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Journal articles on the topic 'Assyrie'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Millard, Alan R. "La prophétie et l'écriture : Israël, Aram, Assyrie." Revue de l'histoire des religions 202, no. 2 (1985): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rhr.1985.2746.

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2

Salih, ÇEÇEN. "uṣur-ša-ištar Est le Fils de Sargon, Roi de l’Ancienne Assyrie?" Archivum Anatolicum-Anadolu Arşivleri 2 (1996): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/archv_0000000036.

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3

Zaia, Shana. "GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON." Iraq 81 (July 19, 2019): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2019.1.

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Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn's father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interact

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4

Hays, Nathan. "Humility and instruction in Zephaniah 3.1-7." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 44, no. 3 (2019): 472–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089219862823.

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The rapid and unmarked transition from the oracle against Assyria/Nineveh in Zephaniah 2.13-15 to the condemnation of Jerusalem in 3.1-7 rhetorically underscores the deep and troubling continuity between Jerusalem and Assyria/Nineveh. This article examines this continuity in light of two important elements of the book of Zephaniah: the depiction of Assyria (and those nations aligned with it) as prideful and the scribal character of 3.1-7. The finding is that Zeph. 3.1-7 presents Jerusalem and its leaders as paralleling the arrogant Assyrians and like-minded nations in a way that spurs Zephania

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Cook, Gregory D. "Human Trafficking in Nahum." Horizons in Biblical Theology 37, no. 2 (2015): 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341304.

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Nahum has come under recent censure for the term זונה (3:4). Scholars have argued that calling Nineveh a prostitute does not fit the brutal Neo-Assyrian Empire. This article argues that the book of Nahum charges Nineveh with multi-national human trafficking. Assyrian practices conform to the United Nations definition of human trafficking. The methods Assyria used to recruit, transport, and prostitute peoples match methods of modern slavers. The title זונה therefore is used because the city acted as a spiritual madam. Vast populations were kidnapped for economic purposes and much of the labor,

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Faust, Avraham. "The Interests of the Assyrian Empire in the West: Olive Oil Production as a Test-Case." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 54, no. 1 (2011): 62–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852011x567382.

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AbstractThe 7th century BCE in Philistia and Judah is characterized by economic prosperity, which is usually regarded as resulting from the “Assyrian Peace”, and from a policy of the Assyrian empire that aimed at maximizing production. The large center for the production of olive oil that was unearthed at Ekron in southern Israel is regarded as the best example of this policy. The present paper questions this scholarly consensus regarding the role of Assyria in the economy of the southern Levant, through a closer look at the olive oil industry in the region.

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Weaver, Ann M. "The “Sin of Sargon” and Esarhaddon's Reconception of Sennacherib: A study in divine will, human politics and royal ideology." Iraq 66 (2004): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001649.

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According to his inscriptions, Sennacherib, king of Assyria, conquered and razed the city of Babylon in 689 BCE. Previous Neo-Assyrian monarchs had employed a variety of strategies while attempting to deal with what Machinist has dubbed their “Babylonian Problem”. None of these previous tactics, however, approached the level of violence and destruction evidenced in Sennacherib's own descriptions of this campaign. Indeed, as elaborated by Brinkman, the Neo-Assyrian court traditionally venerated Babylonian culture.Machinist's interpretation, while not dismissing the unprecedented destructiveness

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Feldman, Marian H. "Nineveh to Thebes and back: Art and politics between Assyria and Egypt in the seventh century BCE." Iraq 66 (2004): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000173x.

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In 671 BCE, Esarhaddon advanced south from the Levant and attacked Egypt, sacking Memphis. About seven years later, in response to repeated Kushite uprisings and following an initial campaign into Lower Egypt, Ashurbanipal's army reinvaded Egypt, marching as far as Thebes where, according to Assyrian accounts, the temples and palaces were looted and their treasures brought back to Nineveh. The Assyrians had been in conflict with Egypt for some time, but these clashes had always taken place in Western Asia, where the two states fought for control and influence over the small Levantine kingdoms.

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Ridder, Jacob Jan de, and Leonhard Sassmannshausen. "A Middle Assyrian Fragment Mentioning Iron from Kassite Nippur." Altorientalische Forschungen 48, no. 1 (2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0003.

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Abstract In this study, a fragment from the Hilprecht Collection in Jena will be discussed. The tablet was previously identified as Middle Babylonian and published as TMH NF 5, 59. Closer inspection reveals Middle Assyrian palaeography. The fragmentary tablet deals with metals used for precious objects and was part of a larger inventory or letter. Noteworthy is a reference to iron, a metal rarely attested in Kassite Nippur but better known from the archaeological material and philological evidence from the Middle Assyrian Empire. An overview of philological evidence for iron in 2nd millennium

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Nadali, Davide, and Lorenzo Verderame. "Neo-Assyrian Statues of Gods and Kings in Context." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (2019): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0016.

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Abstract Neo-Assyrian letters are a broad and interesting corpus of data to investigate how ancient Assyrians dealt with the manufacture of statues, the shaping of royal and divine effigies, and the final arrangement of sculptures. This paper aims to analyse the ritual and practical aspects of the making of images in the Neo-Assyrian period with reference to this corpus of letters, which reveals how Assyrian kings, officials and sculptors worked together for this purpose. It explores the role of the personnel involved, the process of the creation, and the final display of statues. Based on the

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Clancier, Philippe, and Damien Agut. "Charming Snakes (and Kings), from Egypt to Persia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 8, no. 1-2 (2021): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2020-0019.

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Abstract The war between Assyria and Egypt resulted in the deportation of scholars from the Nile Valley to Mesopotamia. Among them were the so-called “snake charmers.” While it was a well-known profession in Egypt, this was not the case in Assyria or Babylonia, where the treatment of snakebites and scorpion stings was left to exorcist doctors. A number of clues from the late Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid Persian periods suggest that the “snake charmers” from Egypt enjoyed success with the kings of the great empires in the Middle East. Their presence most likely resulted from the professional str

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Brown, Brian. "Kingship and Ancestral Cult in the Northwest Palace at Nimrud." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 10, no. 1 (2010): 1–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921210x500495.

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AbstractBuilt in the early 9th century BCE, the Northwest Palace at Nimrud presented a new “imperial” architecture and iconography that was related to Assyrian expansionism at this time. Yet it also contained specific points of contact with the past via the royal Assyrian ancestors. A monument in the throneroom, the “center” of the state, provided the “public” view of this ideology, while one of the palace’s more secluded wings was devoted to the performance of ancestral cult. Through these and other means, rapid and fundamental socio-political change was accompanied by the idea of a logical a

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Seymour, Michael. "Neighbors through Imperial Eyes: Depicting Babylonia in the Assyrian Campaign Reliefs." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (2018): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0022.

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AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian campaign reliefs are rich sources for understanding Assyrian ideas of empire, geography, and Assyria’s relationship to the wider world. They are also exceptions: the format of the later Assyrian campaign reliefs is in several respects so unusual in ancient Near Eastern art as to demand explanation. Not the least of the campaign reliefs’ unusual qualities is the extensive and often detailed depiction of foreign landscapes and people. This paper examines one instance of this phenomenon: the particular case of depictions of Babylonia and the far south in Assyrian campaign

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Postgate, Nicholas. "THE BREAD OF AŠŠUR." Iraq 77 (December 2015): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2015.14.

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As today, bread in antiquity came in a multitude of varieties, some of which were specific to particular regions or populations. Examining the terminology and iconography of breads in Assyrian texts, it is clear that there was a continuity of certain types of bread peculiar to Assyria from the Middle Assyrian period to the final century of the Assyrian empire. This exemplifies the strength of Assyria's identity over half a millennium, and the persistence of its cultural independence in some respects from its Babylonian neighbour. The majority of the written sources refer to cultic activities,

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Dewar, Ben. "US AGAINST THEM: IDEOLOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF ASHURNASIRPAL II'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST ASSYRIAN REBELS IN ḪALZILUḪA". Iraq 82 (13 серпня 2020): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.4.

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This paper is a study of the rebellion against the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II in the city of Ḫalziluḫa in 882 bc, which is an unusual instance of a rebellion by Assyrians being recorded in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This paper explores the significance of the rebellion from two angles: the ideological problem of rebellion by Assyrians, and the psychological impact on Assyrian troops of killing their fellow Assyrians. Within the ideology of the royal inscriptions, Assyrians did not normally rebel against the incumbent king, who was in all ways presented as a model ruler. It will be ar

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Curtis, John. "Recent British Museum Excavations in Assyria." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2, no. 2 (1992): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300002340.

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It is a great honour for me to be asked to give the Richard Barnett memorial lecture. I knew Richard Barnett well, and had the privilege of working with him at the British Museum for three years before his retirement. He was a great source of inspiration, and I and many others owe him a considerable debt of gratitude. I have chosen as my subject recent British Museum excavations in Assyria, partly because I believe this would have been of some slight interest to Dr Barnett. Both the British Museum and Assyria were close to his heart. He worked in the Museum for more than 40 years, and from 195

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Valk, Jonathan. "The Origins of the Assyrian King List." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 6, no. 1 (2019): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0009.

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AbstractThe Assyrian King List (AKL) is central to the reconstruction of Assyrian and broader Near Eastern history and chronology. Because of AKL’s significance, locating its original moment of composition has far-reaching historiographical implications. There is no scholarly consensus on the dating of AKL, but a closer look at the internal evidence of AKL indicates a firm, fifteenth century terminus post quem for the creation of AKL, while the bilingual tablet fragment BM 98496 establishes the thirteenth century reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I as a secure terminus ante quem. Within this temporal r

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Groß, Melanie, and David Kertai. "Becoming Empire: Neo-Assyrian palaces and the creation of courtly culture." Journal of Ancient History 7, no. 1 (2019): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2018-0026.

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Abstract Assyria (911–612 BCE) can be described as the founder of the imperial model of kingship in the ancient Near East. The Assyrian court itself, however, remains poorly understood. Scholarship has treated the court as a disembodied, textual entity, separated from the physical spaces it occupied – namely, the palaces. At the same time, architectural analyses have examined the physical structures of the Assyrian palaces, without consideration for how these structures were connected to people’s lives and works. The palaces are often described as secluded, inaccessible locations. This study p

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Warmenbol, Eugène. "Les tableaux sur toile du Grand Temple de la rue du Persil à Bruxelles (1878–79): Salomon, Hiram et les autres, entre Egypte et Assyrie." Journal for Research into Freemasonry and Fraternalism 6, no. 2 (2018): 232–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jrff.36814.

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Russell, H. F. "The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur According to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources." Iraq 47 (1985): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900006744.

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The importance of control of the valleys of the Habur and Euphrates rivers to the Assyrians can hardly be over-estimated. The two river valleys are major routes from N. Syria and S.E. Turkey to southern Assyria and to Babylonia.In the Neo-Assyrian period, control of the valley of the River Habur was won early, as the Assyrian armies marched westwards across N. Mesopotamia. Control of the Euphrates, between the confluence of the Habur and the Babylonian border, followed soon after.We are particularly well-informed about the geography of the Habur and the Euphrates, below the confluence with the

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Novák, Mirko. "From Ashur to Nineveh: The Assyrian town-planning programme." Iraq 66 (2004): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001765.

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During the last century of Assyria's existence the urban landscape was characterised by a bipolar structure. The old capital Ashur was still the religious, ceremonial and cultural centre, while Nineveh was the seat of royal power (Maul 1997). Both cities were not only the oldest urban entities of the Assyrian heartland, flourishing at least from the third or even fourth millennium BC onwards; they both also represented two different regions within Assyria with very specific geomorphologic environments and distinctive socio-ecological conditions. While the Ashur region is situated at the southe

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Dušek, Jan. "Dating the Aramaic Stele Sefire I." Aramaic Studies 17, no. 1 (2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01701003.

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Abstract Based on palaeography and the supposed relative chronology of the three Aramaic steles from Sefire, various dates in the first half of the 8th century BCE have been proposed for the stele Sefire I. In this article, I propose a new reading in the inscription of part of the name of Aššur-dān III, one of the kings of Assyria from the first half of the 8th century BCE. This new reading, together with other available data, especially those gleaned from Neo-Assyrian written sources, provides the basis for a more precise dating of the inscription on stele Sefire I.

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Wyatt, Nicolas. "Book Review: Assyrian, Wolf, Fold…: Josette Elayi, Sargon II, King of Assyria." Expository Times 129, no. 9 (2018): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618767346.

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Zaia, Shana. "My Brother’s Keeper: Assurbanipal versus Šamaš-šuma-ukīn." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 6, no. 1 (2019): 19–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-2001.

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AbstractWhen Esarhaddon named his successors, he split the empire between two of his sons, with Assurbanipal as king of Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn as king of Babylonia. This arrangement functioned until 652 BCE, at which point a civil war began between the brothers. The war ended with Assurbanipal’s victory and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death in 648 BCE. While Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death is mentioned in several of Assurbanipal’s inscriptions, it is still unclear how the king of Babylon met his end, and scholars have suggested theories ranging from suicide, assassination, execution, and accidental death.

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Biggs, Robert D. "Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings. State Archives of Assyria, Vol. 8. Hermann Hunger." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (1996): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373858.

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Risteski, Sanja, and Vineta Srebrenkoska. "Appearance of protective clothing over the centuries." Tekstilna industrija 68, no. 4 (2020): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/tekstind2004038r.

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In the history of the costume, protective military clothing has a special place. The origins of military clothing go deep into history. Protective clothing defined as protective "cover" clothes is used to protect the body from physical attack. In the in many of the ancient civilization is noticed similarity in the appearance of military clothing, which means that Egyptian, Assyrian, Greek and Roman soldiers are dressed and armed in a similar way. In this paper the protective military clothes over the centuries, starting from Egypt, Babylon and Assyria, Crete and Mycenae, Ancient Greece and Rom

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Heffron, Yağmur. "TESTING THE MIDDLE GROUND IN ASSYRO-ANATOLIAN MARRIAGES OF THE KĀRUM PERIOD." Iraq 79 (October 3, 2017): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2017.10.

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Central Anatolia in the Middle Bronze Age is marked by a well-documented Old Assyrian presence during the kārum period (20th–17th century b.c.), a dynamic time of long-distance trade and cultural contact. One of the idiosyncrasies of the social history of this period is a special bigamous arrangement which allowed Assyrian men to enter second marriages on the condition that one wife remained at home in Aššur, and the other in Anatolia. In testing the extent to which a middle ground for cross-cultural compromise is recognisable in such Assyro-Anatolian marriage practices, this article considers

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Tucker, D. J. "Representations of Imgur-Enlil on the Balawat Gates." Iraq 56 (1994): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002850.

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This paper reviews the circumstances surrounding the discovery of the three sets of Late Assyrian bronze gates on Tell Balawat (Imgur-Enlil). Attention is drawn to the strategic importance of the site in the light of recent investigations at Balawat. Architectural aspects of the elevation view of Imgur-Enlil depicted on the Mamu Temple gate erected by Assurnasirpal II are discussed in terms of the possibilities and problems in attempting to correlate graphically the elevation view with plan views of unidentified square enclosures on the campaign gates of Shalmaneser III. The logical graphical

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Kertai, David. "EMBELLISHING THE INTERIOR SPACES OF ASSYRIA'S ROYAL PALACES: THEBĒT ḪILĀNIRECONSIDERED". Iraq 79 (6 жовтня 2017): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2017.12.

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Thebēt ḫilāniis one of the most famous features of Assyria's royal palaces as well as one of its most elusive. The term is mostly known from Assyrian royal inscriptions, which describe it as an architectural feature inspired by the architecture of Syro-Anatolia. Such explicit references to the architecture of other cultures is exceptional and provides a rare glimpse into the valuations of Assyria's architects.Modern attempts to identify thebēt ḫilāniarchaeologically are almost as old as the field of ancient Near Eastern Studies. Unfortunately, the discourse has become more convoluted over time

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Loktionov, Alexandre Alexandrovich. "An “Egyptianising” Underworld Judging an Assyrian Prince? New Perspectives on VAT 10057." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 1 (2017): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2016-0012.

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AbstractThis article makes the case for an Egyptian connection in the Neo-Assyrian tablet VAT 10057, commonly known as the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince. It opens with a discussion of past work on this tablet, a synopsis of the text, and a survey of the evidence for Egyptian people and culture in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. It then proceeds to analyse specific lines of the composition which may reveal signs of what is termed “Egyptianising” influence. One description in particular, featuring a god standing atop a crocodile, is highlighted as especially convincing on the basis of a very

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Richardson, Seth. "“They Heard from a Distance”: The šemû-rūqu Paradigm in the Late Neo-Assyrian Empire." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (2018): 95–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0020.

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AbstractIn its first 500 years, Assyrian imperial ideology was based on the idea that the empire was a monopole, a unique and ever-expanding core of order and right that continuously pushed back the borders of a disordered periphery, bringing new lands within the Assyrian state. Across these centuries, this precept resulted in virtually every encounter with other polities and peoples being described in terms of visuality and frontality: the enemy submitted on seeing the king, overwhelmed by his brilliant melammu, and bowed before him. By the late 9th century BC, however, the illusion of a mono

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نور الاعرجي, حسين سيد, та مصطفى كاظم سهل الغزي. "(ضغط التخوم على بلاد بابل وآشور (دراسة في التشكل السياسي". Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, № 31 (2018): 407–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss31.651.

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 It is meant borders of any country areas with the word boundary, and It is the main determinant of form and the mold of the political entities across human civilizations. The effect of the pressure of boundary and challenges clearly cleared in the course of the history of Mesopotamia, through provoking the forces inherent creativity within the old Iraqi man who had a positive nature and who showed different responses contributed to the emergence of cultural entities and their growth and prosperity. These challenges and impacts and results has varied from one part to another,

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Johnson, J. Cale. "Simo Parpola (ed.), Robert Whiting (Managing Editor): Assyrian–English–Assyrian Dictionary. (The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.) xxii, 289 pp. Helsinki: State Archives of Assyria, 2007. $75. ISBN 978 952 10 1332 4." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 74, no. 2 (2011): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x11000103.

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George, A. R. "MIKKO LUUKKO: Grammatical Variation in Neo-Assyrian. (State Archives of Assyria Studies, 16.) xiv, 276 pp. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2004. 951 45 9059 7." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 1 (2007): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000390.

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Frame, Grant, and A. R. George. "The Royal libraries of Nineveh: New evidence for king Ashurbanipal's Tablet Collecting." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001388.

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The two tablets published here for the first time, BM 45642 and BM 28825, are edited together for good reason, for the historical background of both texts is very probably the same episode in King Ashurbanipal's drive to acquire scribal learning. Where BM 28825 concerns the reception of the Assyrian king's demand for tablets among the citizens of Babylon, BM 45642 deals with the reaction of scholars of nearby Borsippa to a similar royal message. BM 45642 is the better preserved of the two tablets, and allows a fuller understanding of both texts' formal characteristics and of the contextual bac

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Timmer, Daniel C. "Boundaries without Judah, Boundaries within Judah: Hybridity and Identity in Nahum." Horizons in Biblical Theology 34, no. 2 (2012): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341243.

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Abstract This article examines the use of boundaries and the related phenomenon of hybridity in the book of Nahum through a variety of postcolonial optics. Moving beyond the essentialist/interactivist dichotomy, it explores the various kinds of difference between Judah and Neo-Assyria that Nahum articulates, their reuse as a means of critiquing Assyria, and the intriguing similarity between Judah and all nations but Assyria. The article also suggests that an inner-Judahite distinction coexists alongside the book’s response to empire, and that Nahum’s stereotypes are crucial to its varied uses

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RADNER, KAREN. "ASSYRIA AT UCL: A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE ASSYRIAN KING AND HIS MAGNATES IN THE 8TH CENTURY BC." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, no. 2 (2011): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2011.00029.x.

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Abstract An introduction to the research project ‘Mechanisms of communication in an ancient empire: the correspondence between the king of Assyria and his magnates in the 8th century BC’ which, on the basis of a text corpus of 1,200 letters preserved in the original from the correspondence of king Sargon II of Assyria (r. 721–705 BC) with the highest state officials, investigates the administrative and practical setup of ancient empires.

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Lundberg, Dan. "Welcome to Assyria – your land on the Cyber Space. Music and the Internet in the establishment of a transnational Assyrian identity." Etnomusikologian vuosikirja 10 (December 1, 1998): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.23985/evk.101081.

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Alster, Bendt, and Takayoshi Oshima. "Sargonic dinner at Kaneš: The Old Assyrian Sargon legend." Iraq 69 (2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001017.

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A very unusual literary tablet, Kt. j/k 97 from Kültepe, was published by C. Günbattı in 1997. It is inscribed with what already the first editor described as an Old Assyrian version of legends about Sargon. Since then the tablet has caused a good deal of discussion. Translations or editions have been made by M. Van De Mieroop (2000), K. Hecker (2001), B. Foster (2002, 2005), A. Cavigneaux (2005), and J. G. Dercksen (2005). These studies represent extremely different approaches: Hecker takes the text at face value and reads it as a laudatory royal inscription, whereas others see it as a kind o

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Szuchman, Jeffrey. "Bit Zamani and Assyria." Syria, no. 86 (November 1, 2009): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/syria.511.

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WATANABE, Kazuko. "Hethitischer Einfluß auf Assyrien." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 46, no. 2 (2003): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.46.2_92.

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Frye, Richard N. "Assyria and Syria: Synonyms." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 51, no. 4 (1992): 281–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373570.

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Ussishkin, David. "SENNACHERIBâ€™S CAMPAIGN IN JUDAH: THE CONQUEST OF LACHISH." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 2 (2017): 719–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3477.

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The conquest of Lachish in 701 B.C.E. by the army of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, forms a significant event in the history of the Near East, the history of the kingdom of Judah, and the history of the biblical world. Five different sources, which complement one another, combine to present us with a clear and vivid picture of the events at Lachish: (1) the detailed descriptions in the Old Testament of the Assyrian campaign in Judah; (2) the annals and other inscriptions of Sennacherib; (3) the city level attacked by the Assyrians which was studied in the excavations; (4) the remains of the bat

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Postgate, J. N. "The debris of government: Reconstructing the Middle Assyrian state apparatus from tablets and potsherds." Iraq 72 (2010): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000577.

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While a good deal of attention has been given by prehistorians to the process of “state formation” in the ancient Near East, less effort has been devoted to exploring the nature of historical states through their archaeology. This article endeavours to redress the balance a little, by looking at some of the documentary evidence for the process of government in Assyria in the late second millennium BC, in particular at its level of intervention in local economies, and by placing it alongside the archaeological evidence for the presence of Assyrian administration, as reflected in the ceramic rep

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Biggs, Robert D. "Ah, Assyria...: Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, Scripta Hierosolymitana, Vol. 33. Mordechai Cogan , Israel Ephʿal". Journal of Near Eastern Studies 55, № 3 (1996): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373859.

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Curtis, John. "A Victorian artist in Assyria." Iraq 72 (2010): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000632.

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Frederick Charles Cooper accompanied Austen Henry Layard on his second expedition to Assyria (1849–1850) and recorded the excavations at Nimrud and Nineveh, and expeditions to other sites. The British Museum recently purchased twenty-eight of Cooper's drawings that were previously unknown. Six of them are published here because of their particular archaeological interest, and they can be linked to entries by Cooper in his diary, now also in the British Museum.

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Chavalas, Mark W. "The Might That Was Assyria." History: Reviews of New Books 20, no. 2 (1992): 74–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9949581.

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РАХНО, К. Ю. "ASSYRIAN PARALLELS TO THE NART EPOS OF THE OSSETIANS." Kavkaz-forum, no. 6(13) (June 21, 2021): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2021.13.6.007.

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Статья рассматривает параллели к нартовскому эпосу осетин в фольклоре современных ассирийцев – этнической группы родом из Месопотамии. Если современные ассирийцы являются потомками древнего населения Ассирии, то осетины – потомки скифов, которые в прошлом атаковали Ассирийскую империю. Фольклор ассирийцев испытал сильное иранское влияние. Их сказки содержат множество иранских мотивов, часть которых перекликается с нартовским эпосом. В частности, в ассирийских сказках присутствует волшебная яблоня, плоды которой похищают сверхъестественные силы. Ложась спать с женой своего брата-близнеца, герой

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Miller, Daniel. "Objectives and Consequences of the Neo-Assyrian Imperial Exercise." Religion and Theology 16, no. 3-4 (2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/102308009x12561890523474.

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AbstractThe Neo-Assyrian Empire was most ascendant in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C.E., ultimately controlling most of the ancient Near East before fading from history in 612. Assyrian ideology was predicated on cosmic supremacy of their chief deity Ashur, with the Assyrian monarch considered to be his vice-regent in "world" conquest. Assyrian imperialism may thus be said to have been religious in character. Nevertheless, the impetus for Assyrian domination was not primarily cultic. It was not compulsive desire to make subject peoples worship Ashur, but rather (as with empires in genera

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Knauf, Ernst Axel. "FILLING IN HISTORICAL GAPS: HOW DID JORAM REALLY DIE?, OR, THE INVENTION OF MILITARISM." Biblical Interpretation 8, no. 1-2 (2000): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851500300046682.

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AbstractWas there a chance, between 853 and 841 bce, to prevent the rise of Assyria to supreme power in the Near East, and thus the invention of imperialism as a political concept? Which imperfections in human behaviour in general, or which flaws in the characters of the protagonists specifically, must have been absent to ensure a more favourable course of events? No deuteronomism without Assyria: thus the present essay tries to forecast how the world of today would look if this way of thought had never arisen.

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