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Journal articles on the topic 'Asian Foreign public opinion'
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1
Singh, Baljinder, and Hakim Singh. "China's Foreign Policy towards South Asia: Knocking at the Doorstep of Indian Backyards." TECHNO REVIEW Journal of Technology and Management 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/trjtm2023.v03.n02.001.
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Before 18th century China along with India had 50% share of world economy. It is believed that China will emerge as largest world economy till 2030. Domestic circumstances and public opinion always effected the foreign policies of countries and also are major drivers of foreign attitude of China. South Asia occupies an important place in foreign policy of China which includes Nepal, Bhutan, India and Pakistan having common border with it. India is big South Asian giant and dominating power of the region. Furthermore, South Asian region is also known as Indian backyard and Chinese foreign policy towards the sub region revolves around the India - China relationship. During the initial years of post-cold war era, Chinese export of South Asian states increased from 71,910 million US dollars to 182,917 million US dollars from 1991 to 1997 and import expanded from 63791 million US dollars to 142,189 million US dollars within same span of time.
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GOLDSMITH, BENJAMIN E., and MATTHEW LINLEY. "Engaged or Not? Perceptions of Australian Influence among Asian Publics." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 525–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000254.
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AbstractDespite Australia's increasing economic ties with Asia, little is known about how it is perceived by the typical citizen in the region. This paper seeks to contribute to the Australian discussion on ‘Asian engagement’, as well as to a general understanding of the structure of foreign policy beliefs, by examining perceptions of Australia's influence among the mass publics of 14 Asian polities. Despite some anxiety in Australia on national op-ed pages and among political leaders over how the country is perceived, we find that the average person in Asia probably does not have a strong or meaningful opinion about Australia's foreign policy. Using survey data covering the years 2006 through 2008 from the AsiaBarometer project, we find that, on average, far more people view Australia's influence on their country favorably (40.5%) than view it unfavorably (6.1%). A similar percentage (41.5%), however, have neutral views of Australia's influence, and 12% of people in Asian nations express no opinion on the topic. We suggest these high frequencies of neutral perceptions and non-response are evidence of considerable indifference towards Australia. Furthermore, we investigate the correlates of perceptions of Australia's influence and find that in almost all cases citizens’ views about US and Chinese influence on their country are much better predictors of their views of Australia's influence than core values, identity, information, and demographic characteristics. We posit that opinions about Australia, even those that are favorable, may have less to do with perceptions of Australia specifically, and more to do with respondents’ general internationalist sentiment or perceptions of major powers.
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Fang, Songying, and Xiaojun Li. "Southeast Asia under Great-Power Competition: Public Opinion About Hedging in the Philippines." Journal of East Asian Studies 22, no. 3 (November 2022): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.35.
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AbstractUnder pressure to choose between the U.S. and China, Southeast Asian countries have adopted a hedging strategy: deepening economic relations with China while strengthening security cooperation with the U.S. How does the region's public view this strategy? With tensions rising in South China Sea territorial disputes, are more nationalistic individuals more likely to oppose hedging? Using an original public opinion survey conducted in the Philippines, we find that while an overwhelming majority of respondents were concerned about the territorial disputes, more nationalistic Filipinos were no more concerned than less nationalistic ones. Further, more nationalistic Filipinos were more likely to view economic relations with China as important for the Philippines and to approve of Duterte's China policy, which follows the logic of hedging. These surprising findings suggest that under the shadow of great-power competition, the link between domestic politics and foreign policy is nuanced in the Philippines, and Southeast Asia in general.
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Ringmar, Erik. "Performing International Systems: Two East-Asian Alternatives to the Westphalian Order." International Organization 66, no. 1 (January 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000033.
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AbstractThis article provides a framework for the comparative study of international systems. By analyzing how international systems are framed, scripted, and performed, it is possible to understand how interstate relations are interpreted in different historical periods and parts of the world. But such an investigation also has general implications—inter alia for a study of the nature of power, the role of emotions in foreign policymaking, and public opinion formation. Case studies are provided by the Sino-centric, the Tokugawa, and the Westphalian systems. As this study shows, the two East Asian systems were in several respects better adapted than the Westphalian to the realities of international politics in the twenty-first century.
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Yujin, Yang. "The Study on China-ASEAN Cooperation under “the Belt and Road” Initiative." Advances in Politics and Economics 6, no. 4 (November 7, 2023): p51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v6n4p51.
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Since “the Belt and Road” initiative was proposed ten years ago, ASEAN has always been a priority region. China and Southeast Asian countries, adhering to the principle of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, have made significant achievements in political consultation, economic cooperation, cultural exchanges, environmental protection, and other aspects. In the new international political and economic situation, both sides are facing challenges from factors such as intervention from foreign powers, political uncertainty within ASEAN countries, competition for economic development space, and misunderstanding and concerns about China’s rise. Nevertheless, China and ASEAN are geographically connected by mountains and rivers, historically by humanities. With the RCEP implemented and the RMB regionalized in ASEAN, cooperation between China and ASEAN in emerging fields such as the digital commerce and green energy will see more benefits. In order to better promote China ASEAN cooperation, China should maintain the regional center status of ASEAN, solidly promote bilateral trade and enterprise investment, through cultural exchanges and international public opinion promotion, tell China’s story well, win the hearts of ASEAN people, and enhance trust between each other.
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Nadtochey, Yuriy. "The Impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars on US Foreign and Domestic Politicy." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014886-2.
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The article compares the two most significant military conflicts of the Cold War era, the Korean War and the Vietnam War, in terms of their impact on US domestic and foreign policy. To this end, they are analysed on eight key parameters (objectives of the war, changes in foreign policy concepts, economic consequences of the war, public opinion, etc.). Unlike numerous studies on the impact of the US on Asian regions and nations, the main thrust of this study is to focus on the reverse impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars, namely on the ways these conflicts affected the domestic affairs of the US and altered its foreign policy behaviour. The empirical base for the study encompasses declassified White House and Pentagon papers, memoirs of American presidents, public opinion polls, as well as extensive research literature. The authors conclude that, although the war on the Korean Peninsula was one of the hottest points of the Cold War and had a serious impact on the social and political life of the country, it has in fact turned out to be a “forgotten” event in American history. By contrast, the Vietnam War, although it had a significant impact on the public consciousness of Americans, was on the whole largely a local conflict, failed to substantially change the international situation, and could not impede the policy of détente in international relations, which was essential for both the USA and the USSR.
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PANG, YANG HUEI. "Helpful Allies, Interfering Neighbours: World opinion and China in the 1950s." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 1 (September 17, 2014): 204–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000395.
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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was effectively an international pariah. Accounts of this period in Chinese textbooks emphasize how the Chinese turned this around, either during the Geneva Conference or the Bandung Conference, through deft planning and enterprise. Yet few pay any attention to how such manipulation of world opinion became increasingly difficult for Beijing after that initial success. One outcome of China's public relations campaign meant friendly Afro-Asia leaders voiced their opinions, in alarming numbers, to their Chinese counterparts regarding issues such as Asian security, mainland China's economic development, and the Taiwan problem. Indeed, recently declassified Chinese Foreign Affairs archive documents demonstrate that China tried to marshal such non-Soviet bloc opinions to its advantage during the first Taiwan Strait crisis (1955). Chinese efforts were successful in that there was no lack of volunteers to air dissent with American foreign policy. But these new allies also wished to mediate between the United States and the Republic of China, on the one side, and mainland China on the other. Moreover, such efforts were often at variance with China's domestic and strategic outlook in the region. China thus had to embark upon an active ‘management’ of disparate world opinions, which was an entirely new endeavour. Although China tried to provide a sanitized ‘script’ for its new friends, most had their own ideas. By the time of the second Taiwan Strait crisis (1958), the volume of third party interference had grown. Overwhelmed by such international attention, China responded by openly rejecting unwelcome mediation efforts and demanded outright condemnation of the United States. Thus, ironically, with its growing prominence on the international stage, China found itself unbearably weighted down by the burden of world opinion, a position previously occupied by the United States.
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BIBERMAN, YELENA. "How We Know What We Know about Pakistan: New York Times news production, 1954–71." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 5 (September 2017): 1598–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000901.
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AbstractThis article explores public knowledge creation by examining how the New York Times produced Pakistan news between 1954 and 1971, the formative period of United States of America (USA)–Pakistan relations. These years encapsulate not only the heyday of cooperation between the two governments, but also the American public's first major introduction to the South Asian country by the increasingly intrepid news media. A leader in shaping that introduction was the New York Times. While most studies of the American media focus on measuring the effect of news exposure and content on public opinion, this article focuses on the theoretically underexplored aspect of news production: foreign news gathering. With a lens on South Asia, it shows that foreign news gathering involves the straddling of on-the-ground political and logistical constraints that generate an atmosphere of high uncertainty. By exploring the limitations on news gathering faced by America's leading newspaper's foreign correspondents in Pakistan in the 1950s and 1960s, this article identifies an important historical source of the ambiguity characterizing USA–Pakistan relations. The findings are based on recently released archival material that offers rare insight into the news-production process.
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Bezerra, Valdir Silva. "Broken Dreams in Ashkhabad." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 11, no. 1 (April 29, 2022): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2022.v11n1.p118-138.
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The purpose of this article is to present a discussion on the main political contradictions (both domestic and international) of post-independence Turkmenistan. As part of a broader effort to understand the social and power dynamics resulting from the collapse of the Soviet Union for the countries of Central Asia, we apply a descriptive analysis of some of the principal domestic and foreign policy events involving the Ashkhabad government, as well as the main implications for the lives of Turkmen (and Central Asian) migrants in the Russian Federation, who have chosen to leave their country of origin in search of better economic and educational opportunities. As a result of the present effort, we observe that the Central-Asian country not only became a laboratory for the exercise of a local version of a 'Cult of Personality' of the leader (resembling the phenomenon occurred during the 1930-1950s within Stalin’s Soviet Union), as well as the precarious operationalization on the part of Turkmenistan of its political neutrality in view of an economic dependence from Moscow and, more recently, from China. Furthermore, the present article evidences the difficulties of adaptation and assimilation of Turkmen migrants (and Central Asians more generally) in Russia, due, in part, to a ‘stereotyped’ view about migrants on the part of Russian public opinion.
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Rajapakshe, R. D. P. Sampath. "Building Goodwill through Soft Power: An Analysis of China’s Reputation in Sri Lanka." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n1p48.
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Many researchers find out that impacted the types of Chinese foreign policy starting in the mid-1990s. However, Chinese foreign policymakers presented "New Grand Strategy" for the 21st century in the mid-1990s. This strategy exceptionally intended to advance and keep up China's image in the abroad. On the other hand, Policy observers contend introducing of the South Asian region that deliberately essential to emerging China. In addition, Chinese vicinity in Sri Lanka that verbalized by policy observers numerous ways. These contentions express that China's soft power in Sri Lanka that ought to be an extraordinary choice in Chinese policy arrangement. This article investigates current appearance of China's goodwill agenda inspecting two strains of Chinese policy in Sri Lanka that breaking point to observe foreign aid and the Confucius institute that lead the Peoples' Republic of China in 2000s. The paper additionally assesses the achievement of this alleged soft power crusade in Sri Lanka utilizing a worldwide overview to figure out whether the new introduction associates with changed Sri Lankan conclusions about China. This article assesses the adequacy of these endeavors by breaking down public opinion survey accumulated by the Gallup surveying in 2011. Information utilized for this article has been gathered from a substantial number of books, periodicals, magazines, journals. My findings demonstrate that the goodwill agenda has been fruitful at enhancing China's reputation in Sri Lanka.
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Kozár, László, and György Iván Neszmélyi. "Hungarian endeavours for the enhancement of economic relations in Southeast Asia focusing on a new partnership with Vietnam." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 11, no. 3-4 (May 12, 2020): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2017/3-4/1.
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Beyond a brief review of the economic integration process among the states of the ASEAN region, the authors of the present study aimed to examine and analyze the main economic, social and political characteristics of the Hungaro-ASEAN relations. The importance of the topic of this research is underlined by the fact that the Hungarian government considers big importance to the improvement of the foreign economic relations with Asian economies. This intention was expressed by a new foreign economic strategy „Eastern opening” announced by the government in 2012, even though the foreign trade statistical figures did not justify its success by now.The authors believe that increasing opening towards Asia serves Hungarian economic interests. Therefore, it is a right and desirable direction to proceed, they consider that in the background of the modest results there might be the insufficient knowledge of the market mechanisms, the actors of the local supply chains and the potential partners. They believe that in order to make the Hungarian foreign economic endeavours in this direction more successful a more thorough examination of the local characteristics – including the actual demand arising at the targeted markets - is necessary. This opinion is prevalent to not only the Asian „Giants”, like China, India and Japan, but also to smaller states, like the ASEAN members, which – together - in terms of population and economic performance – reach the dimensions of an economic great power as well.Furthermore, the integration of the ten Southeast Asian countries develops rapidly, which is coupled by their increasing weight in the world trade. The dynamic economic and social development in the ASEAN region – and in parallel with this the growing demands and purchasing power - may encourage the Hungarian ventures in theory. However, there are still very few Hungarian entrepreneurs, who are ready to enter the market in the region and able in long run to operate there successfully. It is a well-known fact that the since the regime has changed in Hungary, foreign trade became strongly concentrated towards the EU members.The ASEAN countries – because of the geographic distance and by other reasons - definitely cannot mean an alternative of the EU market, however in a certain extent they can relieve this one-sided concentration and may provide additional opportunities for the Hungarian export of goods, and rather to the export of Hungarian services and know-how. The ratio of the ASEAN region within the entire Hungarian foreign trade turnover is small nowadays, furthermore – according to the statistical figures – this region is rather an import resource for Hungary than being an export market. This fact – just itself – is should not be considered as problem. When the amount of the import exceeds the amount of exports, that means that it is more worthwhile to do business with suppliers from there countries than with others. By and large all this is prevalent to the field of the agricultural trade as well: Hungary imports a range of commodities which cannot be produced by domestic farmers or in Europe (spices, tropical fruits, etc.). It is obvious that the ASEAN region cannot be the major market for the Hungarian agricultural export, not even in long run. However, there are still a lot of opportunities to enlarge the turnover of goods and services and enhance the co-operation in this geographic region. In the last chapter, the authors outlined an example in case of Vietnam – co-operation of joint public warehousing of agricultural commodities – which may be a good example for the promising potential opportunities. In contrast with the majority of the ASEAN countries, the Hungaro-Vietnamese political and economic relations had started much earlier than the regime was changed in Hungary. However, the potential advantages arose from this fact – the network of connections and the sympathy of Vietnamese professionals graduated in Hungary, the reputation and popularity of Hungarian agricultural products and technologies, the achievements of R&D in the field of agriculture – could not be utilized from Hungarian side. Vietnam, however still preserved its socialist political establishment, but in terms of its economic development strategy and economic policy has gradually been standing on the basis of market orientation. Vietnam, with its population of ninety million shows a rapid and successful development and it means good opportunities even for Hungarian entrepreneurs. It would be a mistake to leave these potentials unused.
JEL Classification: F14, Q17, R11, N75
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ANAND, R. P. "The Formation of International Organizations and India: A Historical Study." Leiden Journal of International Law 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2010): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990318.
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AbstractAs the clash of aspirations increased among European countries, a European ‘civil war’ started in 1914, which engulfed the whole world. With all the terrible destruction and loss of life, it was felt that an international organization must be established to avert war in future. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, the British government succeeded in gaining separate representation for its dominions, including India. This created a rather anomalous situation, since a dependency of a foreign power, a colony which could not control its internal affairs, was accepted as a sovereign state by an international treaty. Europe had hardly recovered from the First World War in the late 1920s when it drifted towards a second holocaust in 1939. India became a founding member of the United Nations in 1945, even though it was still under British rule, participating in the historic founding conference. But Indian national public opinion was neither very hopeful nor enthusiastic about the conference on the new international organization. Not only India, which was not even independent at that time, but Asian countries as such played a very small and insignificant role in the formulation of the UN Charter.
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Churkin, M. K. "Scenarios of Imperial Incorporation of Asiatic Russia within the Discourse of Celebrations Dedicated to the 300<sup>th</sup> Anniversary of Russian Expansion into Siberia (1881–1882)." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 23, no. 1 (February 7, 2024): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2024-23-1-120-129.
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Based on materials from publications dedicated to the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the Russian expansion into Siberia, the article reconsiders the content of the discourse of celebrations that happened on October 26, 1881, in the capital centers of the Russian Empire, as a promising model for the consolidation of the authorities and society in solving critical issues facing by the government in the eastern outskirts of the empire. The historiographical review reveals that researchers show solidarity in choosing the timing of the anniversary events. The scholars conducted a thorough analysis of the discussions surrounding the determination of the time of celebration in the discourse of authorities and society. They concluded that the debates about the precise dates and years of the “Siberian conquest” were peripheral in nature and not of significant concern in the professional community or public opinion. The study identifies the main “platforms” of the jubilee discourse, as well as the ceremonial and storytelling aspects of the commemoration, dominated during the celebration of the Russian Expansion into Siberia, in the context of formulating and translating the current imperial scenarios to incorporate Asian Russia into the general imperial space. It has been established that the ceremonial components of the jubilee discourse outlined the priorities of the imperial center in making decisions of a colonization nature. The narrative part of the discourse showcased the willingness and ability of the authorities to engage with the social forces. This was particularly evident in the discussion and formulation of the programmatic narrative, which focused on the inclusion of Asian territories in the empire. The discourse emphasized the paramount importance of connecting the European and Asian parts of Russia by rail and introduced flexible algorithms for resolving foreign issues. Furthermore, the discourse aimed to reduce the share of exile as a tool of colonization and promote government-level involvement in the resettlement process.
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Tan, Jackson, Muhammad Abdul Mabood Khalil, Dalinatul Ahmed, Jayakrishnan Pisharam, Chiao Yuen Lim, Hock Beng Chua, William Chong, and Kim Khee Tan. "The Living-Related Kidney Transplant Program in Brunei Darussalam: Lessons Learnt from a Nascent National Program in a Small, Muslim, and Asian Country." Journal of Transplantation 2021 (April 20, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/8828145.
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Brunei Darussalam commenced its living-related renal transplant program in 2013, with subsequent attainment of independent local capacity and proficiency in 2019. The preliminary outcome from the program has already begun to shape the national nephrology landscape with a 36% increment in transplant rate and mitigation of commercialized transplantations. The blueprint for the program was first laid out in 2010 and thereupon executed in four phases. The first phase involved the gathering of evidence to support the establishment of the national program, through researches investigating feasibility, public opinion, quality of life, graft survival, and cost-effectiveness. The second phase focused on laying the foundation of the program through grooming of local expertise, implementation of legal-ethical frameworks, religious legitimization, and propagation of awareness. The third phase worked on facilitating experiential exposure and strengthening local infrastructure through the upgrading of facilities and the introduction of subsidiary services. The fourth phase was implemented in Brunei in 2013 when foreign personnel worked together with the local team to perform the transplants. Between 2013 and 2019, ten kidney transplants were performed, with two being done in 2018 and three in 2019. We hope to inspire other similar countries to develop their own self-sustainable and independent local program.
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Nelidov, V. V. "Ukrainian crisis in Japan’s domestic political discourse." Japanese Studies in Russia, no. 4 (January 5, 2023): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.55105/2500-2872-2022-4-108-122.
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The Ukrainian crisis, which came into its active phase in February 2022, led to the collapse of Russia’s relations with many countries, and Japan was no exception. The Japanese government expressed strong criticism of Russia’s actions and joined the anti-Russian sanctions with, probably, most vigor, compared to any other Asian nation. This makes the question about the reasons for such course pursued by Tokyo vis-à-vis Russia a particularly timely one. In Russia, there is a widespread opinion that such position held by Tokyo is caused mostly by pressure from the United States. Yet such view seems to be a gross simplification. This article attempts to analyze the positions of various participants of the Japanese foreign policy making process about the events unfolding in Ukraine. It shows that, even though all key parties, irrespective of their political orientation, take a critical stance towards the actions of the Russian Federation, their statements show some nuances reflecting their ideological priorities. For example, the ruling LDP emphasizes solidarity with the US; its junior coalition partner, Komeito, stresses humanitarian aspects and the role of the UN; the Japan Innovation Party criticizes the government for indecisiveness and calls for more active military policy, while the left-wing populist Reiwa Shinsengumi even refused to support the relevant Diet resolution to demonstrate its principled stance to the voters. There are indeed opinions which can arguably be called apologetic towards Russia. However, those holding such opinions are but a minority and are hardly able to alter the position of the government or the Japanese public as a whole. There is a virtual consensus about the issue, and nuances in the positions of major political forces are inconsequential. One would be justified to assume that, under any probable domestic political situation, Tokyo will not change its policy about the matter.
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Kraus, Kateryna, Nataliia Kraus, and Olena Shtepa. "Tourist Industry of Ukraine: Reserves of Financial and Economic Growth and Determinants of Quality Management." VUZF Review 7, no. 3 (September 27, 2022): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.38188/2534-9228.22.3.03.
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Authors presented main aspects of tourism industry of Ukraine. The opinion was expressed that one of the factors in the recovery of domestic and international tourism in Ukraine will be the new quality of management of the industry. Main proposals regarding the restoration of tourist flows to the capital of Ukraine and the country in particular were named, namely: to develop a strategy aimed at eliminating the crisis situation and improving the image of the city and which will be able to neutralize the status of a dangerous city; to encourage the standardization of accommodation facilities (hotels, motels) and their official registration and functioning; to create a practical and convenient public transport infrastructure and travel navigation in three main languages (Ukrainian, English and Chinese). Statistical data on the flow of tourists from European and Asian countries have been analyzed, and the countries to which Ukrainians travel most often have been indicated.
Authors expressed the opinion that the financial policy in tourism and hotel business sector should be conducted in a flexible way, and should be carried out with the help of attracting investments from private companies, charitable, social, and foreign organizations. As part of the topic of the article, we will present a SWOT-analysis of tourist attraction of Ukrainian capital, where the threats include the deterioration of the country’s attractiveness for foreign tourists due to active hostilities and a complex socio-political situation; economic crisis, decrease in purchasing power; sufficiently high level of terrorist threats; underdeveloped infrastructure for active leisure for disabled people and children. According to the presented SWOT-analysis, the team of authors indicated that there is a need in Ukraine to develop a new anti-crisis strategy to maximize tourist flows to the city, as well as to develop measures to improve the image of Ukrainian capital and an accessible destination.
Authors presented a practical section of tourism industry of the capital of Ukraine, because Kyiv ranks sixth after London, Berlin and Madrid. Sophia Cathedral and the Kyiv-Pecherska Lavra in Kyiv are included in the UNESCO World Heritage List. In Kyiv, according to reports published on the websites of the Ministry of Culture and the Department of Cultural Heritage Protection of the KMDA, 3,521 objects of cultural heritage are listed, which makes the capital of Ukraine attractive for tourism.
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Dewi, Anitasa, Feri Ansori, and Saiful Hakam. "Keterlibatan Santri dalam Persepsi Wacana Tiongkok." Masyarakat Indonesia 49, no. 2 (March 22, 2024): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jmi.v49i2.1370.
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Santris who have had the opportunity to go to China then face some contemplation, questions, and curiosity about what is really going on in the relationship between the two countries. Not all but some of them try to trace the substance and variations of Indonesians’ perceptions of China in the past. It’s like a philosophical romance where a child migrates to a foreign land but because of their migration, they become curious about their hometown. In scientific language, they try to slowly trace the existence of negative perceptions of China. They even unconsciously dismantle, although not frontally, the bad and negative image. Following Hong Liu’s (2015) opinion on the Chinese Metaphor, where China is used as a metaphor to express a sense of anxiety over domestic politics that is not going according to ideals, then, the santri are trying to dismantle the conflicting perceptions and narratives about China. For Indonesians, especially natives, Tiongkok as a nation-state is respected as a model country where leaders set an example so that the masses can work closely together. How the Chinese metaphor expresses the mood of the general public and anchors political and cultural thought in the early days of Indonesia as a country. Hong Liu even provides historical information that China for some Indonesian political elites was once used as an alternative form of modernity to the conception and practice of government politics that at that time still followed and emulated Western-derived systems and institutions. This study tries to apply a transnational approach to provide new insights into modern Asian History and regional transformation.
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Luzyanin, S. G. "Russian-Japanese relations and the Chinese factor: Evolution and transformation (2012–2022)." Japanese Studies in Russia, no. 4 (January 5, 2023): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.55105/2500-2872-2022-4-75-89.
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The election of V.V. Putin for a new presidential term in 2012 and his further foreign policy initiatives affected the intensification of Russia’s foreign policy in general, as well as its Japanese direction. The article attempts to highlight the development of Russian-Japanese relations in the period of 2012–2022, including the phase of aggravation of relations after the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine on February 24, 2022 and Japan’s accession to the US anti-Russian sanctions, as well as the role and influence of China on the bilateral Russian-Japanese format, the East Asian region, the specifics of Chinese-American relations in the context of the “trade war” in the Japanese dimension, etc. Based on the published works of leading Russian experts, the author examines the dynamics of mutual perception of the images of Russia and Japan at the level of Russian and Japanese public opinion. Particular attention is paid to the study of the evolution of Russian-Japanese trade and economic, military-political, energy, Arctic, and humanitarian contacts. The paper traces the features of Russian, Japanese and Chinese motivations regarding regional security issues, attitudes towards the Ukrainian events, including the Russian special military operation, Moscow’s reaction to anti-Russian sanctions, towards the pressure from the United States and their allies. In general, the problem of the evolution of the notional triangle “Russia – Japan – China” at the present stage, the deformation of its key elements and the prospects for further development are formulated.The author focuses on the coverage of Russian-Japanese contacts in the areas of regional security before and after February 24, 2022, including the South Kuril options, as well as the analysis of hidden possible Japanese political motivations during the rule of Shinzō Abe regarding the problems of the deepening of the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership and the projections of this partnership on the security of Japan and the Japanese-American military-political alliance. An important aspect of the work is the coverage of the dynamics of the Russian-Japanese political relations in the light of the Russian leadership designating Japan as an “unfriendly state” and the further development of bilateral Russian-Japanese and Russian-Chinese models of interaction in the Asia-Pacific region.
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SIMONIYA, Aida A. "NEW APPOINTMENTS TO ASEAN AND THE UN HAVE NOT YET LED TO A BREAKTHROUGH IN RELATIONS WITH MYANMAR." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-139-159.
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The crisis in Myanmar has also affected the beginning of the activities of high-ranking officials who recently took office. Cambodia, represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen, took over the baton as ASEAN Chairman, Singaporean diplomat Noelene Heizer was appointed Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General to Myanmar. Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn replaced Erivan Yusof as ASEAN's Special Envoy for Myanmar. The Prime Minister of Cambodia caused dissatisfaction of his ASEAN colleagues and outrage of the world community due to his visit to Myanmar a week after officially taking office. The first visit of the head of State to Myanmar after the military coup was perceived as ensuring the legitimacy of the military administration. At the same time, due to a misunderstanding between the guest and the host party on the issue of the release of an Australian citizen, the leader of Cambodia "lost face". Noelene Heizer underestimated the power of public opinion. She was fiercely attacked by opponents of the military regime because of the use of an unsuccessful thesis about the "division of power". The Office of the Special Envoy tried to "save face" by insisting that Heizer had never suggested power sharing as an option, and the interview with N. Heizer was misinterpreted. The mission of the new ASEAN Special Envoy, Prak Sokhonn, was not crowned with great success either. During his visit to Myanmar, he met only with representatives of the regime and did not meet with all interested parties, which contradicts the five-point consensus.
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Gomes, Catherine. "Living in a Parallel Society." Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (February 15, 2020): xiii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1850.
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Whenever I write an opinion piece in any online media outlet about international students in Australia, I brace myself for the responses that appear in the comments section below the article. Often, a repeated complaint is that international students refuse to engage with local culture and society and hence keep to themselves by hanging out with co-nationals and speaking their native languages. While the general public in Australia does not engage in open conflict with international students over such grievances, they will instead discuss these anonymously online and with each other. Often these grievances have public airing through the media (e.g., Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Four Corners episodes “Degrees of Deception,” 2015, and “Cash Cows,” 2019) or for political point scoring by Australian politicians (e.g., Senator Pauline Hanson of the right-wing, nationalist and anti-immigration party One Nation; Kainth, 2018).
However, the reception international students receive in terms of the attitudes of the citizenry unsurprisingly does not assist in any way in helping them feel a sense of belonging to their host country Australia. In 2013 I interviewed 47 Asian international students in the Australian city of Melbourne on their self-perceived identities, social networks, and engagements with media and communication technologies, in order to understand how they create a sense of belonging for themselves while overseas (Gomes,2015, 2017). The results revealed that international students create a parallel society with other international students in order to cope with living in a foreign country without the familiarity of family or loved ones who they left behind. While this parallel society allows international students to create a sense of community in Australia, its side effect is a perceived distancing from local society.
An International Student Parallel Society
International students strongly identify themselves more so as international students than their nationality. A student from India, for instance, explained that while in Australia, he prefers to be identified as an international student rather than by his nationality. Taking this point further, a student from Vietnam explained that while he is proud of his nationality, he prefers not to reveal that he is from Vietnam for fear of any negative assumptions the citizenry make about Vietnamese people. These negative assumptions he felt, would then be translated into ways the citizenry might treat him.
At the same time, the Asian international students also revealed that they did not consider ethnicity as significant to them. This was played out interestingly in how they viewed Asian Australians. Here the students felt that they had very little in common with Asians who were born or grew up in Australia. An international student from China explained that Australians of ethnic Chinese descent or ABCs (Australian-born Chinese) as she called them, were more Australian than they were Chinese. Meanwhile an Indian student undertaking postgraduate study vividly explained that he thought Indian-Australians were “not true Indians.” He said that while they may look like him, they were significantly different because he considered Indian-Australians culturally Australian and not culturally Indian. These responses are not surprising. In a separate study where colleagues and I surveyed 6,699 international students in Australia on who made up their friendship circles, we found that less than 1% of international students were friends with Australians who were of the same ethnicity as them (Gomes et al., 2015).
International students identifying themselves according to their status as foreigners studying in Australia also provides itself to be a beacon for the development of friendships with other international students. The Asian international students interviewed revealed that their friendship circles were made up of fellow international students who were co-nationals in the first instance, which was followed by international students from the Asian region, and then, to a lesser extent, international students from elsewhere. These friendship circles contribute to the parallel society international students inhabit where they exist, occupy, and mimic Australian communities but do not integrate with them. For instance, international students may adopt and recreate Australian cultural practices that involve their friendship circles (e.g., having backyard barbeque parties) but do not integrate with Australian societies (e.g., the backyard barbeque parties are made up solely of fellow international students).
In addition, forming friendships with fellow international students rather than with local communities has practical benefits. For instance, international students revealed that their local peers were unable to advise them on the everyday challenges they faced especially when they first arrive to Australia such as how to open bank accounts and where to find dependable Asian grocery shops. Clearly being friends with international students is important, if not necessary.
Conclusion
The significance of international student friendships during their study experience is enduring, if not complex. While international students may form a parallel society, they do so in order to feel a sense of belonging in Australia rather than to Australia. Though this is unsurprising, the challenge that emerges affects those international students wanting to stay longer through further study, work, or permanently reside. Not integrating somewhat into Australian society may have consequences for students in terms of their long-term plans (e.g., employment) primarily because they have not tapped into local networks.
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Soroka, Stuart N. "Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, no. 1 (January 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.
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Kapur, Devesh. "Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy." India Review 8, no. 3 (August 6, 2009): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.
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TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.
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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.
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Abenova, A. S. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.11.
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The article discusses the concept of public opinion, its importance for the effective interaction of the state and various structures of civil society. Foreign methodologies, scientific theories and research, the development of the phenomenon of «public opinion» by foreign researchers, as well as an analysis of the effects of QMS on society. An attempt was also made to evaluate the experience of the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan in optimizing public administration by introducing a system for assessing the effectiveness of government bodies.
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Walter, Aaron T. "Foreign Policy: Public Opinion and Political Legacy." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0009.
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Abstract To the degree that public opinion, as domestic variable, influences a leaders decision-making in the area of foreign affairs is significant. Political leaders use public opinion polling to support government position or in attempts to mold policy position(s) in the affirmative. The following article investigates how public opinion affects U.S. presidential foreign policy decisions and to the degree those decisions are the base for political legacy. The theoretical argument is that domestic variables and leaders decisions often act in mutual support of each others in complementary interests and when not the case, it is the leader whose agenda setting or creating a frame impacts public opinion.
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Podgórzańska, Renata. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy of the State. Analysis from the Perspective of Polish Foreign Policy." Reality of Politics 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201505.
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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.
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Lien, Pei-te, Christian Collet, Janelle Wong, and S. Karthick Ramakrishnan. "Asian Pacific-American Public Opinion and Political Participation." Political Science & Politics 34, no. 03 (September 2001): 625–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096501000981.
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Haks, Donald. "Publieke opinie, buitenlandse politiek en het einde van de Spaanse Successieoorlog." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 673–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.haks.
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Abstract Public opinion, foreign policy, and the end of the War of the Spanish SuccessionDid public opinion have an impact on foreign policy in early modern times? States put in much effort publicly to legitimize their foreign policy. But they did not always prevent open discussion. England during the War of the Spanish Succession is a case in point. The revolution of 1688-9, the growing influence of parliament on foreign policy, opportunities for political journalism, and different views about how to end the war made public debate a matter of political importance. Pamphlets and public addresses expressed various opinions. May we call this ‘public opinion’? How should we define this concept? And were public opinion and decision-making in some way related? This case improves our understanding of public opinion and foreign policy: it seems after all that public opinion in England did indeed hasten the end of the War of the Spanish Succession.
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Preuhs, Robert R. "Considering Black, Latino, Asian, and Pacific Islander opinion on foreign policy." Orbis 65, no. 4 (2021): 583–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2021.08.003.
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LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA, FELICIANO DE SÁ GUIMARÃES, and ADRIANA SCHOR. "Public opinion and foreign policy in João Goulart's Brazil (1961-1964): Coherence between national and foreign policy perceptions?" Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, no. 2 (December 2015): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500206.
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Abstract This paper analyses public opinion during the João Goulart government in Brazil (1961-1964), focusing on public perceptions on domestic and foreign policies. We employ a recently declassified public opinion survey conducted on behalf of United States Information Agency (USIA) in urban areas. We found that the Brazilian public opinion was somewhat coherent, supporting redistributive reforms domestically and a neutralist approach in foreign affairs.
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Baker, Lucinda. "Sobel, The Impact Of Public Opinion On U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, no. 2 (September 1, 2004): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.2.111-112.
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What influence does public opinion have on policymakers in the area of foreign policy? In The Impact of Public Opinion on U.S. Foreign Policy Since Vietnam, Richard Sobel studies this question. Sobel is a highly respected author of many articles and books on such diverse issues as civil liberties, immigration policy, public opinion, and foreign policy. He has contributed to numerous publications, including Public Opinion Quarterly, the Chicago Tribune, Political Science Quarterly, and the Harvard Journal of Law and Technology.
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Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.
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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.
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Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. "Intervention and Intransitivity: Public Opinion, Social Choice, and the Use of Military Force Abroad." World Politics 47, no. 4 (July 1995): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100015203.
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This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inward Foreign Direct Investment and U.S. Public Opinion on Immigration." World Affairs 181, no. 2 (June 2018): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018791645.
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I investigate how the direct investment of foreign firms in the United States affects public opinion on immigration. On one hand, when foreign firms invest in the United States, local residents may have job opportunities and a better understanding of foreign cultures following social and work-related interactions with foreign employees at multinationals. As a result, American workers may have a positive attitude toward immigration. On the other hand, when local residents see foreign investment as a foreign acquisition of American assets, or if they experience any unpleasant interactions with foreign nationals at multinationals, foreign investment may result in a negative impact on public perception on immigration. My empirical test of inward investment’s impact on public opinion demonstrates the aforementioned contrasting impacts: While more local employees working at foreign multinationals lead to positive sentiments on immigration, the existence of more local affiliates of foreign firms has a negative impact on public opinion of immigration.
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Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid." World Affairs 182, no. 3 (August 8, 2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.
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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.
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Goldsmith, Benjamin E., and Yusaku Horiuchi. "Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion." Journal of Politics 71, no. 3 (July 2009): 863–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381609090768.
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Zelikow, Philip, and Douglas C. Foyle. "Counting the Public in: Presidents, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 2 (2000): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049656.
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Powlick, Philip J., and Andrew Z. Katz. "Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus." Mershon International Studies Review 42, no. 1 (May 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254443.
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Fyodorov, Valery, and Dmitry Polikanov. "Public opinion and foreign policy of modern Russia." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 36, no. 1 (2005): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2005-36-1-22-39.
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Grose, Peter, and John E. Rielly. "American Public Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy 1987." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 5 (1987): 1105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043230.
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Milner, Helen V., and Dustin Tingley. "Public Opinion and Foreign Aid: A Review Essay." International Interactions 39, no. 3 (July 2013): 389–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.784090.
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Efimova, Anna, and Denis Strebkov. "Linking Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Russia." International Spectator 55, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1700040.
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FURIA, PETER A., and RUSSELL E. LUCAS. "Determinants of Arab Public Opinion on Foreign Relations." International Studies Quarterly 50, no. 3 (September 2006): 585–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00415.x.
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Kohno, Masaru, Gabriella R. Montinola, and Matthew S. Winters. "Foreign pressure and public opinion in target states." World Development 169 (September 2023): 106305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2023.106305.
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Chudowsky, Victor, and Taras Kuzio. "Does public opinion matter in UkraineŒ The case of foreign policy." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(03)00039-4.
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The article critically surveys the impact of domestic public opinion on foreign policy in Ukraine by integrating it within theories of public opinion. Studies of public opinion in Ukraine have not given due weight to the unique characteristics of the Ukrainian ‘public’, which differs greatly from the Western public. Ukrainian society is passive, atomized and its power is ‘submerged’ relative to that of the state. The article argues that public opinion is of minimal importance in the area of foreign policy.
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Foyle, Douglas. "Foreign Policy Analysis and Globalization: Public Opinion, World Opinion, and the Individual." International Studies Review 5, no. 2 (June 2003): 155–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.5020013.
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Goldsmith, Benjamin E., and Yusaku Horiuchi. "In Search of Soft Power: Does Foreign Public Opinion Matter for US Foreign Policy?" World Politics 64, no. 3 (June 27, 2012): 555–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000123.
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Does “soft power” matter in international relations? Specifically, when the United States seeks cooperation from countries around the world, do the views of their publics about US foreign policy affect the actual foreign policy behavior of these countries? The authors examine this question using multinational surveys covering fifty-eight countries, combined with information about their foreign policy decisions in 2003, a critical year for the US. They draw their basic conceptual framework from Joseph Nye, who uses various indicators of opinion about the US to assess US soft power. But the authors argue that his theory lacks the specificity needed for falsifiable testing. They refine it by focusing on foreign public opinion about US foreign policy, an underemphasized element of Nye's approach. Their regression analysis shows that foreign public opinion has a significant and large effect on troop commitments to the war in Iraq, even after controlling for various hard power factors. It also has significant, albeit small, effects on policies toward the International Criminal Court and on voting decisions in the UN General Assembly. These results support the authors' refined theoretical argument about soft power: public opinion about US foreign policy in foreign countries does affect their policies toward the US, but this effect is conditional on the salience of an issue for mass publics.
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Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.
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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. "The ways of using mass media to influence the foreign policy agenda in a democratic and non-democratic state." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 379–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.379-385.
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In the article the ways of mass media use to influence the perception of foreign policy by domestic and foreign public are reviewed. In particular, the features of applying such methods of mass media influence on public opinion as informing, priming, and propaganda by democratic and undemocratic countries are examined.
Keywords: Foreign policy, impact on public opinion, mass media, priming, propaganda
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Obasogie, Henry, and Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point." NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.
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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.