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Journal articles on the topic 'ASL'

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1

Crabtree, Margaret Ruth, and Ronnie B. Wilbur. "#ALL versus ALL in American Sign Language (ASL)." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (April 16, 2020): 798. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4761.

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This paper extends a visible pattern (‘iconicity’) that has been observed in sign language verbs and adjectives to quantification in American Sign Language (ASL). The Event Visibility Hypothesis (EVH) states that boundedness is morphophonologically encoded in articulation of a rapid deceleration of movement at the end of a sign (aka end-marking). Here the EVH is applied to the two ASL quantifiers glossed #ALL and ALL. Doing so accounts for the semantic distinction between them: ALL is definite (bounded), whereas #ALL is underspecified for definiteness (unbounded).
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2

Appel, Michael. "Kasper ASL." Journal of Private Equity 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2005): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3905/jpe.2005.490417.

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3

Kegl, Judy A. "ASL Syntax." Sign Language and Linguistics 7, no. 2 (March 30, 2006): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.7.2.09keg.

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4

Chen Pichler, Deborah. "Improving ASL Pedagogy." Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education 21, no. 3 (April 4, 2016): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/deafed/enw020.

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5

Padden, Carol A. "The ASL lexicon." Sign Language and Linguistics 1, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.1.1.04pad.

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This paper explores a range of Foreign vocabulary in American Sign Language and demonstrates that there are ways of accounting for them without undermining the fundamental independence of a natural sign language. Arguments are made for a unified lexicon in which Native and Foreign vocabulary are arranged schematically as extending from a core to a periphery with gradations of conformity to phonological constraints on ASL forms. At the conclusion of the paper there is a brief review of issues concerning the presence of Foreign vocabulary in natural sign languages.
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6

Todd, Peyton. "ASL ‘topics’ revisited." Sign Language and Linguistics 11, no. 2 (August 21, 2009): 184–239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.11.2.03tod.

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Sign linguists routinely parse ASL sentences using the category ‘topic’, by which is meant a constituent on the left edge of the main clause, structurally separate from it, and marked by a discrete formal symbolic event, more fully brow raise + backward head tilt + pause, although brow raise is sometimes considered sufficient. This paper provides evidence confirming suspicions that these left-detached constituents need not be marked by brow raise, and suggests that brow raise is better regarded as signaling a type of momentary focus — thus explaining why sign languages tend to employ it as they do — and that it belongs to a larger set of ‘topic-marking’ devices whose iconicity remains active in day-to-day signing.
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7

Mauk, Claude E., and Martha E. Tyrone. "Location in ASL." New Methodologies in Sign Language Phonology: Papers from TISLR 10 15, no. 1 (August 29, 2012): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.15.1.06mau.

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Recent work on location variation led us to investigate whether phonetic effects influence the lowering of certain forehead located signs in American Sign Language. We found that signing speed and the location of adjacent signs did affect these forehead signs in ways that conform to general principals of coarticulation. In this paper, we use those results as a basis to illustrate additional approaches to the evaluation of the phonetics of location. In particular, we suggest that finer grained analyses of location values may provide insights into directionality of coarticulatory effects, that changes in body posture assist in the achievement of location values, and that kinematic data can be used to describe the use of the signing space in a global sense. Previous work in sign phonetics has provided a solid foundation and new research is progressing well, but there is much work yet to be done.
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8

Christie, K., and D. M. Wilkins. "A Feast for the Eyes: ASL Literacy and ASL Literature." Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 57–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.deafed.a014310.

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9

Petronio, Karen, and Valerie Dively. "Yes, No, Visibility, and Variation in ASL and Tactile ASL." Sign Language Studies 7, no. 1 (2006): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.2006.0032.

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10

D, Joel. "A Software based ASL Translator and ASL to Voice Emulation System." International Journal of Information Technology Infrastructure 9, no. 3 (June 25, 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.30534/ijiti/2020/01932020.

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11

Rajasekar, Darshini, Aravind Sekar, and Magesh Rajasekar. "Intuitive Language Learning Application Using IoT and ASL." International Journal of Innovative Research in Computer Science & Technology 8, no. 6 (November 2020): 384–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21276/ijircst.2020.8.6.3.

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12

Deitering, Franz, Hans-Jürgen Kurtz, and Thomas Geilhardt. "Autonomes Selbstgesteuertes Lernen (ASL)." German Journal of Human Resource Management: Zeitschrift für Personalforschung 5, no. 3 (August 1991): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239700229100500303.

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Ausgangspunkt für das Konzept des Autonomen Selbstgesteuerten Lernens (ASL) sind die gestiegenen Anforderungen an sozialer und methodischer Kompetenz in Wirtschaftsuntemehmen. Das ASL gibt eine Antwort auf die Vermittlung von sogenannten Schlüsselqualifikationen. Die “Sieben Selbst” bilden die Wertebasis des Konzeptes: SELBST-bestimmung, -Verantwortung, -ständigkeit, -management, -bewußtsein und -wertgefühL Einem kurzen historischen Abriß zum ASL folgen Grundbedingungen der pädagogischen Ökologie und der psychologischen Aspekte des ASL. Im letzten Teil stellen wir einen eigenen Modellversuch dar. Er beinhaltet den Konzeptentwurf, Inhalte, Methoden und Instrumente zum ASL. Es werden eine differenzierte Implementierungsstrategie und kritische Ergebnisse der Längsschnitt-Evaluation des Projektes dargestellt.
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13

Hernandez-Garcia, Luis, Anish Lahiri, and Jonas Schollenberger. "Recent progress in ASL." NeuroImage 187 (February 2019): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2017.12.095.

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14

Newton, Michael. "Grammatical Specification in ASL:." Electronic Notes in Theoretical Computer Science 43 (May 2001): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1571-0661(04)80898-3.

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15

Fischer, Susan, and Robert Johnson. "Nominal markers in ASL." Sign Language and Linguistics 15, no. 2 (December 17, 2012): 243–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.15.2.04fis.

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16

Li, Yang, Peiying Liu, Yue Li, Hongli Fan, Pan Su, Shin-Lei Peng, Denise C. Park, et al. "ASL-MRICloud: An online tool for the processing of ASL MRI data." NMR in Biomedicine 32, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): e4051. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/nbm.4051.

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17

HIBI, Hideaki, Hiroyuki OKADA, Masaharu MIWA, Takehiko ANBE, and Hidehisa HASHIMOTO. "Use of 3D Arterial Spin Labeling (3D ASL)." JOURNAL OF THE JAPANESE ASSOCIATION OF RURAL MEDICINE 63, no. 2 (2014): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2185/jjrm.63.132.

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18

TURGUT, Abdülhamit. "“Khilāf al-aṣl” and Its Examples in Arabic Grammar." İslami İlimler Dergisi 17, no. 1 (March 27, 2022): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.34082/islamiilimler.1093918.

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The main reason for the emergence of the concept of caliphate-asl, which contributed to the spread of Arabic language grammar and was defined as an exception in Arabic grammar, arose due to the fact that grammarians attach great importance to semaʿa, which is considered one of the nahiv methods. However, the material passing through this semaʿ did not cause confusion in the nahiv pedestals due to the fact that the nahivists used this concept very carefully. On the contrary, since this is a well-established concept, the field of caliphate and struggle, it caused a great linguistic legacy later due to the multiplicity of opinions and scientific inventions. The concept of the Hilâfu’l-asl, is new as a grammatical subject, but it is old when we consider it in the form of general information related to the subject. Because classical linguists have mentioned the knowledge that will be covered by this topic. However, this information has been scattered among dec that have not been covered within the framework of a certain topic. In our study, hilafu'l-asl taking the general meaning of the concept of a context, all the topics covered in the cause of their emergence nahiv example, with the letter from mecrur mecrurat cer, which is the name change from meczumat’ verb and as an example from merfuat mubteda mansubat meful from the day we took.
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19

Wang, Ze, Geoffrey K. Aguirre, Hengyi Rao, Jiongjiong Wang, María A. Fernández-Seara, Anna R. Childress, and John A. Detre. "Empirical optimization of ASL data analysis using an ASL data processing toolbox: ASLtbx." Magnetic Resonance Imaging 26, no. 2 (February 2008): 261–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mri.2007.07.003.

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20

Itoh, Shiroh. "On normality of ASL domains." Hiroshima Mathematical Journal 16, no. 3 (1986): 607–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32917/hmj/1206130311.

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21

Frazier, Michael, and Masaya Yoshida. "Remarks on gapping in ASL." Snippets, no. 26 (December 2012): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7358/snip-2012-026-fraz.

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22

Kuhn, Jeremy. "ASL Loci: Variables or Features?" Journal of Semantics 33, no. 3 (June 15, 2015): 449–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffv005.

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23

Allen, George D., Ronnie B. Wilbur, and Brenda B. Schick. "Aspects of Rhythm in ASL." Sign Language Studies 1072, no. 1 (1991): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.1991.0020.

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24

Macken, Elizabeth, John Perry, and Cathy Haas. "Richly Grounding Symbols In ASL." Sign Language Studies 1081, no. 1 (1993): 375–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.1993.0012.

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25

Wilbur, Ronnie. "Eyeblinks & ASL Phrase Structure." Sign Language Studies 1084, no. 1 (1994): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.1994.0019.

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26

Hou, Lynn, Ryan Lepic, and Erin Wilkinson. "Working with ASL Internet Data." Sign Language Studies 21, no. 1 (2020): 32–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.2020.0028.

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27

Woll, B. "The Canadian Dictionary of ASL." International Journal of Lexicography 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 452–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijl/16.4.452.

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28

Nicodemus, Brenda, and Karen Emmorey. "Directionality in ASL-English interpreting." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 17, no. 2 (September 3, 2015): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.17.2.01nic.

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Among spoken language interpreters, a long-standing question regarding directionality is whether interpretations are better when working into one’s native language (L1) or into one’s ‘active’ non-native language (L2). In contrast to studies that support working into L1, signed language interpreters report a preference for working into L2. Accordingly, we investigated whether signed language interpreters actually perform better when interpreting into their L2 (American Sign Language, ASL) or into their L1 (English). Interpretations by 30 interpreters (15 novice, 15 expert), delivered under experimental conditions, were assessed on accuracy (semantic content) and articulation quality (flow, speed, and prosody). For both measures, novices scored significantly better when interpreting into English (L1); experts were equally accurate, and showed similar articulation quality, in both directions. The results for the novice interpreters support the hypothesis that the difficulty of L2 production drives interpreting performance in relation to directionality. Findings also indicate a disconnect between direction preference and interpreting performance. Novices’ perception of their ASL production ability may be distorted because they can default to fingerspelling and transcoding. Weakness in self-monitoring of signing may also lead novices to overrate their ASL skills. Interpreter educators should stress misperceptions of signing proficiency that arise from available, but inappropriate, strategies.
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29

Vogler, Christian, and Siome Goldenstein. "Facial movement analysis in ASL." Universal Access in the Information Society 6, no. 4 (November 3, 2007): 363–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10209-007-0096-6.

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30

Hall, Matthew L., Victor S. Ferreira, and Rachel I. Mayberry. "Phonological similarity judgments in ASL." New Methodologies in Sign Language Phonology: Papers from TISLR 10 15, no. 1 (August 29, 2012): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.15.1.05hal.

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We created a novel paradigm to investigate phonological processing in sign and asked how age of acquisition (AoA) may affect it. Participants indicated which of two signs was more phonologically similar to a target, and estimated the strength of the resemblance with a mouse click along a continuous scale. We manipulated AoA by testing deaf native and non-native signers, and hearing L2 signers and sign-naïve participants. Consistent with previous research, judgments by the native and L2 signers reflected similarity based on shared phonological features between signs. By contrast, judgments by the non-native signers and sign-naïve participants were influenced by other (potentially visual or somatosensory) properties of signs that native and L2 signers ignored. These results suggest that early exposure to language helps a learner discern which aspects of a linguistic signal are most likely to matter for language learning, even if that language belongs to a different modality.
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31

Emmorey, Karen, and Barbara Tversky. "Spatial perspective choice in ASL." Sign Language and Linguistics 5, no. 1 (December 31, 2002): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.5.1.03emm.

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Two studies investigated the ramifications of encoding spatial locations via signing space for perspective choice in American Sign Language. Deaf signers (“speakers”) described the location of one of two identical objects either to a present addressee or to a remote addressee via a video monitor. Unlike what has been found for English speakers, ASL signers did not adopt their addressee’s spatial perspective when describing locations in a jointly viewed present environment; rather, they produced spatial descriptions utilizing shared space in which classifier and deictic signs were articulated at locations in signing space that schematically mapped to both the speaker’s and addressee’s view of object locations within the (imagined) environment. When the speaker and addressee were not jointly viewing the environment, speakers either adopted their addressee’s perspective via referential shift (i.e. locations in signing space were described as if the speaker were the addressee) or speakers expressed locations from their own perspective by describing locations from their view of a map of the environment and the addressee’s position within that environment. The results highlight crucial distinctions between the nature of perspective choice in signed languages in which signing space is used to convey spatial information and spoken languages in which spatial information is conveyed by lexical spatial terms. English speakers predominantly reduce their addressee’s cognitive load by adopting their addressee’s perspective, whereas in ASL shared space can be used (there is no true addressee or speaker perspective) and in other contexts, reversing speaker perspective is common in ASL and does not increase the addressee’s cognitive load.
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32

Henderson, Deborah, and Anne Hendershott. "ASL and the Family System." American Annals of the Deaf 136, no. 4 (1991): 325–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aad.2012.0546.

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33

Eagney, Peggy. "ASL? English? Which?: Comparing Comprehension." American Annals of the Deaf 132, no. 4 (1987): 272–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aad.2012.0683.

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34

Kasami, Tadao, Kenichi Taniguchi, Yuji Sugiyama, and Hiroyuki Seki. "Principles of algebraic language ASL." Systems and Computers in Japan 18, no. 7 (1987): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/scj.4690180702.

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35

Corina, David P. "ASL syllables and prosodic constraints." Lingua 98, no. 1-3 (March 1996): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(95)00033-x.

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36

Rojas-Murillo, Salvador, Angelique Vega, Russell Burghard, Noah Green, and Alyssa B. Pancho. "Visual differences between novice and expert ASL interpreters when learning/interpreting an ASL phrase." International Journal of Industrial Ergonomics 90 (July 2022): 103303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ergon.2022.103303.

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37

Oshita, Tsuyoshi, Hidetake Yabuuchi, and Masanobu Osame. "Optimization of post-label delay in single-phase arterial spin labeling (ASL) using multi-phase ASL in four-dimensional magnetic resonance angiography." Neuroradiology Journal 32, no. 3 (April 11, 2019): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1971400919834693.

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Purpose To optimize the post-label delay in single-phase arterial spin labeling (SP-ASL) using multi-phase ASL in 4-dimensional magnetic resonance angiography (4D-MRA). Methods Ten healthy volunteers (six men, four women; age range, 24–37 years; mean, 29.1) were enrolled. 4D-MRA and SP-ASL were performed on a 3T magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scanner. Signal intensities in four cerebral arterial territories (anterior cerebral artery, middle cerebral artery, posterior cerebral artery, and whole area) were measured using both 4D-MRA and SP-ASL, and peak time of maximum intensity through each technique was recorded. Regression analysis was used to determine the correlation between the peak times using 4D-MRA and those using SP-ASL, and the regression function obtained was used to estimate the peak time for SP-ASL (optimum post-label delay) from that obtained for 4D-MRA. Results The peak time in anterior cerebral artery territory for SP-ASL was expressed as 1.19 + 0.30 × (peak time of 4D-MRA) s, ( p = 0.017, r2 = 0.14). The peak time in middle cerebral artery territory for SP-ASL was 0.96 + 0.58 × (peak time of 4D-MRA) s, ( p < 0.001, r2 = 0.32). The peak time in posterior cerebral artery territory for SP-ASL was expressed as 0.92 + 0.58 × (peak time of 4D-MRA) s, ( p < 0.001, r2 = 0.33). The peak time in whole brain for SP-ASL was expressed as 1.04 + 0.46 × (peak time of 4D-MRA) s, ( p < 0.001, r2 = 0.25). Conclusion The peak time values at 4D-MRA showed potential for use in predicting the optimum post-label delay of SP-ASL.
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38

Occhino, Corrine, Jami N. Fisher, Joseph C. Hill, Julie A. Hochgesang, Emily Shaw, and Meredith Tamminga. "New Trends in ASL Variation Documentation." Sign Language Studies 21, no. 3 (2021): 350–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.2021.0003.

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39

Sathyanathan, Babu Peter, Aishwarya Ravichandran, and Ravi Ranganathan. "ASL perfusion in atypical Japanese encephalitis." Indian Journal of Radiology and Imaging 30, no. 04 (October 2020): 536–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/ijri.ijri_268_20.

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40

Rose, Heidi M. "Sounding sight in an ASL classroom." Review of Communication 20, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 316–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358593.2020.1819554.

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41

Allarakhia, Hawa. "Consider staffing options for ASL interpreters." Disability Compliance for Higher Education 27, no. 7 (January 2, 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/dhe.31218.

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42

Schlenker, Philippe, and Gaurav Mathur. "A Strong Crossover effect in ASL." Snippets, no. 27 (September 2013): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7358/snip-2013-027-schl.

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43

Schlenker, Philippe. "Gradient and iconic features in ASL." Snippets, no. 29 (June 2015): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.7358/snip-2015-029-schl.

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44

Czubek, T. A. "Blue Listerine, Parochialism, and ASL Literacy." Journal of Deaf Studies and Deaf Education 11, no. 3 (March 15, 2006): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/deafed/enj033.

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45

Morford, Jill P., Barbara Shaffer, Naomi Shin, Paul Twitchell, and Bettie T. Petersen. "An Exploratory Study of ASL Demonstratives." Languages 4, no. 4 (October 22, 2019): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages4040080.

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American Sign Language (ASL) makes extensive use of pointing signs, but there has been only limited documentation of how pointing signs are used for demonstrative functions. We elicited demonstratives from four adult Deaf signers of ASL in a puzzle completion task. Our preliminary analysis of the demonstratives produced by these signers supports three important conclusions in need of further investigation. First, despite descriptions of four demonstrative signs in the literature, participants expressed demonstrative function 95% of the time through pointing signs. Second, proximal and distal demonstrative referents were not distinguished categorically on the basis of different demonstrative signs, nor on the basis of pointing handshape or trajectory. Third, non-manual features including eye gaze and facial markers were essential to assigning meaning to demonstratives. Our results identify new avenues for investigation of demonstratives in ASL.
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46

Wilbur, Ronnie B., and Lesa Petersen. "Backwards Signing and ASL Syllable Structure." Language and Speech 40, no. 1 (January 1997): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002383099704000104.

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47

Bavelier, Daphne, David Corina, Peter Jezzard, Vince Clark, Avi Karni, Anil Lalwani, Josef P. Rauschecker, Allen Braun, Robert Turner, and Helen J. Neville. "Hemispheric specialization for English and ASL." NeuroReport 9, no. 7 (May 1998): 1537–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00001756-199805110-00054.

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48

Liddell, Scott K. "Head Thrust in ASL Conditional Marking." Sign Language Studies 1052, no. 1 (1986): 244–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.1986.0003.

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49

Woodward, James, and Thomas Allen. "Classroom Use of ASL by Teachers." Sign Language Studies 1054, no. 1 (1987): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.1987.0020.

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50

Jacobowitz, E. Lynn, and William C. Stokoe. "Signs of Tense in ASL Verbs." Sign Language Studies 1060, no. 1 (1988): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sls.1988.0024.

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