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1

Dewar, Ben. "US AGAINST THEM: IDEOLOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF ASHURNASIRPAL II'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST ASSYRIAN REBELS IN ḪALZILUḪA". Iraq 82 (13 серпня 2020): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.4.

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This paper is a study of the rebellion against the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II in the city of Ḫalziluḫa in 882 bc, which is an unusual instance of a rebellion by Assyrians being recorded in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This paper explores the significance of the rebellion from two angles: the ideological problem of rebellion by Assyrians, and the psychological impact on Assyrian troops of killing their fellow Assyrians. Within the ideology of the royal inscriptions, Assyrians did not normally rebel against the incumbent king, who was in all ways presented as a model ruler. It will be ar
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2

Petrosian, Vahram. "Assyrians in Iraq." Iran and the Caucasus 10, no. 1 (2006): 113–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338406777979322.

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AbstractThe article examines the question of the Assyrian identity; certain problems pertaining to the history of the Assyrian-Kurdish relationships; the problem of the Assyrian autonomy; the role of the political parties of the Iraqi Assyrians; the status of the Assyrians in Iraqi Kurdistan; the Assyrians after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, and several other issues.
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Dewar, Ben. "The Burning of Captives in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, and Early Neo-Assyrian Conceptions of the Other." Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, no. 2 (2021): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.88852.

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This paper is a study of the topos of the king burning captives in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This punishment is notable for both its rarity and its cruelty, being the only time that the royal inscriptions describe violence towards children. I approach this topic in terms of Donald Black’s model of social control, in which the form and severity of social control, including violence, varies in relation to the “social geometry” that separates the parties involved in a dispute or conflict. I argue that in the royal inscriptions burning is inflicted on those that the Assyrians saw as “uncivi
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Feldman, Marian H. "Nineveh to Thebes and back: Art and politics between Assyria and Egypt in the seventh century BCE." Iraq 66 (2004): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000173x.

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In 671 BCE, Esarhaddon advanced south from the Levant and attacked Egypt, sacking Memphis. About seven years later, in response to repeated Kushite uprisings and following an initial campaign into Lower Egypt, Ashurbanipal's army reinvaded Egypt, marching as far as Thebes where, according to Assyrian accounts, the temples and palaces were looted and their treasures brought back to Nineveh. The Assyrians had been in conflict with Egypt for some time, but these clashes had always taken place in Western Asia, where the two states fought for control and influence over the small Levantine kingdoms.
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Highcock, Nancy. "Assyrians Abroad: Expanding Borders Through Mobile Identities in the Middle Bronze Age." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (2018): 61–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0016.

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AbstractRecent work by both archaeologists and Assyriologists has characterized the main Assyrian settlement at Kaneš/Kültepe not as “colony” at all but as a place in which Assyrians fully integrated themselves into Anatolian society to create a hybridized community or “middle ground.” This paper builds upon their work by examining the ways in which Assyrians participated in such an intercultural society whilst still maintaining the bounded social category of “Assyrian.” Through the reconstruction of their civic institutions and social traditions abroad, Assyrian merchants were able to expand
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6

Özdemi̇r, Bülent. "Making History to/as the Main Pillar of Identity: The Assyrian Paradigm." Belleten 76, no. 276 (2012): 631–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2012.631.

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In the 20th century Assyrians living in Diaspora have increased their search of identity because of the social and political conditions of their present countries. In doing so, they utilize the history by picking up certain events which are still kept fresh in the collective memory of the Assyrian society. World War I, which caused a large segment of the Assyrians to emigrate from the Middle East, has been considered as the milestone event of their history. They preferred to use and evaluate the circumstances during WW I in terms of a genocidal attack of the Ottomans against their nation. This
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7

Nadali, Davide, and Lorenzo Verderame. "Neo-Assyrian Statues of Gods and Kings in Context." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (2019): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0016.

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Abstract Neo-Assyrian letters are a broad and interesting corpus of data to investigate how ancient Assyrians dealt with the manufacture of statues, the shaping of royal and divine effigies, and the final arrangement of sculptures. This paper aims to analyse the ritual and practical aspects of the making of images in the Neo-Assyrian period with reference to this corpus of letters, which reveals how Assyrian kings, officials and sculptors worked together for this purpose. It explores the role of the personnel involved, the process of the creation, and the final display of statues. Based on the
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8

Woźniak-Bobińska, Marta. "Assyrians Without Borders: Middle Eastern Christians Towards a New Form of Citizenship in Sweden." Studia Religiologica 54, no. 1 (2021): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844077sr.21.005.13929.

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This article presents a case study of a Swedish-based NGO, Assyrians Without Borders (AWB), whose priority objective is to help Middle Eastern Christians, mainly Assyrians/Syriacs, in need in their homeland. The paper argues that Assyrians/Syriacs in Sweden have developed three forms of citizenship – religious, political and democratic. All three forms are transnational and have the potential to challenge the idea of national citizenship as being the dominant model of citizenship. Participating in AWB is understood as practising democratic citizenship, a concept seen as the Swedish ideal of mo
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9

Zaia, Shana. "State-Sponsored Sacrilege: “Godnapping” and Omission in Neo-Assyrian Inscriptions." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 1 (2015): 19–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2015-0006.

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AbstractBecause of the symbolic and religious importance of cult statues in ancient Mesopotamia, these images were targeted on numerous occasions by invading forces as part of the conquest of a foreign polity. In the case of the Assyrians, triumphant kings would sometimes list cult statues from a newly-conquered city or group as spoils of war, alongside members of the royal family, their subjects, and their precious goods. Such acts of divine deportation are sometimes called “godnapping” in secondary literature. A conspicuous feature in godnapping reports is the paucity of divine names mention
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10

Hays, Nathan. "Humility and instruction in Zephaniah 3.1-7." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 44, no. 3 (2019): 472–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219862823.

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The rapid and unmarked transition from the oracle against Assyria/Nineveh in Zephaniah 2.13-15 to the condemnation of Jerusalem in 3.1-7 rhetorically underscores the deep and troubling continuity between Jerusalem and Assyria/Nineveh. This article examines this continuity in light of two important elements of the book of Zephaniah: the depiction of Assyria (and those nations aligned with it) as prideful and the scribal character of 3.1-7. The finding is that Zeph. 3.1-7 presents Jerusalem and its leaders as paralleling the arrogant Assyrians and like-minded nations in a way that spurs Zephania
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Arikan, Arda, Ozan Varli, and Eyüp Yaşar Kürüm. "A Study of Assyrians’ Language Use in Istanbul." Sustainable Multilingualism 10, no. 1 (2017): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sm-2017-0003.

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Summary Being one of the oldest Christian communities in the Middle East, Assyrians have continued to live in various parts of Turkey for thousands of years. Today, the estimates related to the number of Assyrians living in Turkey vary between 4,000–25,000 while they cannot benefit from the rights put forward by the Lausanne Treaty among which schooling is the most important. Assyrian community can be said to be deteriorating in number. This decline in the number of Assyrians living in Turkey raises the question of whether they could maintain their ethnic identity while maintaining their langu
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Rzepka, Marcin. "Migracje Asyryjczyków z Iranu w czasie I wojny światowej: fragmentaryzacja tradycji i nowe formy religijności." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.027.13864.

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Migrations of the Assyrians from Iran during World War I: Fragmentization of tradition and the new forms of religiosity By focusing on the Assyrian Christians scattered around Urmia in the north-western part of Iran during World War I, the article analyzes the processes and changes that occurred in the religious life of the population under the circumstances of depravity, trauma and migration. The migrations, as it is suggested, caused two opposing tendencies among Assyrians strengthening individualization and ethnicization of the religious matters. The migratory experience played a crucial ro
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MURRE-VAN DEN BERG, H. L. "Geldelijk of Geestelijk Gewin? Assyrische Bisschoppen Op De Loonlijst Van Een Amerikaanse Zendingspost." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 77, no. 2 (1997): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820397x00270.

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AbstractIn the forties of last century, American Protestant missionaries, sent forth by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, were working among the Assyrian (Nestorian) Christians in northwestern Iran. Nearly ten years after its beginnings, the 'Nestorian mission' went through a difficult period. Not only had the mission to cope with opposition from Roman Catholic missionaries and the Persian government, but also with internal quarrels about the preferred policy of the mission. The internal conflict concentrated on the employment of Assyrian bishops by the mission. Some of
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14

Mikhailov, Sergei Sergeevich. "On the History of the Formation of Assyrian Diasporas in Cities on the Riga Railway." Ethnic Culture 3, no. 2 (2021): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98421.

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In the article the author talks about a local episode in the history of the formation of one of the little-studied diasporas of the cities of Central Russia – the Assyrians. The author's goal is to consider the emergence of communities of the considered ethnic group using the example of small Assyrian diasporas known from the Riga Railway. Since the Assyrians settled in the cities of European Russia for the most part after exodus from their places of traditional residence, fleeing the genocide unleashed by the Turkish authorities during the First World War, their new places of residence anyway
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15

Costache, Teodora. "L'image de l'Autre dans la conception néo-assyrienne – la représentation de l'ennemi comme symbole du chaos et du mal." Revista CICSA online, Serie Nouă, no. 2 (2016): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/cicsa.2016.2.3.

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In the Assyrian Empire war is perceived as a factor of civilization and the Assyrians always define themselves in opposition with other populations. The geographic disposition of the Empire, inside the space called Mesopotamia, privileged the development of an antagonism towards the foreigner, due to the idea that the interior of the Empire is cultivated, well-structured, whereas the foreigners are uncultivated, savages, and chaotic.Myths, epics, royal inscriptions, and iconography are all important media that enable the diffusion of this ideology. The combat myths and their iconography presen
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16

Rifkin, Adrian. "Assyrians." differences 34, no. 1 (2023): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10407391-10435478.

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This essay argues that Leo Bersani’s immersion in a discipline of reading theoretical and psychoanalytic texts and literature with close critical attention effectively writes out his observations from an epistemology of being gay. His attention to visual materials is similarly acute and detailed, and the observed and the read fragment interfere with each other in a virtuosic demonstration of criticism that is both involved and detached. In this process, his writing refuses any illusion of the possibility of theoretical coherence as a purpose of his text. Rather, Bersani’s writing produces new
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17

Russell, H. F. "The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur According to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources." Iraq 47 (1985): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900006744.

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The importance of control of the valleys of the Habur and Euphrates rivers to the Assyrians can hardly be over-estimated. The two river valleys are major routes from N. Syria and S.E. Turkey to southern Assyria and to Babylonia.In the Neo-Assyrian period, control of the valley of the River Habur was won early, as the Assyrian armies marched westwards across N. Mesopotamia. Control of the Euphrates, between the confluence of the Habur and the Babylonian border, followed soon after.We are particularly well-informed about the geography of the Habur and the Euphrates, below the confluence with the
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18

Mikhailov, Sergei Sergeevich. "The Research of the Assyrian Diaspora in Central Russia on the Example of the Communities of the Ryazan Region Cities." Ethnic Culture 3, no. 1 (2021): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-97795.

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The history of the Assyrians who settled on the territory of Russia is an important and understudied topic. The purpose of the article is to acquaint readers and the scientific community with the results of the study of the Assyrian diaspora in the Ryazan region. The local Assyrian communities formed in the 1920s-1930s were studied. Ryazan region of Russia. Using the methods of field research, we find out that in Ryazan in the twentieth century, two small Assyrian necropolises arose – at the historical Lazarevskoye and Skorbyashensky cemeteries. The author inspected the graves preserved for 20
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19

Georgis, Mariam. "Traversing Disciplinary Boundaries, Globalizing Indigeneities." Meridians 23, no. 1 (2024): 182–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-10926936.

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Abstract The author’s work spans the disciplinary boundaries of political science, Middle East studies, Indigenous studies, and their subfields. Broadly situated within critical theoretical bodies of knowledge, she focuses on an Indigenous nation in what is today known as Iraq. Her work is grounded within particular and fragmented locations that blur various lines and multiple layers of coloniality. This article offers a critical reflection of the invisibility in working on Indigeneity in southwest Asia within the structural imperatives of the academy. It takes up each of these themes by exami
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Cheng, Jack. "The Horizontal Forearm Harp: Assyria's National Instrument." Iraq 74 (2012): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000279.

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A horizontal harp, strung with seven to nine strings and usually decorated with a finial in the shape of a human forearm, is likely to have been a symbol of the Neo-Assyrian state. Various features distinguish this musical instrument from contemporary Elamite harps, and from other harps in Mesopotamian history. The horizontal forearm harp was the most frequently depicted musical instrument on Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs and bronze doors; pairs of male Assyrians play the harp for the king in official duties of state or cult. The decorative forearm sometimes wears the rosette bracelet associated
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21

Mastnjak, Nathan. "Judah’s Covenant with Assyria in Isaiah 28." Vetus Testamentum 64, no. 3 (2014): 465–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341165.

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This paper argues that the “covenant with death” in Isa 28:15, 18 refers to Judah’s covenant with Assyria. While scholars usually take this to refer to Egypt at the end of the 8th c., a reference to Assyria makes better sense of the resonances of the metaphor of personified “death.” This oracle is contemporary with vv. 1-4 and functions together with those verses as a single prophetic discourse that predates the fall of the northern kingdom and prophesies destruction for both kingdoms at the hands of the Assyrians.
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Staszak, Martin. "Die assyrische Deportationspolitik unter Sargon II und die Midianiternot im Richterbuch." Biblische Zeitschrift 64, no. 2 (2020): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890468-06402001.

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Abstract This article assumes that the so called misery that Midian brought to Israel (Jdg 6:1–6) refers to the activities of deported Arabs who were settled in Samaria by the Assyrian king Sargon II in 715 BCE, in order to pacify the Arabs. Assyrian texts show that the Assyrian empire had to struggle both with raids by Arabs against cities and their inhabitants and with difficulties caused by deported people. A probably multilayered pre-deuteronomistic redaction (ca. 700) that formed a cycle of narratives (Ehud, Deborah and Baraq, Gideon) transfered a local problem to the whole country of Isr
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РАХНО, К. Ю. "ASSYRIAN PARALLELS TO THE NART EPOS OF THE OSSETIANS." Kavkaz-forum, no. 6(13) (June 21, 2021): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2021.13.6.007.

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Статья рассматривает параллели к нартовскому эпосу осетин в фольклоре современных ассирийцев – этнической группы родом из Месопотамии. Если современные ассирийцы являются потомками древнего населения Ассирии, то осетины – потомки скифов, которые в прошлом атаковали Ассирийскую империю. Фольклор ассирийцев испытал сильное иранское влияние. Их сказки содержат множество иранских мотивов, часть которых перекликается с нартовским эпосом. В частности, в ассирийских сказках присутствует волшебная яблоня, плоды которой похищают сверхъестественные силы. Ложась спать с женой своего брата-близнеца, герой
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Dweik, Bader S., and Tiba A. Al-Obaidi. "Language Contact, Use And Attitudes Among The Chaldo-Assyrians Of Baghdad, Iraq: A Sociolinguistic Study." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 3, no. 3 (2014): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v3i3.5212.

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This study aimed at investigating the language situation among the Chaldo-Assyrians in Baghdad. The study attempted to answer the following questions: In what domains do the Chaldo-Assyrians of Baghdad use Syriac and Arabic? What are their attitudes towards both languages? To achieve the goal of this study, the researchers selected a sample that consisted of (135) Chaldo-Assyrians of different age, gender and educational background. The instruments used in this study were interviews and a questionnaire which comprised two different areas: domains of language use and language attitudes. The res
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Khalid, Sabriya K., and Yousif M. Fattah. "Y-chromosomal Short Tandem Repeat Variation in Kurd, Assyrian, and Armenian populations in Iraq Kurdistan." Polytechnic Journal 12, no. 2 (2023): 148–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25156/ptj.v12n2y2022.pp148-157.

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Background: North central Middle Eastern countries Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Syria all have persistent Kurdish regions. Over thousands of years, several ethnicities have immigrated, settled, or resided in the region, including Turks, Persians, Arabs, Kurds, Armenians, Assyrians, Chechens, and Azeris. Methods: Eleven Y-chromosome STRs were evaluated in a total of 90 unrelated males from the Kurds, Armenians, and Assyrians populations in the Kurdistan region of Iraq (DYS19, DYS390, DYS393, DYS426, DYS437, DYS439, DYS447, DYS460, DYS461, DYS481, and DYS576). Using a DNA extraction kit, total DNA wa
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DeGrado, J. "KING OF THE FOUR QUARTERS: DIVERSITY AS A RHETORICAL STRATEGY OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE." Iraq 81 (September 30, 2019): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.8.

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Recent studies of cultural interaction in the Assyrian empire have focused on the process of assimilation and the production of alterity. In this article, I argue that Assyrian royal rhetoric goes beyond emphasizing simple difference, instead using depictions of cultural diversity to demonstrate the truly universal nature of the empire. I elucidate this rhetoric by comparison the world fairs of the 19th and early 20th-centuries. These fairs advanced European imperialism by allowing visitors to explore the vast extent of empire. I argue that the enumeration of exotic tribute in Assyrian texts a
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Lange, Dierk. "Sao Traditions of Makari South of Lake Chad." Anthropos 116, no. 1 (2021): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2021-1-111.

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The present study tries to solve the enigma of the legendary Sao on the basis of the traditions of the city-state of Makari south of Lake Chad. It analyses the town’s king list, its oral traditions and its ritual heritage in the light of the Assyrian hypothesis (put forward by the author in several publications). It suggests that Makari’s ancient traditions correspond to extensive transcontinental projections which underwent important transformations by processes of localization. By resetting the traditions in their original Mespotamian context, it shows that the Sao were the Neo-Assyrian conq
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son tae chang. "Babylonian Policy of Assyrians in the Neo Assyrian Empire 745-627 BC." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 38 (2014): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2014..38.7.

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Bahrani, Zainab. "The king's head." Iraq 66 (January 2004): 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001704.

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The composition of the battle of Til-Tuba from Sennacherib's palace at Nineveh is usually described as a relief depicting a recorded historical event. It is considered a good and solid example of the Assyrian concern with history and the Assyrian propensity for propagandistic depictions of current events. The scene, which is surely saturated in the ideology of empire, has already been discussed from that point of view. Is it true to the historical event? Is it an exaggeration? Did the Assyrians really do these things? How close or how distant is this depiction of the battle from the real histo
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Sever, Hüseyin, and Salih Çeçen. "New Developments About Anatolia's Social History According to the II. Level Documents in Kültepe." Belleten 57, no. 218 (1993): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1993.41.

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It is known that, as a result of Anatolia's entrance to the written period, with the documents belonging to the Assyrians, new inforrnation about the eras political history has been obtained. The Assyrian merchants, who only deals with commerce, never mentioned about Anatolias political, historical and diplomatic events in their documents which doesn't interest and effect them. The correspandence between the Kanis and Mama kings, which have taken their historical place in the 2 nd Level, shows us Anatolia's Colony Period in a most clearly form. Only this document can also give us an idea about
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Lee, Sung Ock. "Assyrian Names, the Badge of Identity: Naming practice of contemporary Assyrians in Iraq." ACTS Theological Journal 32 (July 30, 2017): 277–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.19114/atj.32.9.

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Miller, Eva. "Drawing Distinctions: Assyrians and Others in the Art of the Neo-Assyrian Empire." Studia Orientalia Electronica 9, no. 2 (2021): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.87846.

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Between the ninth and seventh centuries BCE, the Neo-Assyrian Empire became the largest the world had yet seen. In the process of imperial conquest, the Assyrian state incorporated previously foreign territories and people into their world. Landscapes, materials, and the labor of conquered bodies became a part of the Assyrian royal palaces of northern Iraq, both as elements of their construction and as themes emphasized within the extensive visual programs of the palace reliefs. Within and through visual depiction of enemy bodies and foreign landscapes, in the process of being (often violently
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Giusfredi, Federico, Valerio Pisaniello, and Alfredo Rizza. "On the origin and meaning of the Assyrian toponym Tabal." ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 15, no. 1-2 (2022): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v15i1-2.1301.

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The toponym Tabal was used by the Iron Age Assyrians to refer to a group of Luwian kingdoms and principalities that occupied Cappadocia during the first centuries of the Iron Age. The name itself was not used by the Luwians and it is debated whether or not it was continued in later traditions, such as the Biblical one. It thus seems to be a specific exonym reflecting an Assyrian (and possibly Canaanite) point of view. Nevertheless, an Assyrian etymology has been recently criticized, and few alternative analyses, including a Luwian and a Hurrian one, have been suggested. Admittedly, however, al
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Ussishkin, David. "SENNACHERIB’S CAMPAIGN IN JUDAH: THE CONQUEST OF LACHISH." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 2 (2017): 719–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3477.

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The conquest of Lachish in 701 B.C.E. by the army of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, forms a significant event in the history of the Near East, the history of the kingdom of Judah, and the history of the biblical world. Five different sources, which complement one another, combine to present us with a clear and vivid picture of the events at Lachish: (1) the detailed descriptions in the Old Testament of the Assyrian campaign in Judah; (2) the annals and other inscriptions of Sennacherib; (3) the city level attacked by the Assyrians which was studied in the excavations; (4) the remains of the bat
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Árvai, Tamás Kristóf. "Adó- és zsákmánylisták az Újasszír Birodalom első felének királyfelirataiban." Belvedere Meridionale 34, no. 2 (2022): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2022.2.3.

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Since the reign of Aššur-dan III (935–912 BC) the Assyrian Empire was the most aggressive military state in the Near East. During these wars enormous tribute and sack was flowing into the centrum of the Empire. One factor in ensuring the stability of this asymmetric system was the well-established administration. Therefore, it would be justly expected, that the tributes and sacks were precisely listed and archived (as we see on relief representations), but unfortunately this is not the case. As far as we know, there are no such documentations available. On the other hand, the long tribute and
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Travis, Hannibal. "Missions, Minorities, and the Motherland: Xenophobic Narratives of an Ottoman Christian “Stab in the Back”." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 3 (2022): 559–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743822000721.

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This roundtable focuses on the marginalization of ethnicities or religious denominations within Middle East studies, and in the larger realm of history writing. Without a nation–state of their own to preserve their language and history, the Assyrian people and the Church of the East denomination of Christianity fell subject to repression in Turkey, only recently finding a voice. Marginalization in history books and educational curricula is one symptom of broken treaty commitments and lack of equal access to state institutions and funds. In our century, marginalization has given way to somethin
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37

Toptaş, Koray. "Foreign Royal Nobles in the Neo Assyrian Empire." Journal of Universal History Studies 7, no. 1 (2024): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.38000/juhis.1384225.

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The Assyrian kings, who reached the peak of their power in the Near East between 934-612 BC, implemented various practices that would help them maintain their military and political dominance. Assyria's policy towards foreign royal captives, hostages, and refugees can also be considered within these practices. Assyria's policy was expected to preserve peace and keep some lands under control without war. The Assyrian kings carried the enemy kings and their family members whom they defeated as a result of military campaigns to Assyrian centres and captivated them, aiming to break the resistance
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38

Engstrom, Christin M. A. "The Neo-Assyrians at Tell el-Hesi: A Petrographic Study of Imitation Assyrian Palace Ware." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 333 (February 2004): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357795.

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39

Al-Rifai, Safwan. "The Moral Values of the Assyrians." Athar Alrafedain 2, no. 1 (2013): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/athar.2013.76835.

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40

Zubaida, Sami. "Contested Nations: Iraq and the Assyrians." Nations and Nationalism 6, no. 3 (2000): 363–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.2000.00363.x.

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41

Luchenkov, I. R. "Christian Communities in the Political Life of Modern Iraq." Asia and Africa today, no. 7 (December 15, 2024): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750031390-1.

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The article analyses the political participation of Iraqi Christian communities. In the context of the research, one explores the linguistic, historical and confessional factors that influenced the formation of Assyrian, Chaldean and Assyro-Chaldean political movements in the territory of Modern post-Ba’athist Iraq. In addition, the paper also investigates their connections with co-religionists from neighboring countries and distant diasporas. One may identify three main consolidating forces that protect the interests of the Assyrians, Chaldeans and other faiths: political parties, the Church
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Kertai, David. "EMBELLISHING THE INTERIOR SPACES OF ASSYRIA'S ROYAL PALACES: THEBĒT ḪILĀNIRECONSIDERED". Iraq 79 (6 жовтня 2017): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2017.12.

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Thebēt ḫilāniis one of the most famous features of Assyria's royal palaces as well as one of its most elusive. The term is mostly known from Assyrian royal inscriptions, which describe it as an architectural feature inspired by the architecture of Syro-Anatolia. Such explicit references to the architecture of other cultures is exceptional and provides a rare glimpse into the valuations of Assyria's architects.Modern attempts to identify thebēt ḫilāniarchaeologically are almost as old as the field of ancient Near Eastern Studies. Unfortunately, the discourse has become more convoluted over time
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Abbas, Abbas Mustafa, and Mihraban Salih Saeed. "Language Management in Iraqi Kurdistan." JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE STUDIES 3, no. 1 (2023): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jls.3.1.4.

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Language management is a discipline that consists of satisfying the needs of people who speak multiple different languages. These may be in the same country, in companies, and in cultural or international institutions where one must use multiple languages. In the Iraqi Kurdistan context, we are presented with a linguistic situation where two languages are constitutionally official, i.e., Arabic and Kurdish while English is adopted as the solitary means of instruction in some schools/colleges/universities besides the fact Turkmani and Assyrian are spoken and adopted as means of instruction in s
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Rung, Е. V., and Е. A. Venidiktova. "The Yoke as a Metaphor in the Ancient World: From Symbolizing Imperial Domination to Signifying Subjugation." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 165, no. 4-5 (2024): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2023.4-5.54-65.

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This article explores the perception of the yoke as a symbol of domination and subordination in texts from Ancient Mesopotamia and the Middle East, as well as from ancient Greek and Roman writings. The metaphor of the yoke is analyzed from the perspective of both the conquerors and subjugated. In the texts of the Assyrian kings, conquest is perceived as the imposition of a yoke, while the fight for independence is portrayed as liberation from it. The Greeks adopted the concept of the yoke from the East, which explains why it was often used to describe the Greco-Persian conflict in the ancient
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Ziemann, Marcus. "The Politics of Beginnings: Hesiod and the Assyrian Ideological Appropriation of Enuma Eliš." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 21-22, no. 1 (2020): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2020-0018.

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AbstractThis article proposes a new way to understand Near Eastern literary and mythological parallels in Hesiod’s Theogony by focusing on the meaning of these parallels for a contemporary Greek audience. In particular, a case study analyzing a parallel shared by the Theogony and Enuma eliš is pursued here to illustrate this approach’s utility. This new approach draws partly on methodologies borrowed from the study of globalization and combines these methodologies with recent insights into the ideological motivations for Greeks’ deployment of Oriental(izing) art in the Orientalizing Period (c
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Khoury, Dina Rizk. "Assyrians in Modern Iraq: Negotiating Political and Cultural Space, Alda Benjamin (2022)." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 17, no. 1 (2023): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00101_5.

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Postgate, Nicholas. "THE BREAD OF AŠŠUR." Iraq 77 (December 2015): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2015.14.

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As today, bread in antiquity came in a multitude of varieties, some of which were specific to particular regions or populations. Examining the terminology and iconography of breads in Assyrian texts, it is clear that there was a continuity of certain types of bread peculiar to Assyria from the Middle Assyrian period to the final century of the Assyrian empire. This exemplifies the strength of Assyria's identity over half a millennium, and the persistence of its cultural independence in some respects from its Babylonian neighbour. The majority of the written sources refer to cultic activities,
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EROĞLU, Erol. "The Wedding Traditions of Assyrians in Midyat." Journal of Turkish Studies Volume 7 Issue 3, no. 7 (2012): 1189–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.3680.

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49

Kelly, Thomas. "The Assyrians, the Persians, and the Sea." Mediterranean Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1992): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518969208569629.

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Seymour, Michael. "Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (2018): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0022.

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AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian campaign reliefs are rich sources for understanding Assyrian ideas of empire, geography, and Assyria’s relationship to the wider world. They are also exceptions: the format of the later Assyrian campaign reliefs is in several respects so unusual in ancient Near Eastern art as to demand explanation. Not the least of the campaign reliefs’ unusual qualities is the extensive and often detailed depiction of foreign landscapes and people. This paper examines one instance of this phenomenon: the particular case of depictions of Babylonia and the far south in Assyrian campaign
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