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Journal articles on the topic 'Assyrien (Langue)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Nadali, Davide, and Lorenzo Verderame. "Neo-Assyrian Statues of Gods and Kings in Context." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0016.

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Abstract Neo-Assyrian letters are a broad and interesting corpus of data to investigate how ancient Assyrians dealt with the manufacture of statues, the shaping of royal and divine effigies, and the final arrangement of sculptures. This paper aims to analyse the ritual and practical aspects of the making of images in the Neo-Assyrian period with reference to this corpus of letters, which reveals how Assyrian kings, officials and sculptors worked together for this purpose. It explores the role of the personnel involved, the process of the creation, and the final display of statues. Based on the interplay of texts and archaeological data, the study reveals the intense activity of making statues of gods and kings in Assyria, with the administration supervising both projects for new statues and the maintenance of already existing ones.

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2

Ridder, Jacob Jan de, and Leonhard Sassmannshausen. "A Middle Assyrian Fragment Mentioning Iron from Kassite Nippur." Altorientalische Forschungen 48, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0003.

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Abstract In this study, a fragment from the Hilprecht Collection in Jena will be discussed. The tablet was previously identified as Middle Babylonian and published as TMH NF 5, 59. Closer inspection reveals Middle Assyrian palaeography. The fragmentary tablet deals with metals used for precious objects and was part of a larger inventory or letter. Noteworthy is a reference to iron, a metal rarely attested in Kassite Nippur but better known from the archaeological material and philological evidence from the Middle Assyrian Empire. An overview of philological evidence for iron in 2nd millennium Assyria will be given in this study.

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3

Payne, Richard. "Ein iranisches Assyrien. Die Macht der Vergangenheit in der Spätantike." Historische Zeitschrift 312, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2021-0001.

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Zusammenfassung Das Assyrische Reich war 612 zerstört worden, doch bewahrte es seine identitätsstiftende Bedeutung bis in die Spätantike. Die Stadt Aššur ging im dritten Jahrhundert unter; vermutlich wurde sie von sasanidischen Herrschern zerstört. Aufgrund des starken iranischen Einflusses veränderte sich die religiöse Topographie der Region grundlegend. Allerdings wurden auch christliche Gemeinden gefördert und wuchsen erheblich. Dies führte zu einem Ende der religiösen assyrischen Traditionen, die allenfalls verborgen weiterlebten. Während die sasanidische Regierung in einem besonderen Maße Relikte der achaimenidischen Zeit pflegte, bezogen christliche Gemeinden im nördlichen Mesopotamien sich auf assyrische Traditionen. So entstanden Kultstätten für Heilige an assyrischen Erinnerungsorten, und Assyrien tauchte in der Historiographie auf. Auch der Name der Syrer wurde von den Assyrern abgeleitet. Führende Familien schufen assyrische Genealogien, die sich oft auf bestimmte Orte bezogen. Derartige Erinnerungen wurden noch im 13. Jahrhundert unter islamischer Herrschaft gepflegt. Damit blieb die Geschichte des nördlichen Mesopotamien noch lange in eine assyrische Tradition eingebettet.

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4

Dušek, Jan. "Dating the Aramaic Stele Sefire I." Aramaic Studies 17, no. 1 (May 24, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01701003.

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Abstract Based on palaeography and the supposed relative chronology of the three Aramaic steles from Sefire, various dates in the first half of the 8th century BCE have been proposed for the stele Sefire I. In this article, I propose a new reading in the inscription of part of the name of Aššur-dān III, one of the kings of Assyria from the first half of the 8th century BCE. This new reading, together with other available data, especially those gleaned from Neo-Assyrian written sources, provides the basis for a more precise dating of the inscription on stele Sefire I.

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5

Biggs, Robert D. "Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings. State Archives of Assyria, Vol. 8. Hermann Hunger." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (July 1996): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373858.

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6

Postgate, J. N. "Assyrian Prophecies." Journal of Semitic Studies 47, no. 2 (September 1, 2002): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/47.2.312.

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7

Llop-Raduà, Jaume. "Presents in the Palace during the Middle Assyrian Period (1500–1000 BC)." Altorientalische Forschungen 48, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0006.

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Abstract This paper analyses the terminology for “present” and “giving a present” in the context of Middle Assyrian documents related to the palace. This terminology is specific to the genres of these texts and to the languages (Babylonian and Assyrian) used in them.

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8

Hays, Christopher B. "The Covenant with Mut: A New Interpretation of Isaiah 28:1-22." Vetus Testamentum 60, no. 2 (2010): 212–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853310x486857.

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AbstractMany difficulties and perplexities in Isa 28:1-22 can be resolved by reading the text as a condemnation of the Judeans’ seeking protection from Assyria by means of a covenant with one of Egypt’s major deities, the mother goddess Mut. Her close association with the Egyptian throne would have given her the “right” to make a covenant; her protective aspect explains why those in distress would seek her; her motherhood explains why the Judeans who seek her are characterized as children; the prominence of drunkenness and flowers in her cult explains the appearance of those elements in Isaiah 28. She also was associated with the underworld as a protectress of the dead, and it is likely that her name sounded very much like the Hebrew word , “death”, making Isaiah’s double entendre a natural play on words. Other features of the text such as the overwhelming flood refer to the Neo-Assyrians; Isaiah warns that Egypt and Mut cannot protect Judah from their assault.

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9

Taylor, J. "SIMO PARPOLA, ROBERT WHITING et al. (eds), Assyrian-English-Assyrian Dictionary (The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project)." Journal of Semitic Studies 55, no. 2 (June 29, 2010): 621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgq026.

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10

RADNER, KAREN. "ASSYRIA AT UCL: A RESEARCH PROJECT ON THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE ASSYRIAN KING AND HIS MAGNATES IN THE 8TH CENTURY BC." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 125–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2011.00029.x.

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Abstract An introduction to the research project ‘Mechanisms of communication in an ancient empire: the correspondence between the king of Assyria and his magnates in the 8th century BC’ which, on the basis of a text corpus of 1,200 letters preserved in the original from the correspondence of king Sargon II of Assyria (r. 721–705 BC) with the highest state officials, investigates the administrative and practical setup of ancient empires.

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11

Grund-Wittenberg, Alexandra. "The Future of the Past: Literarische Prophetien, Prophetenspruchsammlungen und die Anfänge der Schriftprophetie." Vetus Testamentum 71, no. 3 (February 18, 2021): 365–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341069.

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Abstract The article is a contribution to the current discussion about the beginnings of prophetic books in ancient Israel. It investigates the significance of the so-called „Literary Predictive Texts“ (LPT) and the Neo-Assyrian prophecies for our understanding of the emergence of prophetic writings in Israel. TheLPTin particular had received only little attention so far. Tying in critically with some recent studies, this article compares the Marduk prophecy and the Neo-Assyrian tablet SAA9 3 with selected passages from the book of Amos (Amos 3–6* and Amos 6*). It concludes that in contrast to the Neo-Assyrian collective tablets the LPTcannot serve as appropriate analogies to early prophetic scrolls, but that they are helpful to understand the phenomenon of tradent prophecy.

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12

Radner, Karen. "A Bit of Assyrian Imperial Culture." Altorientalische Forschungen 48, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0008.

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Abstract A key find from the 2018 excavations at the settlement mound of Gird-e Rūstam (Gird-i Rostam) in the easternmost part of the Kurdish Autonomous Region of Iraq, directly on the border with Iran, is an inscribed pottery sherd that can be assigned to the Neo-Assyrian period, more specifically the late 8th or 7th century BC. Albeit small, the sherd certainly belongs to a “carinated bowl”, which is a typical wine-drinking vessel of that time, and preserves a few signs of a cuneiform inscription in Akkadian language and Neo-Assyrian script. It is suggested that the reconstructed text contains mention of the local toponym Birtu-ša-Adad-remanni “Fortress of Adad-remanni”. This place is located in the border region between the Assyrian Empire and the kingdom of Mannea, which raises the possibility that Gird-e Rūstam could be identified with Birtu-ša-Adad-remanni.

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13

Nesher, S. "Hebrew Influences and Self-Identity in the Judeo-Georgian Language and in the Caucasus “Mountain of Tongues”." Язык и текст 7, no. 3 (2020): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2020070302.

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The Caucasus region has been called the “Mountain of Tongues”. History writers from Herodotus, 2,500 years ago, until present time have given different numbers of languages, e.g. the Greek geographer and historian Strabo (64 BCE- 21 CE) claimed more than 70 tribes speaking different languages, Pliny stated that the Romans used 130 interpreters when trading. At present more than 50 languages are spoken in the Caucasus (Catford 1977: 283). Hebrew is the ancient original language for all the twelve tribes of Israel, also after the division of the Land of Israel in 927 BCE into the Northern Kingdom, Israel, with ten of the tribes and the Southern Kingdom, Juda, with two tribes. The Israelites got exiled by the Assyrian Kings, e.g. Shalmaneser in 722 BCE. These ten tribes soon lost their language and identity. The southern tribes, Juda, got exiled by the Babylonian Nebuchadnezzar, between 606-586 BCE, who destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem (586 BCE).

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14

Bhayro, Siam. "The Aramaic 'Fugitive' Decree: A New Interpretation." Aramaic Studies 6, no. 1 (2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783508x371268.

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AbstractThis paper presents a new interpretation of the so-called 'Fugitive' Decree, suggesting that it is concerned with setting migrants to work rather than apprehending a miscreant. It is based on an attempt to take into account the underlying Akkadian (Neo-Assyrian) terminology, to appreciate the overall structure and syntax of the text and to reflect the socio-political situation in Babylonia during the Neo-Assyrian period. It also makes a tentative claim that the text's terminology reflects the different settlement patterns of the agriculturalist Chaldeans and pastoralist Aramaeans.

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15

Dezső, Tamás. "Šubria and the Assyrian Empire." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 46, no. 1-2 (March 2006): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.46.2006.1-2.5.

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16

Davies, G. I., H. Weippert, K. Seybold, and M. Weippert. "Beitrage zur prophetischen Bildsprache in Israel und Assyrien." Vetus Testamentum 38, no. 1 (January 1988): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1518136.

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17

Goldstein, Ronnie. "A Suggestion Regarding the Meaning of 2 Kings 17:9 and the Composition of 2 Kings 17:7-23." Vetus Testamentum 63, no. 3 (2013): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341118.

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Abstract This article adduces Akkadian idioms to explain three formulations in 2 Kgs 17:9-11 which differ from the standard Deuteronomistic phraseology employed in 2 Kgs 17:7-23. The awkward Hebrew phrase ויחפאו. . . דברים is interpreted as a loan from Akkadian hepû + dibbu = “to break an agreement”, the following expression דברים אשר לא כן compared with the Akkadian dibbu ša lā kinnu = “disloyal talk”, and the ending of v. 11 understood in the light of an Akkadian idiom. On this analysis, vv. 9-11 appear to be composed of two strata, the original core—composed during the Neo-Assyrian period—and a later Deuteronomistic redaction which reinterpreted the initial text. The former can be understood as a very early theological response to the destruction of Samaria and Assyrian imperial claims regarding its fall which utilizes Neo-Assyrian covenantal terminology to describe the relationship between the God of Israel and His people.

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18

DE BREUCKER, GEERT. "ALEXANDER POLYHISTOR AND THE BABYLONIACA OF BEROSSOS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 55, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2012.00041.x.

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Abstract All the works of the prolific encyclopaedic author Alexander Polyhistor have only been preserved in fragments: only his ‘On Jews’ and ‘Chaldaica’ are better known. In his ‘On Jews’, Polyhistor brought together various sources on Jewish history. The ‘Chaldaica’ addressed Babylonian as well as Assyrian history, and apparently consisted of an epitome Polyhistor had made of the Babyloniaca of Berossos combined with the classical account of the Assyrian kings. In the extant text of his epitome of Berossos' work, as it has been preserved by Jewish and Christian authors, there are clearly insertions – passages that do not derive from Berossos' Babyloniaca. Was Alexander Polyhistor responsible for them? In most cases it is difficult to give an answer, but some insertions can be ascribed to Polyhistor.

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19

Guralnick, Eleanor. "Assyrian Clay Hands from Khorsabad." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 67, no. 4 (October 2008): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/596074.

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20

Eichler, Raanan. "Jeremiah and the Assyrian Sacred Tree." Vetus Testamentum 67, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341279.

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Jeremiah 10:5 contains the collocation tomær miqšāh, which has been interpreted in a variety of ways ranging from “scarecrow in a cucumber field” to “plated pillars”. It is argued that the collocation should rather be interpreted as “palm sculpture” and that it refers to a known type of object from the ancient Near East whose depictions are designated by scholars as the “Assyrian sacred tree”.

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21

Biggs, Robert D. "Ah, Assyria...: Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, Scripta Hierosolymitana, Vol. 33. Mordechai Cogan , Israel Ephʿal." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (July 1996): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373859.

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22

Llop-Raduà, Jaume. "The Development of the Middle Assyrian Provinces." Altorientalische Forschungen 39, no. 1 (December 2012): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/aofo.2012.0007.

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23

Watson, Wilfred G. E. "L’Art du siège néo-assyrien, written by Fabrice De Backer." Vetus Testamentum 66, no. 3 (June 21, 2016): 480–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341262-03.

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24

Wilson, James Kinnier. "The Assyrian Pharmaceutical Series URU.AN.NA : MAŠTAKAL." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 64, no. 1 (January 2005): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/429166.

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25

Quine, Cat. "The Bird and the Mountains: A Note on Psalm 11." Vetus Testamentum 67, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 470–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341283.

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This paper demonstrates that the bird and the mountains phrase in Ps 11:1 compares well with a common metaphor relating to siege warfare and military conquest found in Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions and considers the resulting implications.

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26

Postgate, J. N. "References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources." Journal of Semitic Studies 47, no. 2 (September 1, 2002): 311–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/47.2.311.

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27

Worthington, M. "MIKKO LUUKKO, Grammatical Variation in Neo-Assyrian." Journal of Semitic Studies 52, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 369–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgm008.

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28

Blenkinsopp, Joseph. "JUDAH'S COVENANT WITH DEATH (ISAIAH XXVIII 14-22)." Vetus Testamentum 50, no. 4 (2000): 472–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853300506503.

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AbstractThe prophetic diatribe in Isa. xxviii 7-22 is directed against the Judean political and religious leadership anxiously seeking an alliance with Egypt of the twenty-fifth (Nubian) dynasty shortly before the Assyrian punitive campaign of 701 B.C. The opponents are accused of entering into a covenant with Death and Sheol. It is suggested that the covenant is represented as made with the Canaanite deity Mot (mōtu), rather than with Molech, in the expectation that Mot would take up their cause against his adversary Hadad, personification of the ô ô p of xxviii 15, 18, thus enabling them to survive the anticipated Assyrian attack. Isa. xxviii 7-8 suggests the possibility that the ceremony by which the pact was sealed, reminiscent of the Ugaritic texts KTU I.114, is represented as a parody of the tradition about covenant making at Sinai represented by Exod. xxiv 9 11.

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29

Hilber, John. "PSALM CX IN THE LIGHT OF ASSYRIAN PROPHECIES." Vetus Testamentum 53, no. 3 (2003): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853303768266344.

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AbstractNeo-Assyrian prophetic oracles oer comparable stylistic and form-critical features to Psalm cx which bear on the questions of the nature, form, setting and date of the psalm. On the basis of these similarities, Psalm cx should be classied as cultic enthrone-ment prophecy with compositional unity dating to the monarchic period.

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30

Roth, Martha T. "How We Wrote the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 69, no. 1 (April 2010): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/654936.

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31

Shnider, Steven. "Psalm xviii: theophany, epiphany empowerment." Vetus Testamentum 56, no. 3 (2006): 386–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853306778149593.

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AbstractThe theophany in Psalm xviii includes, together with the storm imagery, images of wings/flight and bows/arrows in a combination appearing nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible Hebrew (HB). On the other hand, in the iconography of the ancient Near East, these motifs are often part of a divine apparition, especially to a king in battle. One of the major examples is the winged disc, which in many cases contains the image of a god armed with a bow. We present a number of examples of the motifs of winged gods and bows from Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian sources, both iconographic and textual. In particular, the Neo-Assyrian parallels relate to the theme of the divine glory, kbd, Akk. melammu, and the divine empowerment of the king which assures his victory in battle. In the context of these examples, the theophany (vss. 8-18) and the battle scene (vss. 30, 33-43) can be understood as two perspectives on a single event involving God and the king. This approach leads us to suggest an emendation in the difficult verses, 35-36.

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32

Younger, K. Lawson. "YAHWEH AT ASHKELON AND CALAH? YAHWISTIC NAMES IN NEO-ASSYRIAN." Vetus Testamentum 52, no. 2 (2002): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853302760013866.

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AbstractThis article investigates the transcription of names containing the Yahwistic theophoric element into Neo-Assyrian in order to evaluate the claims that the names Siqda (king of Ashkelon mentioned in Sennacherib's inscriptions) and Atalia (queen of Sargon II mentioned in inscribed objects from a recently discovered royal tomb in Calah/Nimrud) contain this element.

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33

Taylor, J. "MARTHA ROTH (ed.), The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Volume 18 Letter T (Assyrian Dictionary 18). * MARTHA ROTH (ed.), The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Volume 19 Letter T [Tet] (Assyrian Dictionary 19)." Journal of Semitic Studies 54, no. 2 (July 15, 2009): 580–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgp016.

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34

Tavernier, Jan. "A Survey of Neo‐Elamite History. Edited by Matthew W. Waters. State Archives of Assyria Studies 12. Helsinki: Neo‐Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2000. Pp. xviii + 139. $29.50." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 62, no. 3 (July 2003): 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/380319.

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35

Biggs, Robert D. "The Standard Babylonian Etana Epic. By Jamie R. Novotny. State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts, vol. 2. Helsinki: The Neo‐Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2001. Pp. xxv + 62 + 10 figs. $25.The Standard Babylonian Epic of Anzu. By Amar Annus. State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts, vol. 3. Helsinki: The Neo‐Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2001. Pp. xli + 61 + 12 figs. $25." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 64, no. 2 (April 2005): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/431694.

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36

Reiner†, Erica. "Supplement to Chicago Assyrian Dictionary T (Volume 18)." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 66, no. 1 (January 2007): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/512213.

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37

Biggs, Robert D. "Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. Simo Parpola." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 56, no. 1 (January 1997): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468511.

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38

Taylor, J. "MARTHA ROTH (ed.), The Assyrian Dictionary: Volume 12 P." Journal of Semitic Studies 53, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgn008.

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39

COAKLEY, J. F. "THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY'S ASSYRIAN MISSION PRESS: A BIBLIOGRAPHY." Journal of Semitic Studies XXX, no. 1 (1985): 35–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/xxx.1.35.

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40

Simon, Zsolt. "Sapaziti, Sapalulme und die Suppiluliumas von W/Pal(a)stin(a/i)." Altorientalische Forschungen 45, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2018-0011.

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AbstractThis paper argues that the Neo-Assyrian spelling Sapalulme of a Neo-Hittite ruler does not represent a distortion of the name Suppiluliuma (as it is generally assumed), but a relatively close transcription of another Luwian name, the first member of which may be attested in the name of Sapa-ziti, Great King of Karkamiš. Since the name PURUS.FONS.MI of the statue of Suppiluliuma from Tall Taʿyīnāt cannot be read as Sapalulme, Suppiluliuma of the statue and Sapalulme cannot be identical rulers, contrary to the widespread view.

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41

Frye, Richard N. "Assyria and Syria: Synonyms." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 51, no. 4 (October 1992): 281–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373570.

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42

Franke, Sabina. "Der Tempel von Muṣaṣir – ein „normaler“ susi-Tempel." Altorientalische Forschungen 45, no. 2 (November 28, 2018): 156–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2018-0014.

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Abstract A relief from the palace of Šarru-ukīn (Sargon) at Dūr-Šarrukīn/Ḫorsābād depicts the Ḫaldi temple in Muṣaṣir. Hitherto this representation has been interpreted as a special form of an Urartean temple not otherwise attested. However, the representation of the Ḫaldi temple in Muṣaṣir fits the pattern of Urartian susi-temples if we assume that the Assyrian artist intended to show the peculiarities of the foreign temple by pulling the sides forward and attaching them to the front in order to exhibit its outer decoration and roof.

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43

Fouts, David M. "Another Look at Large Numbers in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 53, no. 3 (July 1994): 205–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373692.

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44

DE SOUZA, PHILIP. "WAR, SLAVERY, AND EMPIRE IN ROMAN IMPERIAL ICONOGRAPHY." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2011.00016.x.

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Abstract This paper discusses the theme of defeated and captured enemies in Roman art based on a selection of examples from the imperial period. It argues that the relative prominence and frequency of such images can be correlated with historical texts and documents to demonstrate that the taking of captives for enslavement was a significant aim of Roman warfare. Examples of similar iconography from other ancient cultures, in particular the Neo-Assyrian Empire, are compared to suggest that a preference for motifs celebrating the acquisition of slaves through warfare is a general characteristic of the commemorative art of ancient imperial cultures.

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45

Farsiu, Sara. "An ecolinguistic perspective on Assyrian-Iranian migrants’ portrayal of emotions toward their linguistic resources." Language Sciences 83 (January 2021): 101331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2020.101331.

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Baranowski, Krzysztof J. "The Biblical Hebrew “Store Cities” and an Amarna Gloss." Vetus Testamentum 67, no. 4 (October 13, 2017): 519–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341287.

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Abstract The word מסכנות used in the phrase ערי מסכנות “store cities” is commonly considered a loanword from the Neo-Assyrian word maškattu, “account, deposit, storehouse.” The current loan hypothesis does not account for the difficulties of the Akkadian evidence and does not take into consideration a gloss in Amarna letter no. 306. This gloss shows that the Canaanite scribes of the Late Bronze Age were familiar with the Akkadian plural form maškanātu and used it with the meaning “granaries, storage areas.” This technical term was borrowed into a Canaanite dialect and was subsequently transmitted to Biblical Hebrew as מסכנות.

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Zólyomi, Gábor. "Native-speaker Intuitions about Genitive Constructions in Sumerian." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0019.

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Abstract This paper examines a remarkable variation in the new manuscript of En-metena 1 (RIME 1.9.5.1) kept in the Sulaymaniyah Museum in Iraq: a left-dislocated genitive construction is replaced by a simple genitive construction. Also, the manuscript shortens the text in a number of places. The paper reviews other known examples of text abridgements in royal inscriptions of the 3rd millennium BC and suggests that the composers of these inscriptions used similar techniques to manipulate the texts according to their function and use as the scribes who wrote the Assyrian royal inscriptions of the 1st millennium. The new manuscript provides a rare opportunity to observe a scribe who adapts an already existing text using his linguistic competence.

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Thavapalan, Shiyanthi. "Keeping Alive Dead Knowledge: Middle Assyrian Glass Recipes in the Yale Babylonian Collection." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 73 (January 1, 2021): 135–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714658.

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Knobler, Adam. "Timur the (Terrible/Tartar) Trope: a Case of Repositioning in Popular Literature and History'." Medieval Encounters 7, no. 1 (2001): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006701x00102.

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AbstractThis study details how the medieval Central Asian leader, Timur, looked upon by many in the Latin West as a potential savior, came to be vilified as British imperial interests moved from the Ottoman Porte to India and Central Asia. To the vast majority of those to whom his name means anything at all, it commemorates a militarist who perpetuated as many horrors in the span of twenty-four years as the last five Assyrian kings perpetrated in a hundred and twenty ... The crack-brained megalomania of [a] homicidal madman whose one idea is to impress the imagination of mankind with a sense of his military power by a hideous abuse of it ...2

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Brinkman, J. A. "The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire 910-612 B. C.Alan Millard." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 58, no. 1 (January 1999): 53–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468672.

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