken. A particular attention is paid to the main vectors of energy cooperation between China and other countries and regions: Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia.

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23

NELSON, TRAVIS, and MATTHEW CARLSON. "Charmed by China? Popular Perceptions of Chinese Influence in Asia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 477–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000230.

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AbstractChinese influence in Asia is complicated by many factors. There are those who argue that China's growing military and economic power make this influence an automatic threat, while others maintain that China's recent attempts at a ‘charm offensive’ mute this threat and have succeeded in creating a positive image for many of its regional neighbors. Drawing on survey data collected across 23 countries, we enter this debate by asking what individuals in and across Asia think about Chinese influence. Do they see this influence as positive or negative? What factors at the individual and nati

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Ng, Beoy Kui. "The Economic Rise of China: Its Threats and Opportunities from the Perspective of Southeast Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 25 (February 5, 2008): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v25i0.1427.

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Abstract The purpose of the paper is to examine the economic impact of China on Southeast Asian countries, mainly in terms of trade and investment. The paper attempts to examine whether the rise of China poses a threat to Southeast Asia as a region in the area of international trade, especially competition in third country markets, and asks, can they be friends and allies rather than competitors in international market? Secondly, the paper also questions if the concentration of foreign direct investment (FDI) in China is resulting in a diversion of FDI away from the region. Do FDI in Chi

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Antonopoulos, Paul. "The Kangaroo, the Bear, and the Dragon: Australia-Russia-China Relations in the “Asian Century”." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 03 (January 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500208.

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With Australia and Russia increasingly seeing their future in the Asia-Pacific, neither can reach its full economic potential except under the guidance of Beijing’s control of ports on its “Maritime Silk Road.” Cold War clichés of the “Yankee lapdog” and the big bad “Russian bear” continue to dominate how Canberra and Moscow view each other. Yet when it comes to the future of Australia-Russia-China relations, one must look beyond Moscow, Beijing, and Canberra, but rather at Vladivostok and Darwin, symbols of an as-yet unrealized goal to shift emphasis onto each country’s sparsely-populated reg

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Wong, Pak Nung, and Wai Kay Ricky Yue. "U.S.-China Containment and Counter-Containment in Southeast Asia." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (May 9, 2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341284.

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AbstractIn 2011, the United States of America (u.s.) adopted the “pivot to Asia” (also known as “return to Asia”) foreign policy. In order to provide a critique of this apparent policy change, this paper has two aims. First, we will contextualize such policy agenda against the Anglo-American strategic culture of “containment” as a strand of geopolitical realism and a foreign policy practice against communism. Second, by providing a case study on the changing relations between the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America, we will characterizeu.s.

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Berdiyev, Ahmet, and Nurettin Can. "THE IMPORTANCE OF CENTRAL ASIA IN CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY AND BEIJING’S SOFT POWER INSTRUMENTS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 015–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.4.02.

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Throughout history, Central Asia was seen as a vital region by the great powers that struggled for the influence in this region in the past. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, new independent states have emerged in Central Asia. This article provides an analysis of China’s implementation of foreign policy towards Central Asian states through soft power. China recently implemented the idea of soft power as a crucial foreign policy instrument. The study focuses on the fact that soft diplomacy can be essential in forming an attractive image of China in the international arena. Furthermore,

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Wang, Dong. "Is China Trying to Push the U.S. out of East Asia?" China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 01 (April 2015): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500049.

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One of the key questions for understanding the future trajectory of regional order is whether or not China is trying to push the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order. Some Western analysts accuse China of pursuing the Monroe Doctrine and excluding the United States from the region. This article argues that the Western discourse of China practicing the Monroe Doctrine is a misplaced characterization of China's behavior. Rather than having intention of pushing the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order, China is pursuing a h

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Chantasasawat, Busakorn, K. C. Fung, Hitomi Iizaka, and Alan Siu. "The Giant Sucking Sound: Is China Diverting Foreign Direct Investment from Other Asian Economies?" Asian Economic Papers 3, no. 3 (September 2004): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1535351054825201.

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This paper attempts to determine empirically whether China is taking foreign direct investment (FDI) away from other Asian economies (the “China effect”). A random-effects simultaneous equation model, controlling for the determinants of inward FDI of eight East and Southeast Asian economies over 1985–2001 and using China's inward FDI as an indicator of the China effect, indicates that China's FDI level is positively related to these economies' FDI levels and negatively related to their shares in FDI in Asia. Moreover, openness, corporate tax rates, and corruption can exert a greater influence

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ZHENG, Yongnian, Liang Fook LYE, and Gang CHEN. "China's Foreign Policy: Coping with Shifting Geopolitics and Maintaining Stable External Relations." East Asian Policy 04, no. 01 (January 2012): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000037.

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China's foremost foreign policy challenge in 2011 was to grapple with an increased American presence in the Asia-Pacific which has affected the dynamics of big power relations in the region. China, nevertheless, did not overreact but sought stable ties with major powers and friendly cooperation with its neighbours. It also tempered expectations of its role in the eurozone debt situation. With an impending leadership succession in 2012, China will place a premium on maintaining a stable external environment.

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Li, He. "China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2020-0010.

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Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study i

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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. "Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.

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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign p

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Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.

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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition

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Kryzhko, E. V., and P. I. Pashkovsky. "Features of the US Foreign Policy Towards the Central Asian States." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 1 (June 12, 2021): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-1-65-81.

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The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their tran

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Kireeva, A. A. "RUSSIA AND EAST ASIA: NEW OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-9-19.

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The article focuses on major dimensions, achievements, challenges and prospects of relations between Russia and East Asia. Strategic importance of the region is shaped by East Asia's increasing role in world politics and economy as well as by its appeal for Russia's modernization agenda. Russia's great power status rests upon the effectiveness of its East Asian policy and development model of Siberia and the Russian Far East. Russia's positions in East Asia have improved substantially over the 2000s. However, its involvement in regional economic interaction is still insignificant and Russia ca

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Zongze, Ruan, and Debasish Chaudhuri. "Contemporary International Situation and China-Russia-India Relations." China Report 41, no. 4 (October 2005): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550504100402.

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The trend of Bush's policy and its impact in international affairs is worth noting during the second presidential term of George Bush. The US, besides persisting in pushing forward its ‘democratisation plan in the greater Middle East’, has been intensifying its attempt to penetrate into Central Asia. For some time now, the main focus of US foreign policy has been Iraq, the Gulf and the Middle East, but it has given equal importance to containing the so-called ‘North Korean nuclear weapon’ and to the ‘Iranian nuclear issue’. There were new developments in China-Russia-India tripartite relations

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Malysheva, D. "International Political Competition in the Post-Soviet Central Asian Space." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-106-115.

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The article analyzes the innovations that determine the main directions and specific characteristics of international political competition in Central Asia. Particular attention is paid to political alternatives presented by the leading partners of the Central Asian countries – Russia, China, Turkey and Iran. In the context of the rivalry unfolding in the post-Soviet Central Asian space, the multi-vector policy of the five Central Asian states opens up a “window of opportunity” for various external forces to influence political and economic processes in the region in such a way that its states

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ZHENG, Yongnian, Liang Fook LYE, and Gang CHEN. "China's Foreign Policy: Responding to the US Pivot to Asia and Managing Differences with its Neighbours." East Asian Policy 05, no. 01 (January 2013): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000020.

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China devoted much effort to manage its relations with Asia-Pacific countries in 2012 due to the US pivot to the region. China views the military-centric focus of the US pivot as directed at China and as emboldening regional countries to be more assertive in their territorial claims vis-à-vis China. In 2013, the Chinese leadership will likely strike a balance between seeking a stable external environment and standing firm on issues concerning China's national interests.

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Chung, Chien-Peng. "Japan's Involvement in Asia-Centered Regional Forums in the Context of Relations with China and the United States." Asian Survey 51, no. 3 (May 1, 2011): 407–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.3.407.

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Against China's attempts at cultivating multilateral forums to augment and institutionalize its influence in Central, Northeast, and Southeast Asia, Japan's major foreign policy challenge now is how to secure its own interests in these forums while balancing its relations with China and the United States.

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Ngoei, Wen-Qing. "There and back again: What the Cold War for Southeast Asia can teach us about Sino-US competition in the region today." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019855352.

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This essay examines how the history of the Cold War in Southeast Asia has shaped, and will likely continue to shape, the current Sino-US rivalry in the region. Expert commentary today typically focuses on the agendas and actions of the two big powers, the United States and China, which actually risks missing the bigger picture. During the Cold War, leaders of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) played a critical role in containing Chinese influence, shaping the terms of Sino-US competition and rapprochement, and deepening the US presence in Southeast Asia. The legacy of ASEAN’s fore

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Sutter, Robert. "Myanmar in Contemporary Chinese Foreign Policy – Strengthening Common Ground, Managing Differences." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100103.

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This assessment first briefly examines recent features of China's approach to foreign affairs, and then examines in greater detail features in China's approach to relations with its neighbours, especially in Southeast Asia. It does so in order to discern prevailing patterns in Chinese foreign relations and to determine in the review of salient recent China–Myanmar developments in the concluding section how China's approach to Myanmar compares with Chinese relations with other regional countries and more broadly. The assessment shows that the strengths and weaknesses of China's recent relations

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Volodin, A. "Evolution of Indian Foreign Policy Strategy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2013): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-2-93-102.

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A comlex of Indian foreign policy problems is analyzed in the article in a broad historical context. The emphasis is made on the fact that the transfer of economic growth centers from the North-Atlantic space to the Asia-Pacific Region resulted in a greater attention to the forming alignment of geopolitical forces in the Region, primarily in the triangle India–China–USA. The author draws two conclusions relevant to the foreign policy of Russia.

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Bao, Barack Lujia. "Trilateral relations among China, Nepal and India: Opportunities, Challenges and Prospects." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no. 7 (July 30, 2021): 05–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.4.7.2.

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Through multiple cases, comparative analysis, and empirical analysis, the purpose of this essay attempts to examine the triangular interaction among China, India and Nepal from the geopolitical and geoeconomic perspectives. It can be observed that the progress over intensive cultural exchanges among China, Nepal and India has been a little bit more noticeable and more substantive than interstate economic engagement. The comparison between the China-initiating Belt and Road Initiative and India’s neighbourhood policy shows that both major economies tend to be strategically vying for constructiv

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Whiting, Allen S. "Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy After Deng." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034950.

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As the Deng era approaches its end, concern abroad, particularly in East Asia, focuses on how the People's Republic of China (PRC) will cope with territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and India, and the continued quest for Taiwan. Meanwhile Chinese military modernization steadily increases the People's Liberation Army (PLA) air and sea power projection. The question arises: might a beleaguered post-Deng leadership seek to strengthen its legitimacy through exploitation of Chinese nationalism and if so, how would this manifest itself in foreign relations?

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Wang, Yuan-kang. "Explaining the Tribute System: Power, Confucianism, and War in Medieval East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (August 2013): 207–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000391x.

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In this article I remedy the popular misconception that the East Asian international system was hierarchical and non-egalitarian in history. I argue that the tribute system is mainly a function of power. Backed by power, Confucian norms and rules became the rules of the game in the system. Power asymmetry gave rise to hierarchy in foreign relations while power symmetry led to diplomatic equality between great powers. East Asia during the tenth to the thirteenth centuries was a multistate system without a regional hegemon. In the Song-Liao international system (960–1125), due to power symmetry,

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Starkin, S., and I. Ryzhov. "The Strategic “Reversal” of the USA in Asia: Evolution of the Approaches." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-49-56.

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The purpose of current article is to analyze current foreign policy of USA in Asian region, which are widely defined by US politicians as the “reversal” to Asia. The key-elements of this strategy include noticeable military presence, regular military exercises, geopolitical expansion from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean, as well as preservation of American leadership and containment of growing China`s influence inside the region. Later the policy transformed into the so-called Pivot, which means a significant increase in diplomatic, economic and strategic U.S. investment in Asia Pacific. While

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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044508.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.

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Vlasov, N. V. "The Contemporary Chinese Policy in Southeast Asia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-60-67.

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Although the PRC has been gradually turning into a genuinely global power recently, her regional interests particularly in SEA are not shrinking. Developing relations with ASEAN in general and its member states in particular is still among the key priorities of the Chinese foreign policy. This is motivated by the interest to ensure safe and controlled buffer along China's border perimeter - "belt of peace, stability and common prosperity". At present, Chinese standing in SEA is firm. Sino-ASEAN relations are based upon mutual pragmatism. The reason for that to a great extent is a tangible trad

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Farzana, Ashraf, and Khalid Tanweer. "Pakistan China relations in the Emerging Dynamics of Power in South Asia." Revista Amazonia Investiga 10, no. 38 (April 12, 2021): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2021.38.02.1.

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This research paper highlights and review the strategic relationship amongst Pakistan and China as emerging economic states and power balanced countries in South Asia. The region has always been in the news since many decades, starting from “Khyber Pass” which was a route to conquer the “Golden Bird”, to the Union Jack, needs to trade for their economic resilience. The existence of Pakistan changes the dynamics of this region, as Pakistan is known as its strategic location which further helps the world in trade. The routes are key factual economic indicators for many countries, as sea routes f

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