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Books on the topic 'Association of Local Democracy Agencies'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Hasina, Ahmed, Rokon Mustafizur Rahman, and Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh., eds. Voters' awareness education programme of ADAB: Its impact on civil society and future planning. Dhaka: Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh, 1998.

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2

Committee, Great Britain Parliament House of Commons Business and Enterprise. Regional development agencies and the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill: Fourth report of session 2008-2009. London: Stationery Office, 2009.

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3

Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Business and Enterprise Committee. Regional development agencies and the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill: Fourth report of session 2008-2009. London: Stationery Office, 2009.

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4

Committee, Great Britain Parliament House of Commons Business and Enterprise. Regional development agencies and the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Bill: Fourth report of session 2008-2009. London: Stationery Office, 2009.

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5

Walbolt, Lisa. JRSA helps States determine local JAIBG allocations. [Washington, DC]: U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2001.

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6

Citizens' Participation at the Local Level in Europe and Neighbouring Countries: Contribution of the Association of Local Democracy Agencies. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2014.

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7

Valmorbida, Antonella. Citizens' Participation at the Local Level in Europe and Neighbouring Countries: Contribution of the Association of Local Democracy Agencies. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2014.

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8

Valmorbida, Antonella. Citizens' Participation at the Local Level in Europe and Neighbouring Countries: Contribution of the Association of Local Democracy Agencies. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2014.

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9

Valmorbida, Antonella. Citizens' Participation at the Local Level in Europe and Neighbouring Countries: Contribution of the Association of Local Democracy Agencies. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2014.

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10

Ohio. Home Health Registration Advisory Council and Ohio. Office of Policy, Planning, and Ohio Health Care Data Center, eds. Factors influencing Medicare-certified home health agency closures: A survey of local health departments and visiting nurse association agencies. Columbus, Ohio: Office of Policy, Planning and Ohio Health Care Data Center, Ohio Dept. of Health, 1999.

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11

American Bar Association. Section of Public Contract Law., American Bar Association. Young Lawyers Division., and American Bar Association National Institute on Federal Grant Requirements in Federally Funded Construction, Service and Supply Procurement by Local Public Agencies (1978 : Minneapolis, Minn.), eds. American Bar Association National Institute on Federal Grant Requirements in Federally Funded Construction, Service and Supply Procurement by Local Public Agencies. [Chicago?: The Association, 1994.

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12

Roy, Rivera Araya, PNUD Costa Rica, and FLACSO (Organization). Sede Costa Rica., eds. La democracia del nuevo milenio: Transformaciones políticas e institucionales en la Costa Rica contemporánea. San José: PNUD Costa Rica, 2006.

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13

Niklasson, Lars. Challenges and Reforms of Local and Regional Governments in Sweden. Edited by Jon Pierre. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199665679.013.24.

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Three major themes or waves of regional reform are distinguished—consolidation, decentralization, and collaboration combined with regionalization. Efficiency has been the main driver, while concern for democracy has been largely a counterweight to some of the actions taken in the name of efficiency. The path of reform can be explained by motives and struggles at the central rather than the local level. Factions (policy networks) within the central government have different opinions on what the local, regional, and central government and agencies should do. In particular, the role of agencies as an alternative to local welfare production has been overlooked in previous analyses.

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14

Petrie, Malcolm. Conclusion: Popular Politics, Radicalism and Inter-war Democracy. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474425612.003.0007.

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Scottish popular politics was transformed during the inter-war decades. Local political identities, and especially those connected with the radical tradition, were subsumed within a more uniform national political contest. Further, the arrival of the mass franchise altered the way in which the relationship between the people and parliament was understood. The means by which politics was conducted duly changed: popular traditions of public involvement in politics came to be tarnished by association with political extremism in general, and Communism in particular. This occasioned a change in relations on the political left, and in the approach of the Labour Party. Equally, it differentiated inter-war politics in Scotland and Britain from that witnessed elsewhere in Europe.

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15

López, Ivan, ed. Aftershocks: Globalism and the Future of Democracy. Universidad de Zaragoza, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/uz.978-84-18321-12-2.

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This digital publication consists of a selection of 56 papers presented at the 16th International Conference of the International Society for the Study of European Ideas (ISSEI), held at the University of Zaragoza, 2-5 July 2019, the general theme of which was ‘Aftershocks: Globalism and the Future of Democracy’. Sponsored by The Aragonese Association of Sociology, the conference was well-attended – 170 participants from 28 countries met to discuss a wide variety of topics in 29 workshops. The feedback we received from participants confirmed that they had greatly enjoyed the venue of the conference, that they appreciated the warm welcome they had received and the congenial social atmosphere and opportunity to attend workshops on subjects that were not only in their own field of expertise. No one, of course, could have predicted that our world – our work and life as individuals, as communities and as nations – would change so suddenly and radically eighteen months after the conference, with the rapid and devastating spread of the Convid-19 pandemic. The current deepening global crisis along with the challenge of climate change and growing international tensions are a stark reminder of how vulnerable our societies, our civilization, and our species are. The shocks and aftershocks of these crises are felt today in every corner of the world and in every aspect of our global and local economies, and most obviously in the sociopolitical arena. As several of the conference workshops on the multiple crises Europe and the world face today – from the migrant crisis to the rise of populism and deepening inequality between rich and poor – showed – and as the Covid-19 pandemic has so cruelly brought home to us – we simply cannot take the achievements of human civilization for granted and must find ways to meet the fundamental social and political needs of human beings not only in our own neighborhoods, cities and countries, but ultimately in the world as a whole: their living conditions, livelihoods, social services, education and healthcare, human rights and political representation. Several of the workshops, as I mentioned, directly addressed these issues and emphasized the need for building social resilience based on tolerance, solidarity and equity. This too is why, as academics, we should continue to initiate and engage in collective reflection and debate on how to foster and strengthen human communities and human solidarity. Finally, I want to thank the participants and workshop chairs for their contribution to the success of the conference. It was a pleasure for me to work with the university organizing team and with ISSEI’s team in bringing this about, and I am particularly proud that my university and the city of Zaragoza hosted this conference.

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16

Beban, Alice. Unwritten Rule. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501753626.001.0001.

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In 2012, Cambodia — an epicenter of violent land grabbing — announced a bold new initiative to develop land redistribution efforts inside agribusiness concessions. This book focuses on this land reform to understand the larger nature of democracy in Cambodia. The book contends that the national land-titling program, the so-called leopard skin land reform, was first and foremost a political campaign orchestrated by the world's longest-serving prime minister, Hun Sen. The reform aimed to secure the loyalty of rural voters, produce “modern” farmers, and wrest control over land distribution from local officials. Through ambiguous legal directives and unwritten rules guiding the allocation of land, the government fostered uncertainty and fear within local communities. The book gives pause both to celebratory claims that land reform will enable land tenure security, and to critical claims that land reform will enmesh rural people more tightly in state bureaucracies and create a fiscally legible landscape. Instead, the book argues that the extension of formal property rights strengthened the very patronage-based politics that Western development agencies hope to subvert.

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