To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Assyrians.
Journal articles on the topic 'Assyrians'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Assyrians.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Dewar, Ben. "US AGAINST THEM: IDEOLOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF ASHURNASIRPAL II'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST ASSYRIAN REBELS IN ḪALZILUḪA." Iraq 82 (August 13, 2020): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.4.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is a study of the rebellion against the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II in the city of Ḫalziluḫa in 882 bc, which is an unusual instance of a rebellion by Assyrians being recorded in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This paper explores the significance of the rebellion from two angles: the ideological problem of rebellion by Assyrians, and the psychological impact on Assyrian troops of killing their fellow Assyrians. Within the ideology of the royal inscriptions, Assyrians did not normally rebel against the incumbent king, who was in all ways presented as a model ruler. It will be argued that Ashurnasirpal therefore made efforts in his inscriptions to stress that the Assyrian rebels in Ḫalziluḫa inhabited territory that had been lost to Assyria prior to his reign, and had become “de-Assyrianised” and “uncivilised.” It will be argued that a similar message was conveyed to the Assyrian soldiers through the ceremonies surrounding the creation of a monument at the source of the River Subnat, and that this message helped the soldiers to “morally disengage” from the act of killing other Assyrians, thus avoiding “moral self-sanctions” for an otherwise morally problematic act.
2
Petrosian, Vahram. "Assyrians in Iraq." Iran and the Caucasus 10, no. 1 (2006): 113–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338406777979322.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe article examines the question of the Assyrian identity; certain problems pertaining to the history of the Assyrian-Kurdish relationships; the problem of the Assyrian autonomy; the role of the political parties of the Iraqi Assyrians; the status of the Assyrians in Iraqi Kurdistan; the Assyrians after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, and several other issues.
3
Dewar, Ben. "The Burning of Captives in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, and Early Neo-Assyrian Conceptions of the Other." Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.88852.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is a study of the topos of the king burning captives in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This punishment is notable for both its rarity and its cruelty, being the only time that the royal inscriptions describe violence towards children. I approach this topic in terms of Donald Black’s model of social control, in which the form and severity of social control, including violence, varies in relation to the “social geometry” that separates the parties involved in a dispute or conflict. I argue that in the royal inscriptions burning is inflicted on those that the Assyrians saw as “uncivilized”: peoples inhabiting poorer cities in mountain regions who lacked the infrastructure necessary to stockpile prestige goods, such as precious metals, and were separated at a greater distance from Assyria by “social geometry” than other foreigners. These findings provide a useful insight into Assyrian conceptions of the other and give a better understanding of the variations in the severity of punishments inflicted by the Assyrians on their enemies.
4
Feldman, Marian H. "Nineveh to Thebes and back: Art and politics between Assyria and Egypt in the seventh century BCE." Iraq 66 (2004): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000173x.
Full textAbstract:
In 671 BCE, Esarhaddon advanced south from the Levant and attacked Egypt, sacking Memphis. About seven years later, in response to repeated Kushite uprisings and following an initial campaign into Lower Egypt, Ashurbanipal's army reinvaded Egypt, marching as far as Thebes where, according to Assyrian accounts, the temples and palaces were looted and their treasures brought back to Nineveh. The Assyrians had been in conflict with Egypt for some time, but these clashes had always taken place in Western Asia, where the two states fought for control and influence over the small Levantine kingdoms. Not until Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal did Assyria penetrate into the heart of Egypt, attacking its two traditional capitals of Memphis and Thebes. This period of intensified antagonism, along with its consequence — increasingly direct contact with Egyptian culture — brought into greater focus Assyria's relationship to the Egyptian imperial tradition. I would like to propose here that Assyrian royal ideology, as expressed in art, developed in part out of an awareness of and reaction to the great imperial power of New Kingdom Egypt, in particular that of the Ramesside period of the thirteenth and early twelfth centuries. Indeed, it is more the reaction against Egyptian tradition that seems to have stimulated what we understand as characteristic and distinctive of Assyrian art, but at the same time, even these elements may owe some inspiration to Egypt. In this way, the New Kingdom Egyptian empire served as both precedent and “other” for Assyria, which began to develop its own imperialist ideology during the contemporaneous Middle Assyrian period.
5
Highcock, Nancy. "Assyrians Abroad: Expanding Borders Through Mobile Identities in the Middle Bronze Age." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (June 26, 2018): 61–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0016.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractRecent work by both archaeologists and Assyriologists has characterized the main Assyrian settlement at Kaneš/Kültepe not as “colony” at all but as a place in which Assyrians fully integrated themselves into Anatolian society to create a hybridized community or “middle ground.” This paper builds upon their work by examining the ways in which Assyrians participated in such an intercultural society whilst still maintaining the bounded social category of “Assyrian.” Through the reconstruction of their civic institutions and social traditions abroad, Assyrian merchants were able to expand their mental topography of what constituted “Assyrian-ness” from northern Mesopotamia across central Anatolia. This phenomenon is framed within wider discussions of mobile societies and the Old Assyrian textual record to illustrate that a community identity founded upon the mother city of Assur and its cultural conventions continued to thrive across various political and cultural borders. Treaties and letters demonstrate that these borders were well defined and maintained by the Assyrians themselves, but concurrently, that the driving forces behind a trader’s life on the road also meant for such borders to be expanded and reconstituted. Analyzing the Old Assyrian mercantile phenomenon through the vector of mobility enables us to better understand the ways in which the Old Assyrian merchants maintained a cohesive social identity and bounded community whilst working and living in “foreign” territories. Mobility is not an inherently disintegrating force, but shape the common cultural and political institutions which act as fibers binding communities together across great distances.
6
Özdemi̇r, Bülent. "Making History to/as the Main Pillar of Identity: The Assyrian Paradigm." Belleten 76, no. 276 (August 1, 2012): 631–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2012.631.
Full textAbstract:
In the 20th century Assyrians living in Diaspora have increased their search of identity because of the social and political conditions of their present countries. In doing so, they utilize the history by picking up certain events which are still kept fresh in the collective memory of the Assyrian society. World War I, which caused a large segment of the Assyrians to emigrate from the Middle East, has been considered as the milestone event of their history. They preferred to use and evaluate the circumstances during WW I in terms of a genocidal attack of the Ottomans against their nation. This political definition dwarfs the promises which were not kept given by their Western allies during the war for an independent Assyrian state. The aspects of Assyrian civilization existed thousands of years ago as one of the real pillars of their identity suffer from the artificially developed political unification around the aspects of their doom in WWI presented as a genocidal case. Additionally, this plays an efficient role in removal of existing religious and sectarian differences for centuries among Assyrians. This paper aims at showing in the framework of primary sources how Assyrian genocidal claims are being used pragmatically in the formation of national consciousness in a very effective way. Not the Assyrian civilization but their constructed history in WWI is used for the formation of their nation definition.
7
Nadali, Davide, and Lorenzo Verderame. "Neo-Assyrian Statues of Gods and Kings in Context." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0016.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Neo-Assyrian letters are a broad and interesting corpus of data to investigate how ancient Assyrians dealt with the manufacture of statues, the shaping of royal and divine effigies, and the final arrangement of sculptures. This paper aims to analyse the ritual and practical aspects of the making of images in the Neo-Assyrian period with reference to this corpus of letters, which reveals how Assyrian kings, officials and sculptors worked together for this purpose. It explores the role of the personnel involved, the process of the creation, and the final display of statues. Based on the interplay of texts and archaeological data, the study reveals the intense activity of making statues of gods and kings in Assyria, with the administration supervising both projects for new statues and the maintenance of already existing ones.
8
Woźniak-Bobińska, Marta. "Assyrians Without Borders: Middle Eastern Christians Towards a New Form of Citizenship in Sweden." Studia Religiologica 54, no. 1 (2021): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.21.005.13929.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents a case study of a Swedish-based NGO, Assyrians Without Borders (AWB), whose priority objective is to help Middle Eastern Christians, mainly Assyrians/Syriacs, in need in their homeland. The paper argues that Assyrians/Syriacs in Sweden have developed three forms of citizenship – religious, political and democratic. All three forms are transnational and have the potential to challenge the idea of national citizenship as being the dominant model of citizenship. Participating in AWB is understood as practising democratic citizenship, a concept seen as the Swedish ideal of model citizenship. The paper claims that AWB empowers its members and helps them to construct a mutually reinforcing dual Assyrian-Swedish identity.
9
Zaia, Shana. "State-Sponsored Sacrilege: “Godnapping” and Omission in Neo-Assyrian Inscriptions." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 19–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2015-0006.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractBecause of the symbolic and religious importance of cult statues in ancient Mesopotamia, these images were targeted on numerous occasions by invading forces as part of the conquest of a foreign polity. In the case of the Assyrians, triumphant kings would sometimes list cult statues from a newly-conquered city or group as spoils of war, alongside members of the royal family, their subjects, and their precious goods. Such acts of divine deportation are sometimes called “godnapping” in secondary literature. A conspicuous feature in godnapping reports is the paucity of divine names mentioned. Deported cult images are instead simply called “gods” of a foreign king, people, or city. Because godnapping has thus far been studied purely as a political tactic, the omission of names has been ascribed to the Assyrians’ disinterest in or ignorance of non-Assyrian divinities. This study proposes viewing godnapping not through a political lens but rather a religious one, arguing that the Assyrians would certainly have been aware of which cult statues they were deporting, and that they would have considered the non-Assyrian cult images gods in their own right. Focusing upon the religious and inscriptional traditions of the Assyrians, this paper seeks to demonstrate that omitting divine names in deportation accounts may have been purposeful and meant to prevent these gods from seeking retribution. Instead of using the traditional approach of examining the political ramifications for the conquered polity whose gods have been deported, this paper turns instead to the religious and psychological consequences for those who were deporting the gods and exposes the Assyrian perspective of godnapping as presented in their own inscriptions.
10
Hays, Nathan. "Humility and instruction in Zephaniah 3.1-7." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 44, no. 3 (December 20, 2019): 472–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219862823.
Full textAbstract:
The rapid and unmarked transition from the oracle against Assyria/Nineveh in Zephaniah 2.13-15 to the condemnation of Jerusalem in 3.1-7 rhetorically underscores the deep and troubling continuity between Jerusalem and Assyria/Nineveh. This article examines this continuity in light of two important elements of the book of Zephaniah: the depiction of Assyria (and those nations aligned with it) as prideful and the scribal character of 3.1-7. The finding is that Zeph. 3.1-7 presents Jerusalem and its leaders as paralleling the arrogant Assyrians and like-minded nations in a way that spurs Zephaniah’s exilic scribal audience to adopt a fundamental attitude of humility. Such humility accepts the authority of Yahwistic teachers and instructional texts in order to avoid future judgment against Jerusalem. In a scribal context, repudiating Assyrian-style pride may also entail rejecting education (putatively) aligned with Assyria/Babylon.
11
Arikan, Arda, Ozan Varli, and Eyüp Yaşar Kürüm. "A Study of Assyrians’ Language Use in Istanbul." Sustainable Multilingualism 10, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sm-2017-0003.
Full textAbstract:
Summary Being one of the oldest Christian communities in the Middle East, Assyrians have continued to live in various parts of Turkey for thousands of years. Today, the estimates related to the number of Assyrians living in Turkey vary between 4,000–25,000 while they cannot benefit from the rights put forward by the Lausanne Treaty among which schooling is the most important. Assyrian community can be said to be deteriorating in number. This decline in the number of Assyrians living in Turkey raises the question of whether they could maintain their ethnic identity while maintaining their language (Syriac). No studies so far have been carried out to find out the linguistic practices of Assyrian community living in Turkey, as well as their attitudes toward the languages they use. This study aims at shedding light on the present situation of Syriac used among the Assyrian community living in Turkey. The participants are limited to those living in Istanbul due to practical reasons. In this study, language attitudes and language use practices of Assyrian community living in Istanbul are found out through a language attitudes questionnaire. It is hoped that the results of the study will provide the current situation of the Syriac language in terms of its ethnolinguistic vitality as spoken among the community. It is also hoped that the results of the study will provide useful data for those who would like to help protect the ethnolinguistic identities of Assyrian minority in Turkey, as well as all those dispersed around the world, which seems to have become increasingly important for such a country at the gates of the European Union as Turkey.
12
Rzepka, Marcin. "Migracje Asyryjczyków z Iranu w czasie I wojny światowej: fragmentaryzacja tradycji i nowe formy religijności." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.027.13864.
Full textAbstract:
Migrations of the Assyrians from Iran during World War I: Fragmentization of tradition and the new forms of religiosity By focusing on the Assyrian Christians scattered around Urmia in the north-western part of Iran during World War I, the article analyzes the processes and changes that occurred in the religious life of the population under the circumstances of depravity, trauma and migration. The migrations, as it is suggested, caused two opposing tendencies among Assyrians strengthening individualization and ethnicization of the religious matters. The migratory experience played a crucial role in transforming the Church institutions as it might be seen in reference to the Assyrian Church of the East and shifting the focus away from religious authority while giving space to more emotional, private, and finally Pentecostal religiosity.
13
MURRE-VAN DEN BERG, H. L. "Geldelijk of Geestelijk Gewin? Assyrische Bisschoppen Op De Loonlijst Van Een Amerikaanse Zendingspost." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 77, no. 2 (1997): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820397x00270.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the forties of last century, American Protestant missionaries, sent forth by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, were working among the Assyrian (Nestorian) Christians in northwestern Iran. Nearly ten years after its beginnings, the 'Nestorian mission' went through a difficult period. Not only had the mission to cope with opposition from Roman Catholic missionaries and the Persian government, but also with internal quarrels about the preferred policy of the mission. The internal conflict concentrated on the employment of Assyrian bishops by the mission. Some of the missionaries were convinced that the earlier cooperation of the bishops with the mission was only to be attributed to the fact that they received salaries, rather than out of conviction. Even more, the mission's employment of the bishops could be understood as its approval of the episcopal organisation and various customs of the Assyrian Church. For some of the missionaries, these consequences were hard to accept. Their opponents within the mission greatly valued the positive aspects of the employment of the bishops: it provided the missionaries with good opportunities to preach among the Assyrians, at the same time showing the Assyrians that the Protestants' main aim was not to subvert their customs but to stimulate a revival within the Assyrian Church. In this article, I have argued that it were these opportunities for preaching among the Assyrians which constituted the main reason for Rufus Anderson to support the latter party, even if some aspects of their policy were not in line with the general policy of the American Board of that time. As to the reasons for the Assyrian bishops to work with the American missionaries, I assume that both 'spiritual' and 'material' aspects were involved; the main reason, however, not being the bishops' attraction to the Protestant faith as such, but to the process of modernization and emancipation which the Protestant mission was thought to represent.
14
Mikhailov, Sergei Sergeevich. "On the History of the Formation of Assyrian Diasporas in Cities on the Riga Railway." Ethnic Culture 3, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98421.
Full textAbstract:
In the article the author talks about a local episode in the history of the formation of one of the little-studied diasporas of the cities of Central Russia – the Assyrians. The author's goal is to consider the emergence of communities of the considered ethnic group using the example of small Assyrian diasporas known from the Riga Railway. Since the Assyrians settled in the cities of European Russia for the most part after exodus from their places of traditional residence, fleeing the genocide unleashed by the Turkish authorities during the First World War, their new places of residence anyway were tied to the lines of the railways that existed at that time. For this study, the Riga (formerly Vindava) direction was chosen, about the Assyrians of which the author has so far collected the maximum possible information. Based on the materials of the largest researcher of the Assyrian diaspora of the former USSR – archimandrite Stephen (Sado), as well as on the materials of his own field research, the author provides the reader with information on the diasporas that arose at the early stage of the formation of the Russian Assyrian community – in the 1920s-1930s. The article deals with the Assyrians of the former city of Tushino, which in 1960 became part of Moscow, Istra, Volokolamsk, Rzhev, Velikiye Luki, Toropets, located on the territory of the Moscow, Tver and Pskov regions of the Russian Federation. First of all, the participation of families from different tribal and rural communities in the formation of diasporas is considered, as a result, the author identifies at least three parts on this railway direction, inhabited by people from certain tribes. The first part, which includes the former city of Tushino and, possibly, Istra and Volokolamsk, is represented by the diasporas of the Jylu tribe. In the second, on the indicated railway direction, we include only the city of Rzhev. There, first of all, we see two groups of families of people from the village. Kochanis (Kuchisnaya tribe) and the Diz region (Diznaya). The latter point allows us to consider the city as part of the settlement area of the diasporas of this group, which includes some cities of the Tver and Smolensk regions, located along the adjacent Torzhok – Vyazma branch. The third part is the cities of Velikiye Luki and Toropets, in which we know mainly the Assyrians of the Shapatna group, who in the 1920–1930s created a large array of settlement of their diasporas, covering part of the north-west of Russia, Belarus, part of the north of Ukraine.
15
Costache, Teodora. "L'image de l'Autre dans la conception néo-assyrienne – la représentation de l'ennemi comme symbole du chaos et du mal." Revista CICSA online, Serie Nouă, no. 2 (2016): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/cicsa.2016.2.3.
Full textAbstract:
In the Assyrian Empire war is perceived as a factor of civilization and the Assyrians always define themselves in opposition with other populations. The geographic disposition of the Empire, inside the space called Mesopotamia, privileged the development of an antagonism towards the foreigner, due to the idea that the interior of the Empire is cultivated, well-structured, whereas the foreigners are uncultivated, savages, and chaotic.Myths, epics, royal inscriptions, and iconography are all important media that enable the diffusion of this ideology. The combat myths and their iconography present, in a symbolic way, the royal idea that the strangers are bad, that they represent a grave danger, therefore they have to be exterminated by the Assyrian king, the human correspondent of the gods. The way the monsters are described in all these mythological compositions parallels the one that describe the strangers and enemies. The Assyrian palatial reliefs, and also the minor arts use this motif in a recurrent way. The image of the tortured and decapitated enemy becomes the symbol of his defeat, of the Otherness, but most importantly, the symbol of the victorious Assyrians.
16
Rifkin, Adrian. "Assyrians." differences 34, no. 1 (May 1, 2023): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10407391-10435478.
Full textAbstract:
This essay argues that Leo Bersani’s immersion in a discipline of reading theoretical and psychoanalytic texts and literature with close critical attention effectively writes out his observations from an epistemology of being gay. His attention to visual materials is similarly acute and detailed, and the observed and the read fragment interfere with each other in a virtuosic demonstration of criticism that is both involved and detached. In this process, his writing refuses any illusion of the possibility of theoretical coherence as a purpose of his text. Rather, Bersani’s writing produces new queer knowledge as a collateral effect of who he was.
17
Russell, H. F. "The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur According to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources." Iraq 47 (1985): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900006744.
Full textAbstract:
The importance of control of the valleys of the Habur and Euphrates rivers to the Assyrians can hardly be over-estimated. The two river valleys are major routes from N. Syria and S.E. Turkey to southern Assyria and to Babylonia.In the Neo-Assyrian period, control of the valley of the River Habur was won early, as the Assyrian armies marched westwards across N. Mesopotamia. Control of the Euphrates, between the confluence of the Habur and the Babylonian border, followed soon after.We are particularly well-informed about the geography of the Habur and the Euphrates, below the confluence with the Habur, during the reigns of Adad-nerari II, Tukulti-Ninurta II and Aššurnaṣirpal II. Texts from the reigns of these three kings describe campaigns along the banks of these rivers and list each night's halting-place. These are usually described as “itineraries”. (Such texts are exceptionally rare from ancient Mesopotamia. Besides these three passages in the Assyrian annals, only two other lengthy, well-preserved itineraries in cuneiform have come down to us.) 2 Other, conventional passages from the Annals of Aššurnaṣirpal II are a valuable supplement to these texts.
18
Mikhailov, Sergei Sergeevich. "The Research of the Assyrian Diaspora in Central Russia on the Example of the Communities of the Ryazan Region Cities." Ethnic Culture 3, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-97795.
Full textAbstract:
The history of the Assyrians who settled on the territory of Russia is an important and understudied topic. The purpose of the article is to acquaint readers and the scientific community with the results of the study of the Assyrian diaspora in the Ryazan region. The local Assyrian communities formed in the 1920s-1930s were studied. Ryazan region of Russia. Using the methods of field research, we find out that in Ryazan in the twentieth century, two small Assyrian necropolises arose – at the historical Lazarevskoye and Skorbyashensky cemeteries. The author inspected the graves preserved for 2019–2020. The Ryazan Assyrian necropolis does not differ from the places of compact burials of representatives of this people in other cities, which were examined by the author. Nevertheless, it is very important for the study of this diaspora. The results of the study showed that the Assyrian people were subdivided by the beginning of the twentieth century. for two dozen subethnos (tribes), representatives of some tribal and groups created diasporas. Regarding Ryazan, this is a large part, natives of the independent («ashiret») region of Djilu (the Jilvai tribe), the Maliks of Djilu Gorta (Big Djilu), from the villages of Alsan (local group of alasnaya), Zirini (grain), Midi (copper). A rather small number of families turned out to be in Russia – natives of the Ashiret independent Maliks – Thuma (the Thumnaya tribe), as well as natives of the small village of Shvava, whose inhabitants make up a small group of Shavetnaya. In the latter case, we have established the name of the genus-otzhah. Ryazan thumnaya, judging by what we know about their fellow tribesmen in neighboring Moscow, Tula, as well as in Georgia, most likely came from the village of Myazrya (maser group). The paper presents facts of the history of small Assyrian communities in other cities of the Ryazan region – Kasimov, Ryazhsk and Mikhailov. The main professional occupation of the representatives of the Assyrian communities in the 1920–1970s was shoe cleaning. It is concluded that the Assyrians, despite the small number of the diaspora, played a role in the urban culture of Ryazan in the twentieth century. In the future, we intend to expand the resources of the research base and continue to study various aspects of the life of the Assyrians in Russia.
19
Georgis, Mariam. "Traversing Disciplinary Boundaries, Globalizing Indigeneities." Meridians 23, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 182–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-10926936.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The author’s work spans the disciplinary boundaries of political science, Middle East studies, Indigenous studies, and their subfields. Broadly situated within critical theoretical bodies of knowledge, she focuses on an Indigenous nation in what is today known as Iraq. Her work is grounded within particular and fragmented locations that blur various lines and multiple layers of coloniality. This article offers a critical reflection of the invisibility in working on Indigeneity in southwest Asia within the structural imperatives of the academy. It takes up each of these themes by examining the fields of international relations and Iraqi studies to show how the story of Assyrians is invisible or unintelligible across these fields of political science and Middle East studies. Moreover, what the Assyrian story tells us about these disciplines and the multiplicity of coloniality (Patel 2019) is also rendered invisible. Despite the absence of Assyrians from Indigenous studies, the author sees this field as a site from which to potentially globalize Indigeneities. Specifically, she uses Indigenous feminism to construct a more nuanced framework into Assyrian histories, a framework that uses the lens of colonialism, land theft, erasure, and genocide to reframe the Assyrian experience as a remnant of the colonial global order.
20
Cheng, Jack. "The Horizontal Forearm Harp: Assyria's National Instrument." Iraq 74 (2012): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000279.
Full textAbstract:
A horizontal harp, strung with seven to nine strings and usually decorated with a finial in the shape of a human forearm, is likely to have been a symbol of the Neo-Assyrian state. Various features distinguish this musical instrument from contemporary Elamite harps, and from other harps in Mesopotamian history. The horizontal forearm harp was the most frequently depicted musical instrument on Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs and bronze doors; pairs of male Assyrians play the harp for the king in official duties of state or cult. The decorative forearm sometimes wears the rosette bracelet associated with royalty. Consideration of the iconographic significance of the forearm suggests possible Neo-Assyrian attitudes toward music.
21
Mastnjak, Nathan. "Judah’s Covenant with Assyria in Isaiah 28." Vetus Testamentum 64, no. 3 (July 28, 2014): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341165.
Full textAbstract:
This paper argues that the “covenant with death” in Isa 28:15, 18 refers to Judah’s covenant with Assyria. While scholars usually take this to refer to Egypt at the end of the 8th c., a reference to Assyria makes better sense of the resonances of the metaphor of personified “death.” This oracle is contemporary with vv. 1-4 and functions together with those verses as a single prophetic discourse that predates the fall of the northern kingdom and prophesies destruction for both kingdoms at the hands of the Assyrians.
22
Staszak, Martin. "Die assyrische Deportationspolitik unter Sargon II und die Midianiternot im Richterbuch." Biblische Zeitschrift 64, no. 2 (July 23, 2020): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890468-06402001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article assumes that the so called misery that Midian brought to Israel (Jdg 6:1–6) refers to the activities of deported Arabs who were settled in Samaria by the Assyrian king Sargon II in 715 BCE, in order to pacify the Arabs. Assyrian texts show that the Assyrian empire had to struggle both with raids by Arabs against cities and their inhabitants and with difficulties caused by deported people. A probably multilayered pre-deuteronomistic redaction (ca. 700) that formed a cycle of narratives (Ehud, Deborah and Baraq, Gideon) transfered a local problem to the whole country of Israel and called the Arabs Midianites because of their common origin in Northern Arabia. It is possible that the Assyrians tolerated the raids by the Arabs in order to suppress the defeated Samarian population and to garner some profit from the Arabs.
23
РАХНО, К. Ю. "ASSYRIAN PARALLELS TO THE NART EPOS OF THE OSSETIANS." Kavkaz-forum, no. 6(13) (June 21, 2021): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2021.13.6.007.
Full textAbstract:
Статья рассматривает параллели к нартовскому эпосу осетин в фольклоре современных ассирийцев – этнической группы родом из Месопотамии. Если современные ассирийцы являются потомками древнего населения Ассирии, то осетины – потомки скифов, которые в прошлом атаковали Ассирийскую империю. Фольклор ассирийцев испытал сильное иранское влияние. Их сказки содержат множество иранских мотивов, часть которых перекликается с нартовским эпосом. В частности, в ассирийских сказках присутствует волшебная яблоня, плоды которой похищают сверхъестественные силы. Ложась спать с женой своего брата-близнеца, герой сказки кладет свою саблю между ними. С помощью орла, птенцов которого он спас, герой ассирийских сказок обычно выбирается из подземного мира. В некоторых сказках он попадает во враждебный дом, переодетым в женское платье, под видом невесты, соблазняет там женщину. Он охотится на джейрана, серну или газель, которые оказываются девушками-колдуньями. Находит соответствие в нартовском эпосе и мотив огромной антропоморфной лягушки. В ассирийских сказках есть также волшебное зеркало и чудесный котел, в котором варятся змеи, лягушки и черепахи. Герой похищает этот котел. Фигурируют там и морские кони. Советы коня помогают герою привезти чудесное дерево из охраняемого сада. Три героя состязаются за находку, рассказывая случаи из жизни. История одного из них заключается в том, что он был превращен ведьмой в быка, но девушка-волшебница помогает ему расколдоваться и наказать ведьму. Встречаются и амазонские мотивы. Как и у осетин, в ассирийской сказке есть мотив руки, высовывающейся из морской пучины. С осетинскими преданиями сближается история о трех купленных советах. Мотив рождения ребенка, жеребенка и щенка в сочетании с мотивом женщины, которая неузнанной соблазняет своего мужа, дабы проучить его, особенно близки нартовскому эпосу. The article examines the parallels to the Nart epos of the Ossetians in the folklore of modern Assyrians, an ethnic group indigenous to Mesopotamia. If the modern Assyrians are the descendants of the ancient population of Assyria, then the Ossetians are the descendants of the Scythians who attacked the Assyrian Empire in the past. The folklore of the Assyrians underwent strong Iranian influence. Their tales contain many Iranian motives, some of which have something in common with the Nart epos. In particular, in Assyrian tales there is a magic apple tree, the fruits of which are stolen by supernatural forces. Going to bed with the wife of his twin brother, the hero of the fairy tale puts his sword between them. With the help of the eagle, whose nestlings he saved, the hero of Assyrian tales is usually got out of the underworld. In some tales, he enters in a hostile house dressed in a woman's dress, disguised as a bride, and seduces a woman there. He hunts gazelle, chamois or gazelle, which turn out to be witch girls. The motive of a huge anthropomorphic frog finds a correspondence in the Nart epos as well. In Assyrian tales, there is also a magic mirror and a wonderful cauldron in which snakes, frogs and turtles are boiled. The hero kidnaps this cauldron. There are also sea horses. The horse’s advice helps the hero to bring a wonderful tree from the protected garden. Three heroes compete for a find, telling stories from their life. The story of one of them is that he was turned into a bull by a witch, but a girl sorceress helps him to disenchant and punish the witch. There are also Amazon motives. Like among the Ossetians, in the Assyrian fairy tale there is a motive of a hand sticking out from the depths of the sea. The story of three purchased councils comes close to the Ossetian legends. The motive of the birth of a child, a foal, and a puppy, combined with the motive of a woman who, being unrecognized, seduces her husband in order to teach him a lesson, are especially close to the Nart saga.
24
Dweik, Bader S., and Tiba A. Al-Obaidi. "Language Contact, Use And Attitudes Among The Chaldo-Assyrians Of Baghdad, Iraq: A Sociolinguistic Study." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 3, no. 3 (April 5, 2014): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v3i3.5212.
Full textAbstract:
This study aimed at investigating the language situation among the Chaldo-Assyrians in Baghdad. The study attempted to answer the following questions: In what domains do the Chaldo-Assyrians of Baghdad use Syriac and Arabic? What are their attitudes towards both languages? To achieve the goal of this study, the researchers selected a sample that consisted of (135) Chaldo-Assyrians of different age, gender and educational background. The instruments used in this study were interviews and a questionnaire which comprised two different areas: domains of language use and language attitudes. The researchers concluded that the Chaldo-Assyrians in Baghdad used Syriac in different domains mainly at home, in religious settings and in their inner speech; and used it side by side with Arabic in many other social domains such as neighborhood, place of work, media and other public places. The study revealed that the attitudes of the Chaldo-Assyrians towards Syriac and Arabic were highly positive. Finally, the researchers recommended conducting similar studies on other ethnic groups in Baghdad like Turkumans, Kurds, Armenians and Sabians.
25
Khalid, Sabriya K., and Yousif M. Fattah. "Y-chromosomal Short Tandem Repeat Variation in Kurd, Assyrian, and Armenian populations in Iraq Kurdistan." Polytechnic Journal 12, no. 2 (March 15, 2023): 148–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25156/ptj.v12n2y2022.pp148-157.
Full textAbstract:
Background: North central Middle Eastern countries Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria all have persistent Kurdish regions. Over thousands of years, several ethnicities have immigrated, settled, or resided in the region, including Turks, Persians, Arabs, Kurds, Armenians, Assyrians, Chechens, and Azeris. Methods: Eleven Y-chromosome STRs were evaluated in a total of 90 unrelated males from the Kurds, Armenians, and Assyrians populations in the Kurdistan region of Iraq (DYS19, DYS390, DYS393, DYS426, DYS437, DYS439, DYS447, DYS460, DYS461, DYS481, and DYS576). Using a DNA extraction kit, total DNA was isolated from leukocytes. PCR products were run on 8% polyacrylamide gel with a 50bp ladder DNA marker to size the bands, and silver staining was used to identify the DNA bands. Power Marker V3.25 software was used to determine variety of genetic parameters, including total allele number, allele frequency, gene diversity, polymorphic information content (PIC), and phylogenetic tree was constructed by MEGA-X software. Results: The total number of alleles identified in the three populations was 380. The sizes of the alleles ranged from 87bp to 275bp.The most diverse loci were DYS447 and DYS576 (GD: 0.949), whereas DYS426 showed the least diversity (GD:0.896). The Phylogenetic tree divided the populations into two main clusters: The Kurdish and Armenian clades in one cluster and the Assyrian in another cluster. Few of dendrogram leaves from the three examined groups were admixed with each other. Conclusions: This study confirms the high-resolution Y-STR typing's ability to discriminate. We conclude that the genetic distance between Kurd and Armenians is less than the genetic distance between the Kurd and the Assyrians, meaning that the Armenians population are genetically closer to the Kurds population.
26
DeGrado, J. "KING OF THE FOUR QUARTERS: DIVERSITY AS A RHETORICAL STRATEGY OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE." Iraq 81 (September 30, 2019): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.8.
Full textAbstract:
Recent studies of cultural interaction in the Assyrian empire have focused on the process of assimilation and the production of alterity. In this article, I argue that Assyrian royal rhetoric goes beyond emphasizing simple difference, instead using depictions of cultural diversity to demonstrate the truly universal nature of the empire. I elucidate this rhetoric by comparison the world fairs of the 19th and early 20th-centuries. These fairs advanced European imperialism by allowing visitors to explore the vast extent of empire. I argue that the enumeration of exotic tribute in Assyrian texts and the iconographic depiction of foreigners on reliefs similarly served to concretize Assyrian power. Unlike modern European empires, however, Assyrians did not consider ethnicity to be constitutive of citizenship. Thus, while the Assyrian approach to diversity was certainly instrumentalizing, it was also inclusive of cultural difference. In this respect, the Assyrian understanding of human diversity shares much in common with the way the empire treated other types of difference, ranging from topographic variation to biodiversity. From the imperial vantage point, each of these elements had the potential to be tamed in a way that highlighted the control of the king over the four quarters of the world.
27
Lange, Dierk. "Sao Traditions of Makari South of Lake Chad." Anthropos 116, no. 1 (2021): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2021-1-111.
Full textAbstract:
The present study tries to solve the enigma of the legendary Sao on the basis of the traditions of the city-state of Makari south of Lake Chad. It analyses the town’s king list, its oral traditions and its ritual heritage in the light of the Assyrian hypothesis (put forward by the author in several publications). It suggests that Makari’s ancient traditions correspond to extensive transcontinental projections which underwent important transformations by processes of localization. By resetting the traditions in their original Mespotamian context, it shows that the Sao were the Neo-Assyrian conquerors of vast regions of the ancient Near East. After the destruction of Nineveh by the Babylonian insurgent Nabopolassar in 612 B.C. and the subsequent fall of the Assyrian Empire, some of the formerly resettled deportees fled to the region south of Lake Chad where they founded the city-state of Makari. Their desacralized traditions bear witness to the former prestige accorded to the Sao-Assyrians.
28
son tae chang. "Babylonian Policy of Assyrians in the Neo Assyrian Empire 745-627 BC." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 38 (August 2014): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2014..38.7.
Full text
29
Bahrani, Zainab. "The king's head." Iraq 66 (January 2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001704.
Full textAbstract:
The composition of the battle of Til-Tuba from Sennacherib's palace at Nineveh is usually described as a relief depicting a recorded historical event. It is considered a good and solid example of the Assyrian concern with history and the Assyrian propensity for propagandistic depictions of current events. The scene, which is surely saturated in the ideology of empire, has already been discussed from that point of view. Is it true to the historical event? Is it an exaggeration? Did the Assyrians really do these things? How close or how distant is this depiction of the battle from the real historical event of war?The Assyrian method of representation is generally one that is attentive to minute details and concerned with ethnographic accuracy, even when the composition is hierarchical and representations of the body are stylised into abstract patterns. Realism is certainly a distinctive aspect of Assyrian narrative art and accurate details of dress and landscape were used to create what Roland Barthes would have called the effect of the real.
30
Sever, Hüseyin, and Salih Çeçen. "New Developments About Anatolia's Social History According to the II. Level Documents in Kültepe." Belleten 57, no. 218 (April 1, 1993): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1993.41.
Full textAbstract:
It is known that, as a result of Anatolia's entrance to the written period, with the documents belonging to the Assyrians, new inforrnation about the eras political history has been obtained. The Assyrian merchants, who only deals with commerce, never mentioned about Anatolias political, historical and diplomatic events in their documents which doesn't interest and effect them. The correspandence between the Kanis and Mama kings, which have taken their historical place in the 2 nd Level, shows us Anatolia's Colony Period in a most clearly form. Only this document can also give us an idea about the agreements and the disputes between Anatolia's native kings from time to time.
31
Lee, Sung Ock. "Assyrian Names, the Badge of Identity: Naming practice of contemporary Assyrians in Iraq." ACTS Theological Journal 32 (July 30, 2017): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.19114/atj.32.9.
Full text
32
Miller, Eva. "Drawing Distinctions: Assyrians and Others in the Art of the Neo-Assyrian Empire." Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.87846.
Full textAbstract:
Between the ninth and seventh centuries BCE, the Neo-Assyrian Empire became the largest the world had yet seen. In the process of imperial conquest, the Assyrian state incorporated previously foreign territories and people into their world. Landscapes, materials, and the labor of conquered bodies became a part of the Assyrian royal palaces of northern Iraq, both as elements of their construction and as themes emphasized within the extensive visual programs of the palace reliefs. Within and through visual depiction of enemy bodies and foreign landscapes, in the process of being (often violently) reshaped by Assyrian hands, Neo-Assyrian kings brought the farthest reaches of their world into the center of imperial power. This article considers how specific strategies of representation in palace art allowed the Assyrian palace to serve as a microcosm of the empire and a map of its borders. Palace art emphasized the remade, reworked, or recreated, defining “Assyrianness” as that which remakes and has been remade. As a central act of remaking, I examine representations of captive or submissive foreigners, whose presence in the reliefs commemorates their humiliation while compounding and enhancing it in the very ways that these figures are depicted: cringing, deficient, and physiologically incorrect. I pay particular attention to examples from the late King Ashurbanipal’s reign, in which foreign leaders are singled out through representation with distinctive facial features. I argue that this act of (literally) drawing distinctions was an inherently imperial process, one that both expressed and enabled an ideology of expansion and control.
33
Giusfredi, Federico, Valerio Pisaniello, and Alfredo Rizza. "On the origin and meaning of the Assyrian toponym Tabal." ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 15, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2022): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v15i1-2.1301.
Full textAbstract:
The toponym Tabal was used by the Iron Age Assyrians to refer to a group of Luwian kingdoms and principalities that occupied Cappadocia during the first centuries of the Iron Age. The name itself was not used by the Luwians and it is debated whether or not it was continued in later traditions, such as the Biblical one. It thus seems to be a specific exonym reflecting an Assyrian (and possibly Canaanite) point of view. Nevertheless, an Assyrian etymology has been recently criticized, and few alternative analyses, including a Luwian and a Hurrian one, have been suggested. Admittedly, however, all of these hypotheses present formal and historical unsolved problems. In this paper we will (1) review the reasons why a Hurrian and a Luwian derivation do not hold water; (2) examine the real semantics of the Semitic root *’BL as it appears in Akkadian tābalu and nābalu; (3) propose an alternative analysis based on the linguistic profile and history of the cultures of Mesopotamia and Syro-Anatolia.
34
Ussishkin, David. "SENNACHERIB’S CAMPAIGN IN JUDAH: THE CONQUEST OF LACHISH." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 2 (November 17, 2017): 719–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3477.
Full textAbstract:
The conquest of Lachish in 701 B.C.E. by the army of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, forms a significant event in the history of the Near East, the history of the kingdom of Judah, and the history of the biblical world. Five different sources, which complement one another, combine to present us with a clear and vivid picture of the events at Lachish: (1) the detailed descriptions in the Old Testament of the Assyrian campaign in Judah; (2) the annals and other inscriptions of Sennacherib; (3) the city level attacked by the Assyrians which was studied in the excavations; (4) the remains of the battle uncovered in the excavations; and (5) the series of reliefs describing the siege of Lachish erected by Sennacherib in his royal palace at Nineveh. This is in fact a unique case in which a major battle of the biblical period can be studied and reconstructed to a significant degree. Much information was obtained in the intensive archaeological excavations which have taken place at Lachish since 1932. Groups of scholars and students from UNISA took part in the excavations of Tel Aviv University each season between 1976 and 1989. They were organised and led by Prof. Ian Eybers until his untimely death in 1981 (Fig. 1). Many of the South African participants were directly involved in uncovering significant remains associated with Sennacheib’s attack on Lachish.
35
Árvai, Tamás Kristóf. "Adó- és zsákmánylisták az Újasszír Birodalom első felének királyfelirataiban." Belvedere Meridionale 34, no. 2 (2022): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2022.2.3.
Full textAbstract:
Since the reign of Aššur-dan III (935–912 BC) the Assyrian Empire was the most aggressive military state in the Near East. During these wars enormous tribute and sack was flowing into the centrum of the Empire. One factor in ensuring the stability of this asymmetric system was the well-established administration. Therefore, it would be justly expected, that the tributes and sacks were precisely listed and archived (as we see on relief representations), but unfortunately this is not the case. As far as we know, there are no such documentations available. On the other hand, the long tribute and sack lists of the Assyrian royal inscriptions (which are well known) do not fulfil the function of administration. They are embedded in ideological structured texts: thus, following deterministic rules and fulfilling ideological functions. Therefore, these lists inform us more about the worldview of the Assyrians, than about the quantities and qualities of the tributes and sacks. The quality is determined through the structure of the list, the quantity through the prestige of the conquered state
36
Travis, Hannibal. "Missions, Minorities, and the Motherland: Xenophobic Narratives of an Ottoman Christian “Stab in the Back”." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 3 (August 2022): 559–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743822000721.
Full textAbstract:
This roundtable focuses on the marginalization of ethnicities or religious denominations within Middle East studies, and in the larger realm of history writing. Without a nation–state of their own to preserve their language and history, the Assyrian people and the Church of the East denomination of Christianity fell subject to repression in Turkey, only recently finding a voice. Marginalization in history books and educational curricula is one symptom of broken treaty commitments and lack of equal access to state institutions and funds. In our century, marginalization has given way to something perhaps even worse: vilification and expulsion even from countries outside of Turkey where the Assyrians reside, during a neo-Ottoman period in which parts of Iraq and Syria came to more closely resemble Turkey, a resemblance that included the presence of Turkish arms.
37
Toptaş, Koray. "Foreign Royal Nobles in the Neo Assyrian Empire." Journal of Universal History Studies 7, no. 1 (February 22, 2024): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.38000/juhis.1384225.
Full textAbstract:
The Assyrian kings, who reached the peak of their power in the Near East between 934-612 BC, implemented various practices that would help them maintain their military and political dominance. Assyria's policy towards foreign royal captives, hostages, and refugees can also be considered within these practices. Assyria's policy was expected to preserve peace and keep some lands under control without war. The Assyrian kings carried the enemy kings and their family members whom they defeated as a result of military campaigns to Assyrian centres and captivated them, aiming to break the resistance of those regions and intimidate their enemies. In addition, Assyria aimed to gain some binding advantages to make the agreements permanent by taking hostages from the kings with whom it made agreements or made them swear allegiance. For this purpose, noble captives and hostages were subjected to Assyrian education and were tried to turn into allies who could be appointed as rulers of their countries in the future. Assyrian kings also wanted to establish their relations with these kingdoms on a binding and permanent basis by including the daughters of enemy or allied kings in their harems. Finally, they protected the noble people who took refuge in them in Assyrian cities and even helped them to become kings in their countries, depending on the changes in the political situation. Thus, the Assyrian kings thought that they could create rulers loyal to themselves. Based on cuneiform documents, this study investigates the Assyrian practice of taking captives and hostages, the position and status of foreign princesses sent to the Assyrian court, and the place of refugees in Assyrian policy. The study aims to reveal all aspects of Assyria's policy and to draw a portrait of the lives of foreign royals in the Assyrian court and cities. The primary sources used in this study are the royal inscriptions and the Assyrian state archive.
38
Engstrom, Christin M. A. "The Neo-Assyrians at Tell el-Hesi: A Petrographic Study of Imitation Assyrian Palace Ware." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 333 (February 2004): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357795.
Full text
39
Al-Rifai, Safwan. "The Moral Values of the Assyrians." Athar Alrafedain 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/athar.2013.76835.
Full text
40
Zubaida, Sami. "Contested Nations: Iraq and the Assyrians." Nations and Nationalism 6, no. 3 (July 2000): 363–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.2000.00363.x.
Full text
41
Luchenkov, I. R. "Christian Communities in the Political Life of Modern Iraq." Asia and Africa today, no. 7 (December 15, 2024): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750031390-1.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses the political participation of Iraqi Christian communities. In the context of the research, one explores the linguistic, historical and confessional factors that influenced the formation of Assyrian, Chaldean and Assyro-Chaldean political movements in the territory of Modern post-Ba’athist Iraq. In addition, the paper also investigates their connections with co-religionists from neighboring countries and distant diasporas. One may identify three main consolidating forces that protect the interests of the Assyrians, Chaldeans and other faiths: political parties, the Church and the militias. However, the research states that modern Iraqi Christian political parties fully reflect the situation within the national political system after the overthrow of the Baathist government by the US-led international coalition. There are complete imbalance of actions, inability to reach consensus and further fragmentation of the main forces capable of exerting political will into even smaller structural units.
42
Kertai, David. "EMBELLISHING THE INTERIOR SPACES OF ASSYRIA'S ROYAL PALACES: THEBĒT ḪILĀNIRECONSIDERED." Iraq 79 (October 6, 2017): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2017.12.
Full textAbstract:
Thebēt ḫilāniis one of the most famous features of Assyria's royal palaces as well as one of its most elusive. The term is mostly known from Assyrian royal inscriptions, which describe it as an architectural feature inspired by the architecture of Syro-Anatolia. Such explicit references to the architecture of other cultures is exceptional and provides a rare glimpse into the valuations of Assyria's architects.Modern attempts to identify thebēt ḫilāniarchaeologically are almost as old as the field of ancient Near Eastern Studies. Unfortunately, the discourse has become more convoluted over time through the integration of disparate architectural features into a singlebēt ḫilānidiscourse and a narrow view of how architectural exchanges occur. Past research has generally assumed a morphological correspondence between the Assyrianbēt ḫilāniand the external porticoes that typify Syro-Anatolian architecture. This article will argue that Assyrian architects had a different set of ideals and interests which led them to change the external Syro-Anatolian portico into an interior feature used to add monumentality and ornamentation to the rooms of Assyria's palaces. This changes thebēt ḫilānifrom a morphological category into a decorative one and contextualises it within the architectural traditions of Assyria.
43
Abbas, Abbas Mustafa, and Mihraban Salih Saeed. "Language Management in Iraqi Kurdistan." JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE STUDIES 3, no. 1 (September 1, 2023): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jls.3.1.4.
Full textAbstract:
Language management is a discipline that consists of satisfying the needs of people who speak multiple different languages. These may be in the same country, in companies, and in cultural or international institutions where one must use multiple languages. In the Iraqi Kurdistan context, we are presented with a linguistic situation where two languages are constitutionally official, i.e., Arabic and Kurdish while English is adopted as the solitary means of instruction in some schools/colleges/universities besides the fact Turkmani and Assyrian are spoken and adopted as means of instruction in schools of areas where the Turkmen and Assyrians are a majority. This linguistic reality calls for a sound and rational resolution or management at all levels, particularly at the academic levels which we are interested in here.Thus, the main aim of the present study is to suggest ways on how to take the multilingual situation in Iraqi Kurdistan to an English plus situation in a similar manner we have witnessed in Singapore.
44
Rung, Е. V., and Е. A. Venidiktova. "The Yoke as a Metaphor in the Ancient World: From Symbolizing Imperial Domination to Signifying Subjugation." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 165, no. 4-5 (January 17, 2024): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2023.4-5.54-65.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the perception of the yoke as a symbol of domination and subordination in texts from Ancient Mesopotamia and the Middle East, as well as from ancient Greek and Roman writings. The metaphor of the yoke is analyzed from the perspective of both the conquerors and subjugated. In the texts of the Assyrian kings, conquest is perceived as the imposition of a yoke, while the fight for independence is portrayed as liberation from it. The Greeks adopted the concept of the yoke from the East, which explains why it was often used to describe the Greco-Persian conflict in the ancient Greek tradition. In many cases, the yoke was not only a metaphor for subordination but also had a military-political meaning. For example, the Assyrians harnessed captives to the royal chariot, while the Romans drove away captive enemies “under the yoke”, which was a structure consisting of two spears or pillars stuck into the ground with a third spear or pillar as a crossbar.
45
Ziemann, Marcus. "The Politics of Beginnings: Hesiod and the Assyrian Ideological Appropriation of Enuma Eliš." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 21-22, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2020-0018.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article proposes a new way to understand Near Eastern literary and mythological parallels in Hesiod’s Theogony by focusing on the meaning of these parallels for a contemporary Greek audience. In particular, a case study analyzing a parallel shared by the Theogony and Enuma eliš is pursued here to illustrate this approach’s utility. This new approach draws partly on methodologies borrowed from the study of globalization and combines these methodologies with recent insights into the ideological motivations for Greeks’ deployment of Oriental(izing) art in the Orientalizing Period (ca. 750 – 650 BCE). Rather than focusing on individual parallels out of context or on diachronically stable elements that creation stories around the eastern Mediterranean shared, this article instead reconstructs a contemporary ideological background with the Neo-Assyrian Empire at the center of a globalizing Mediterranean. Because the Assyrians invested Enuma eliš with new ideological meaning at this time and broadcast this through their propaganda, the Akkadian creation epic could take on new meaning in an international context. It is consequently possible that specific correspondences Enuma eliš and the Theogony share show Hesiod subverting Assyrian ideological discourses. The subjects discussed here have implications for our broader understanding of Greek-Near Eastern interactions of the Orientalizing Period.
46
Khoury, Dina Rizk. "Assyrians in Modern Iraq: Negotiating Political and Cultural Space, Alda Benjamin (2022)." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00101_5.
Full text
47
Postgate, Nicholas. "THE BREAD OF AŠŠUR." Iraq 77 (December 2015): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2015.14.
Full textAbstract:
As today, bread in antiquity came in a multitude of varieties, some of which were specific to particular regions or populations. Examining the terminology and iconography of breads in Assyrian texts, it is clear that there was a continuity of certain types of bread peculiar to Assyria from the Middle Assyrian period to the final century of the Assyrian empire. This exemplifies the strength of Assyria's identity over half a millennium, and the persistence of its cultural independence in some respects from its Babylonian neighbour. The majority of the written sources refer to cultic activities, and the conservatism expected in cultic contexts no doubt contributes to the long-term persistence of certain types of bread. There may even be reason to see one variety (ḫuḫḫurtu) as the forerunner of a bread used in Jewish cultic contexts to this day (challah).
48
EROĞLU, Erol. "The Wedding Traditions of Assyrians in Midyat." Journal of Turkish Studies Volume 7 Issue 3, no. 7 (2012): 1189–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.3680.
Full text
49
Kelly, Thomas. "The Assyrians, the Persians, and the Sea." Mediterranean Historical Review 7, no. 1 (June 1992): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518969208569629.
Full text
50
Seymour, Michael. "Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (June 26, 2018): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0022.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian campaign reliefs are rich sources for understanding Assyrian ideas of empire, geography, and Assyria’s relationship to the wider world. They are also exceptions: the format of the later Assyrian campaign reliefs is in several respects so unusual in ancient Near Eastern art as to demand explanation. Not the least of the campaign reliefs’ unusual qualities is the extensive and often detailed depiction of foreign landscapes and people. This paper examines one instance of this phenomenon: the particular case of depictions of Babylonia and the far south in Assyrian campaign reliefs. Studies of the textual sources have done much to draw out the complex cultural and political relationship between Assyria and Babylonia in the eighth, seventh, and sixth centuries B.C., revealing tensions between an identification with the cities of the south and their venerable temples on the one hand, and the undeniable political and strategic problems posed by Babylonian rebellions against Assyrian rule on the other. It is argued that the campaign reliefs attempt to resolve this tension by presenting conquest and pacification as accomplished facts, and Babylonia’s abundance as an Assyrian imperial possession. It is also suggested that one function of the reliefs was to process historical victories into a larger, ahistorical image of Assyrian imperial success.