Journal articles on the topic 'Astrology and sex'

Astrology is a pseudo-science based on the assumption that the well-being of humankind, and its health in particular, is influenced in a constant and predictable fashion by the stars and other stellar bodies. Its origins can probably be traced back to Mesopotamia of the 3rd millennium BC and was particularly popular in Graeco-Roman times and the Medieval Era. Astrology in Western countries has always differed from that in the Far East, and while it largely lost its popularity in the West after the Renaissance, it still remains of considerable significance in countries like China and Tibet. Astrology took on a prominent medical component in the Old Babylonian Era (1900-1600 BC) when diseases were first attributed to stellar bodies and associated gods. In the Neo-Babylonian Era (6th century BC) the zodiac came into being: an imaginary belt across the skies (approximately 16o wide) which included the pathways of the sun, moon and planets, as perceived from earth. The zodiac belt was divided into 12 equal parts (“houses” or signs), 6 above the horizon and 6 below. The signs became associated with specific months, illnesses and body parts – later with a number of other objects like planets, minerals (e.g. stones) and elements of haruspiction (soothsaying, mantic, gyromancy). In this way the stellar objects moving through a zodiac “house” became associated with a multitude of happenings on earth, including illness. The macrocosm of the universe became part of the human microcosm, and by studying the stars, planets, moon, etcetera the healer could learn about the incidence, cause, progress and treatment of disease. He could even predict the sex and physiognomy of unborn children. The art of astrology and calculations involved became very complex. The horoscope introduced by the 3rd century BC (probably with Greek input) produced a measure of standardisation: a person’s position within the zodiac would be determined by the date of birth, or date of onset of an illness or other important incident, on which information was needed. Egyptian astrological influence was limited but as from the 5th century BC onwards, Greek (including Hellenistic) input became prominent. In addition to significant contributions to astronomy, Ptolemy made a major contribution to astrology as “science” in his Tetrabiblos. Rational Greek medicine as represented by the Hippocratic Corpus did not include astrology, and although a number of physicians did make use of astrology, it almost certainly played a minor role in total health care. Astrology based on the Babylonian-Greek model also moved to the East, including India where it became integrated with standard medicine. China, in the Far East, developed a unique, extremely complex variety of astrology, which played a major role in daily life, including medicine. During Medieval times in the West, astrology prospered when the original Greek writings (complemented by Arabic and Hebrew contributions) were translated into Latin. In the field of medicine documents falsely attributed to Hippocrates and Galen came into circulation, boosting astrology; in the young universities of Europe it became taught as a science. It was, however, opposed by the theologians who recognised a mantic element of mysticism, and it lost further support when during the Renaissance, the spuriousness of the writings attributed to the medical icons, Hippocrates and Galen, became evident. Today Western standard medicine contains no astrology, but in countries like China and Tibet it remains intricately interwoven with health care. In common language we have a heritage of words with an astrological origin, like “lunatic” (a person who is mentally ill), “ill-starred”, “saturnine” (from Saturn, the malevolent plant) and “disaster” (from dis, bad, and astra, star).

Japan, having had the longest isolationist policy in the world, is averse to options, such as migration to increase the population. What kinds of pronatalist policies to increase fertility and lower the population’s age are ethical? Two questions can be raised: is it ethical for the government to intercede, and is it ethical for individuals to exercise this choice? In addition to the gradually decreasing birth rate, Japan is faced with the challenge of a possible sharp decline in the birth rate in 5 years. Astrology and superstition have influenced the sex preference of a child in Japan, and in 1966, there was a 26% drop in the birth rate. It was the year of Hinoeuma, occurring at 60-year intervals, and women born that year are believed to have a potentially dangerous ‘headstrong temperament’ and murder their husbands. Abortion rates spiked that year, and many forged the birth date of their child. The next Hinoeuma is in 2026. Although the bioethical debate about pronatalism exists in the literature, there is no literature addressing the question of sex selection in the context of a decreasing population. This paper argues that even if the Japanese government’s current pronatalist approach is ethically warranted, it should not extend to sex selection since it would promote misogyny and stereotypical gender roles.

A escrita da história da astronomia foi conduzida por alguns pontos chaves: a relação deste saber com as viagens de expansão e o aprimoramento da náutica, a diferenciação da astrologia e o questionamento do lugar da ciência e da superstição para o estudo do céu, bem como a construção das estruturas deste saber pelos escritos que desdobraram o assunto. Todas estas tópicas foram desenvolvidas em maior ou menor grau nos estudos historiográficos das décadas passadas que trataram da ciência do céu. Assim, este texto trata da astronomia dos séculos XV e XVI como objeto de estudos historiográficos que privilegiaram determinados aspectos deste saber, confluindo muitas vezes com a recusa – que já estava explícita nos escritos quatrocentistas – daquilo que veio se afirmar no futuro como algo totalmente desvinculado da astronomia – a astrologia.*The writing of the history of astronomy was conducted by a few key points: the relation of this knowledge to voyages of expansion and improvement of nautical, the differentiation of astrology and the questioning of the place of science and superstition for the study of the sky, as well as the construction of structures of this knowledge by the writings that unfolded the subject. All these topics were developed to a greater or lesser extent in the historiographical studies of the past decades about the science of the sky. Thus, this text deals with the astronomy of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries as an object of historiographical studies that privileged certain aspects of this lore, often converging with the refusal - which was already explicit in the writings of the fourteenth century - of what came to be affirmed in the future as something totally unrelated to astronomy - astrology.

Mit dem österreichischen Neurologen Sigmund Freud präsentieren wir in dieser Ausgabe einen Arzt, mit dem wohl die Allermeisten etwas anfangen können. Einen Freudschen Versprecher hat sich wohl auch jeder schon geleistet und sich eventuell sogar dafür geschämt. Während angehende Psychologen heute noch Freuds Theorien über das Unterbewusstsein lernen, fasziniert die Freudsche Traumdeutung weiterhin in Horoskopen, im Tarotspiel oder in der Astrologie. Über 15 Biografien über den Begründer der Psychoanalyse erschienen und mehr als 30 Sachbücher. Fünf Spielfilme über sein Leben wurden gedreht und zuletzt sogar eine Hörspielserie. Unzählige Autoren und Regisseure haben Freuds Symbolik benutzt, um fantastische Stoffe zu kreieren. Vielleicht interessieren uns die teilweise abstrusen Theorien so sehr, weil sich bei Freud mehr oder weniger alles um Sexualität zu drehen scheint. Tatsächlich begann seine Karriere mit dieser Thematik. Sein Spezialgebiet: Das Sexleben von Aalen.

Summary: It is generally assumed that the religiosity of sailors in ancient Rome was nourished by an atavistic fear of the sea. This paper suggests that individual motivations varied. In the concrete case of vessel owners, shippers and traders, astrology and votive offerings were cultural dispositives to reduce risk perception and to stimulate merchant activity complementary to the fiscal stimuli to protect the costs of wreck in case of „force majeure“.

Astrology’ is the influence of the movement and relative position of astral bodies on the development of human fetus, on the human brain, and on the human health (which includes the immune system). Scientists and especially physicists refused to consider the gravitational influences of stars and planets claiming they are too weak to make a difference. However, the scientists completely ignored the electromagnetic influence, which was many times stronger. Our modern science found that the human weak nonlinear electromagnetic field (NEMF) plays important role in the human body – it rules and regulates everything (including the immune response) [1]. Unable to see and explain possible influence of the astral bodies on the development of a fetus, on the human brain, and on the human health, the scientists named the astrology ‘metaphysics’, which in Greek means ‘beyond physics’. However, with time intolerance was developed to these phenomena, and ‘metaphysics’ became a ‘mocking name’. Meanwhile, physics was further developed and nonlinear physics could explain many of these ‘taboo phenomena’. However, the physicists seem to be afraid to touch the topics mocked ‘metaphysics’, like ‘chakras’ and ‘astrology’. ‘Chakras’ in Sanskrit means ‘spinning wheel’. From the viewpoint of nonlinear physics, being nonlinear the human Nonlinear Electromagnetic Field (NEMF) must have turbulence manifested with alternating vortices spinning clockwise and anti-vortices spinning counterclockwise – a perfect match for the spinning ‘chakras’? However, since the human NEMF is 1,000 times weaker than the biocurrents of the body and our scientists cannot measure it, the existence of this weak NEMF, which regulates everything (including immune response), is denied (for now).

“Occult,” a 1902 international encyclopedia of religion tells us, is derived “from Latin occultus—Hidden,” and is applied to the assumption that insight into and control over nature is to be obtained by mysterious or magical procedures and by long apprenticeship in secret lore. The physical science of the middle ages, alchemy and astrology, and in modern times spiritualism, theosophy, and palmistry contain various factors of occult lore. Such doctrines, known as occultism, fall outside the realm of modern science. See MAGIC.

This article discusses the results of research related to local knowledge in Aceh's maritime community. The local knowledge discussed in this article concerns about astronomical knowledge in the fishing communities of Aceh. Where local knowledge in the current era is increasingly being eroded by technological advances, but on the other hand local knowledge is a treasure of the nation. This research was conducted in Aceh, using a qualitative approach. Then this study also uses concepts from interdisciplinary science, namely sociology, anthropology and history. This multi-disciplinary approach to gain a more comprehensive perspective. Based on this research, it can be described that local knowledge is a form of community adaptation to the natural environment in which they interact. One form of local adaptation which later became local knowledge was the astronomical knowledge of Aceh sailors. This astronomical knowledge in the people of Aceh is known as keuneneng. Keuneneng is knowledge in determining climate. Keuneneng is divided into twelve keuneneng, according to the number of months. Starting from the keuneneng dua ploh lhei, to the keuneneng sa. In addition to keuneneng, in Acehnese society, especially Acehnese sailors are also known for their knowledge of astrology. Apart from being a guide, this astrology is also used to detect natural threats at sea. This astronomical knowledge is a form of natural adaptation, which later becomes local knowledge in Aceh.

Rapports between religion and health are analysed here, within the context of contemporary France, based upon a distinc tion between the major "official" instances of belief regulation (State, science, dominant religious confessions) and the "nebula" of heterodoxies, meaning by this representations and social practi ces which set themselves up in competition with the "offcial"sec tor, for example astrology or unorthodox medicines or post-psycho-analytical, psycho-corporal groups of activities. In this perspective, the reference to the linguistic notion of the "floa ting significant", introduced by LEVI-STRA USS, enters into an enlightening symbiosis with the psycho-analytical notion of "transitional phenomenon", defined by WINNICOTT.

This article investigates the early history of a Chinese mantic practice unattested before the late first century CE known as zhanhou 占候 (lit., omen watching; divination through observation; divination of atmospheric or meteorological conditions). While early occurrences of the term primarily present it as a learned form of divination used to forecast human fortune through the interpretation of anomalous emanations of qi 氣 in heaven-and-earth (e.g., wind; clouds; rain; rainbows), zhanhou is also variously classified as an astrological, Five Agents, or military technique; and variously identified as a hemerological, medical, and contemplative-visualization practice by the end of the Tang. I not only contend that zhanhou’s inherent polysemy and its multiple identities helped broaden and perpetuate its transmission during the first millennium of the Common Era, but also that the same messy multiplicity makes its early history and development difficult—but not impossible—to trace and understand. Zhanhou closely resembles many earlier named forms of astrology and divination focused on the observation and interpretation of macrocosmic qi conditions or phenomena, but late Han and early medieval writers carved out a space for zhanhou. This was done through increasingly frequent use of the term, by explicitly distinguishing it from similar families of techniques (e.g., astrology; turtle and yarrow divination; yinyang; algorithmic mantic techniques), and by identifying and constructing networks and lineages of practitioners, both of which helped form and perpetuate zhanhou’s identity as a discrete technique (shu 術). The present study compares different definitions and translations of zhanhou, analyzes a handful of late Han occurrences, and illustrates the term’s increasingly widespread medieval circulation, chiefly through biographic narratives and technical texts.

The article presents a translation of fragments of the text of a Spanish thinker of the XVI century, Michael Servetus (Spanish: Miguel Servet), “Reasoning in Defense of Astrology against a Certain Medic.” Despite the fact that this text touches on a small area of knowledge, which includes medicine and astrology, taken in their close interaction, it clearly demonstrates the characteristic feature of Servetus’ philosophical worldview. In the era in question, objective internal processes going on in the depths of the paradigm of thinking, like volcanoes erupt in various fields of knowledge. Servetus is one of those outstanding personalities whose activity activates this process by starting to cross the boundaries outlined by tradition and authorities, anticipating what will become the greatest value in the new paradigm – obtaining new knowledge. This small work is methodological in nature and clearly demonstrates an example of following the chosen personal method, without turning off the path, neglecting the possible consequences. Servetus hopes to convince the reader that medicine needs additional facts that can be provided by knowledge of the laws of the movement of the heavenly bodies and their influence on human earthly affairs and the state of his health. Observation of astronomical phenomena contributes, in his opinion, to obtaining additional knowledge and experience useful in medical practice. The system of the world order built by him unites the unconnected, violates the boundaries of subject areas, not only within science, but also between science and theology, which gives him the opportunity to talk about various facets of reality. He demonstrates the talent of a thinker, rare and relevant in all epochs – to see the whole and not to neglect knowledge that goes beyond the generally accepted framework, collecting a general picture of being at all possible and cognizable levels: visible and invisible; expressible and inexpressible; earthly and heavenly; spiritual and material; human and divine.

Several studies over the past 20 years have argued for an explicit connection between a hieroglyphic record of war, the so-called star war, and the observation of Venus. To the last, these studies have relied on statistical treatments or simple numerical coincidence to substantiate their claims. In this paper I challenge the results of these studies on two levels. First, I demonstrate that the iconographic evidence that inspired the association between Venus and the “star war” verb is itself unstable; then I appeal to the historical contexts of the rulers engaged in this warfare to see if, as individuals, there is evidence that they held such a belief. In both cases, I show that the evidence does not support a ritual timing of Classic Maya warfare by the phases of Venus. At end, I turn to philological consideration to propose a new reading for the “star war” verb.

Tidal phenomena, a ubiquitous spectacle along coastlines, have captivated human curiosity for centuries. It can be involved in some small activities like fishing on the sea. Also, some big activities like the prediction of the position of the Earth should take the consideration of tides. This paper is aimed to have a summary of the formation and the principles of tides. Then, according to the essential theory, some applications are discussed based on the fields of astrology, geography, and clean energy. The principles of these applications are summarized and concluded into some useful information. The information that people derive from tides is a significant amount which can help humans make more efficient methods for the prediction of some phenomena like earthquakes and the movement of moons. As a result, The value of tides is still a potential topic that can help human progress in human beings.

O museu sem fim de 1976 funciona como uma visita guiada a um museu imaginário. Neste museu, encontram-se obras de arte e reflexão crítica criadas por mulheres em 1976, ano de nascimento da artista. Ao falar dessas obras, compartilhando imagens e ideias, ela reflete sobre as mentalidades e os afetos que estavam em pauta em meados dos anos 1970 para mulheres em diferentes contextos. O mapa astral da artista dá as cartas para a curadoria deste museu, trazendo a astrologia para a cena como uma lente criativa, que oferece um repertório imagético e narrativo inusitado para a abordagem das artes, da história e das narrativas de si.

Syekh Ali As-Shobuni in his Tafsir Ayatul Ahkam explained that according to Imam As-Syafi'i, the obligation to face the Qibla is an absolute obligation to face the 'ainul ka’bah (building of the Kaaba) both for those who are inside the Grand Mosque or outside the Grand Mosque . As for those who are outside the Grand Mosque and cannot see the Kaaba directly, they must study knowledge that can accurately and accurately give directions facing the Qibla, namely Astrology. The existence of Astrology and the spread of Astrology is the reason why calibration of the Qibla direction of mosques is mandatory, so is the Great Mosque of A.G.K.H. Abdul Rahman Ambo Dalle, Parepare City. The initial conclusions of the researchers were based on Google Earth-based measurements of the Qibla direction of the Great Mosque of A.G.K.H. Abdul Rahman Ambo Dalle, Parepare City deviated to the south. The purpose of this study is to describe the use of the Qibla direction method at the Great Mosque of A.G. KH. Abdul Rahman Ambo Dalle, Parepare and analyzed history and calibrated Qibla direction with contemporary reckoning using the Google Earth application tools, istiwa sticks and theodolite. The results showed that the method of measuring the Qibla direction of the Great Mosque of Parepare City uses the Compass method. Qibla direction calibration based on the Google Earth method found Qibla deviation. As for the calibration results with the Stick of Istiwa' method, it was found that the Qibla direction was deviated by 5o 30'. The Qibla Direction Calibration result with the theodolite method is 6o. Based on these 3 methodologies it was concluded that the Qibla direction of the Grand Mosque of Parepare City is not accurate. Keywords: Effectiveness; Harmony; Tolerance Syekh Ali As-Shobuni dalam karyanya Tafsir Ayatul Ahkam menjelakan bahwa menurut Imam As-Syafi’i, kewajiban menghadap kiblat merupakan kewajiban muthlak manghadap ‘ainul ka’bah (bangunan ka’bah) baik bagi yang berada di dalam Masjidil Haram ataupun diluar masjidil haram. Adapun yang berada diluar Masjidil Haram dan tidak dapat melihat langsung ka’bah maka wajib mempelajari ilmu yang dapat dengan tepat dan akurat memberikan arah menghadap kiblat yakni Ilmu Falak. Eksistensi Ilmu Falak dan menyebarnya Ilmu Falak menjadi sebab kalibrasi arah kiblat masjid menjadi wajib, begitu juga Masjid Agung A.G.K.H. Abdul Rahman Ambo Dalle Kota Parepare. Kesimpulan awal peneliti berdasarkan pengukuran berbasis Google Earth arah kiblat Masjid Agung A.G.K.H. Abdul Rahman Ambo Dalle Kota Parepare melenceng ke arah selatan. Tujuan Penelitian ini yang mendeskripsikan penggunaan metode arah kiblat Masjid Agung A.G. KH. Abdul Rahman Ambo Dalle Kota Parepare dan menganalisis historis dan kalibrasi arah kiblat dengan hisab kontemporer menggunakan alat aplikasi Google Earth, tongkat istiwa’ dan theodholite. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa metode pengukuran arah kiblat Masjid Agung Kota Parepare menggunakan metode Kompas. Kalibrasi arah kiblat berdasarkan metode Google Earth ditemukan kemelencengan arah kiblat. Adapun hasil kalibrasi dengan metode Tongkat Istiwa’ ditemukan kemelencengan arah kiblat sebesar 5o 30’. Hasil Kalibrasi Arah Kiblat dengan metode theodholite ialah 6o. Berdasarkan 3 metodologi tersebut disimpulkan bahwa arah kiblat masjid agung kota parepare tidak akurat. Kata kunci: Efektifitas; Kerukunan; Toleransi

On 11 November 1417, the election at the Council of Constance (1414–18) of Oddo Colonna as Pope Martin V brought to an end a period of almost forty years of instability and crisis within the Church, which had begun with the outbreak of the Schism in 1378. After his consecration, the new pope set out to return to Rome, intending to re-establish there the Holy See, while the Council continued. Martin V entered Rome in September 1420, after travelling through Geneva, Pavia, Mantua, Milan and Florence. In the latter city he resided for almost two years, from 26 February 1419 to 9 September 1420. It was most likely during the pope's residence there that an Italian student in law, Antonio Baldana, wrote and dedicated to him a peculiar work: a narrative of the Schism written in the form of prophecy, in a mixture of prose and verse, Latin and Italian, and accompanied by thirty watercolour illustrations. The only known surviving version of this work is contained in a manuscript now preserved in Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, as MS Parmense 1194. The manuscript has been studied primarily for its iconography, while its musical implications, which form the subject of the present study, have so far passed unnoticed. In fact, as we shall see, Baldana's work is also designed as a framework for a discussion encompassing the disciplines of trivium and quadrivium – a small encyclopedia, where a distinctive connection is drawn between rhetoric, astrology and music.

Abstract Looking at the casebooks kept by the early modern astrologer-physician Richard Napier, this article offers a close reading of cases in which he linked his patients’ ‘madness’ to their recent childbearing. Exploring this linkage, it engages with a longstanding historiographical debate about the relationship of culture, corporeality, and subjective embodiment. Napier’s ideas about childbirth-related mental ill health were profoundly gendered, and we cannot begin to understand them without studying the early modern gendering of planets, seasons, flesh, and blood. Contemporaries’ constructions of sex difference, in particular, underline the distance between their phenomenology of bodies and our own. Yet reading the case histories of these patients can give rise to impressions of familiarity, as well as strangeness. The article asks how historians should interpret the parallels between present-day understandings of childbirth-related health risks and those described in early modern England. It argues that we need to develop historical methodologies which allow room for both culture and the ‘extra-cultural’, even if we cannot separate out the two for scrutiny.

Astrology is no longer regarded as a science by many, because its claims are almost impossible to test empirically in controlled laboratory conditions and it can not meet the scientific need to be reproducible. However, the majority of those who read their `star signs' can identify aspects of their personality in what they read and it is possible that this may influence their attitudes and actions. The literature has neglected astrological signs as a possible predictor of suicide ideation. To see whether astrological birth signs are associated with suicide and the method used, data was collected from the Public Health Department in North Cheshire representing all the Cheshire Coroner's verdicts of suicide, and open verdicts, in all deceased aged 60 and above between 1989 and 2000. The observed occurrence of deaths due to natural causes, and suicide, in relation to birth signs did not differ significantly from what would be expected from chance. However, the distribution of suicide by hanging appeared significantly higher in those with a birth sign of Virgo and lowest in Sagittarius and Scorpio. The distribution of violent and non-violent suicides in relation to star signs showed higher occurences of violent death in persons born in the summer months.

Irfan, Nur Aisyah, Nila Sastrawati, Muh. Rasywan Syarif. Myths that develop in Indonesia society, especially in Bissoloro Village, Bungaya District, Gowa Regency, some people have their own beliefs in responding to the occurrence of the eclipse phenomenon by not doing activities outside the home, forbidding children to play outside the house, fearing they will get sick, and not being allowed to see the incident, the eclipse that occurs at night, it is believed that when the eclipse takes place, it is very suitable to uproot the lolo rupa plant to be used as a beauty potion for everyday use. This research is classified as a descriptive qualitative research field. The views of the people of Bissoloro Village in responding to the eclipse phenomenon still follow the beliefs of their ancestors. The development of science changes people’s assumptions, people who take education no longer think that eclipses are something to be afraid of, in fact the eclipse phenomenon is considered a beautiful and extraordinary phenomenon and interesting to observe using astronomical tools. From a scientific perspective, eclipses occur because the positions of the sun, moon, and earth are in a straigh line natural phenomenon occur naturally and can be scientifically From the perspective of astronomy, in the historical study of solar eclipses, it occurred at the time of the Prophet Muhammad. through the hadith clearly states that eclipses do not result in the death or birth of a person.Keywords: Eclipses, Science Perspective, and Astrology.

In the preface to this very Scholarly – and sometimes almost confusingly well-informed - book the author tells us that his aim is to offer “a fresh view of the change in educated attitudes towards magical beliefs that occurred in Britain between about 1650 and 1750.” In this he unquestionably succeeds. Actually the book continues somewhat beyond the later date, but there can be no doubt that there were changes – mostly declines - during the designated period in many of the miscellaneous human beliefs and activities that have for whatever reason been labelled as ‘magic’ or ‘magical’. Hunter begins the body of his book with a chapter–length Introduction entitled The Supernatural, Science and ‘Atheism’. This opens with an attempt to define what he means by ‘magic’, based, he says, on the similar attempt made by Sir Keith Thomas in his classic Religion and the Decline of Magic (1971), though unlike Thomas he very wisely does not include alchemy and astrology. Even so he includes quite a wide variety of topics, so wide indeed that it is hard to see what if anything these phenomena – if they do indeed occur – could have in common except that they are difficult to explain, or to explain away, in ordinarily accepted terms. The proposed list includes such matters as witchcraft, witch covens, involvement with the spiritual realm (good or evil, angelic or demonic, benevolent or pestilential) possession. conjuration, prophesies, ghosts, apparitions, fairies, omens and lucky charms, and what would now be called poltergeists. Other varieties of curious events linked to or supposedly similar to the above could in practice no doubt get included.

Abstract: The two extant works by the senator Julius Firmicus Maternus, a manual of astrology ( Mathesis , ca. 337) and a ferocious attack on senatorial paganism ( De errore profanarum religionum , 343–50), offer exceptional insight into the transformation of a convert's beliefs in the era of Constantine. Study of Firmicus's Christianity has long been hampered by distaste for his desire to see pagan cult annihilated and by the belief that he took essentially all of his scriptural knowledge from Cyprian's Ad Quirinum and Ad Fortunatum . Recent scholarship has dealt with the first issue. This article focuses on the second. Surveying Firmicus's biblical quotations and allusions, it demonstrates that he had extensive knowledge of biblical passages that Cyprian does not cite, ranging far beyond the Psalms (which Firmicus is generally thought to have known independently). He interprets Cyprianic texts in light of non-Cyprianic parallels, cites surrounding context, weaves in references to liturgical custom, and deploys well-known exegetical motifs such as the interpretation of Psalm 23 (LXX) in reference to Christ's descent and ascension. Combined with his heavy reliance on Cyprian for quotations, Firmicus's use of biblical passages and extrabiblical theological ideas suggests that he was widely read in scripture, but that had to hand only Cyprian's collections, with whose explanatory headings his ideas about coercion and his Christology engage. Firmicus's engagement with scripture, in part through Cyprian's mediation, thus illustrates the processes by which an upper-class convert could assimilate Christian ideas. His integration of astral language into his description of Christianity, in turn, undercuts modern generalizations about the Christianity of the Constantinian era. Far from being at home with pagan conceptions of the universe, Firmicus reworks them to exalt Christ and the cross above the stars themselves.

Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr (368/978-463/1071), uno de los mayores ulemas andalusíes del siglo V/XI, incluye un largo capítulo sobre los anwāʾ en su Kitāb al-Tamhīd, que se estudia, junto a textos afines, en sus dos aspectos fundamentales. En el plano literario, el capítulo contiene una especie de tratado de anwāʾ abreviado que constituye uno de los raros ejemplos de textos andalusíes relacionados con este género en la época de los taifas. En el plano religioso, el capítulo expresa un debate sobre la licitud de los anwāʾ centrado en el hadiz transmitido por Ṣāliḥ ibn Kaysān que condena los anwāʾ en tanto que creencia preislámica. Por su tratamiento extenso y profundo del tema, el capítulo del Tamhīd es uno de los documentos que aporta un mayor conocimiento sobre el problema de fondo del sistema de los anwāʾ y la literatura derivada: su licitud teniendo en cuenta que se basa en una creencia pagana. El debate adquiere todo su sentido cuando se sitúa en una discusión más amplia, frecuente en el s. V/XI andalusi: el uso correcto de la astronomía, ya sea la astronomía matemática de origen griego o la astronomía popular árabe vinculada a los anwāʾ, en un contexto religioso, teniendo en cuenta la oposición a la astrología, considerada generalmente por los ulemas como una disciplina ilícita.

<p><em>The text on Sami shamanism in Caspar Peucer’s </em>Commentarius de praecipuis divinationum generibus<em> (Wittenberg 1560): Critical edition, with translation and commentary.</em> Among the sources dealing with the shamanistic skills of the Sami (formerly Lapponian) population, a certain text by Kaspar Peucer has so far been little known. This man of extreme learning was the son-in-law of Philip Melanchthon and a Professor at the University of Wittenberg. A true polyhistor, well versed in Medicine, Geography, Astrology, Theology, etc., Peucer included in his chef-d’oeuvre on divination an elaborate description of the shamanism of the so-called <em>Pilappii</em>. The present article offers a critical edition of this text, based on the editions of Wittenberg 1560 (A), 1572 (B), 1580 (C), as well as Zerbst 1591 (D) and Frankfurt 1593 (E). In addition to translations into North Sami and Norwegian (see Appendix), some contextualisation is offered, which can be summarised as follows: A similar testimony on shamanism is found in the <em>Historia de gentibus Septentrionalibus</em> by Olaus Magnus (Rome 1555). However, that text is not elaborate enough to prove that Kaspar Peucer has copied his description from him. It is more likely that some student among the considerable number of Swedes, Finns and Norwegians that were immatriculated at Wittenberg University in the years following the Reformation, presented this account to Peucer. Many details in the account make it strikingly similar to Sami folk narratives that have been assembled several centuries later. For example, the description of maritime Sami by Anders Larsen (1870–1949), the Sami book by Johan Turi (published 1910) and Sami songs (<em>joik</em>) that were collected by Jacob Fellman in the 1820’s can be compared with Peucer’s account. Peucer himself, however, categorised the shamanism of the Sami as a form of <em>theomanteia</em>, i.e. a form of magic which he considered to originate not from the true God, but from the Devil.</p>

The making of music has been sufficiently deep and widespread diachronically and geographically to suggest a genetic imperative. C.G. Jung's 'Collective Unconscious' and the accompanying archetypes suggest that music is a psychic necessity because it is part of the brain structure. Therefore, the present view of aesthetics may need drastic revision, particularly on views of music as pleasure, ideas of disinterest, differences between so-called high and low art, cultural identity, cultural conditioning, and art-for-art's sake.All cultures, past and present, show evidence of music making. Music qua music has been a part of human expression for at least some forty-thousand years (Chailley 1964; viii) and it could well be speculated that the making of music (the voluntary effort to use tonal-temporal patterns in consistent form that are meant to express meaning) accompanied the arrival of the first human beings. As Curt Sachs states, "However far back we tracemankind, we fail to see the springing-up of music. Even the most primitive tribes are musically beyond the first attempts" (Sachs 1943; 20).Why do humans continuahy create music and include it as an integral part of culture? What is music's driving force? Why do cultures endow music with extraordinary powers? Why do human beings, individuahy and as societies, exercise preferences for specific works and genres of music? In probing these questions, I chose one aspect of Jungian psychology, that of the Collective Unconscious with its accompanying archetypes, as the basis upon which to speculate a world aesthetics of music. Once we dispense with the mechanistic and designer idea of human origins (Omstein 1991; Ch. 2), we have only the investigations of the human psyche to mine for data that could explain the myriad forms of artistic activity found the world over. An examination of human beings, I believe, must lead one ultimately to the study of human behavior and motivations, in short, to the psychology of human ethos (see, e.g., Campbell 1949 & 1976). This study wih take the following course: first, a discussion of consciousness and the Collective Unconscious, plus a discussion of archetypes; then, a description of musical archetypal substance; and finally, what I beheve is implied to form a world aesthetics of music.By comparison to Jung, Freud gives us little in the way of understanding artistic substance because for him, all artistic subject matter stems purely from the personal experiences of the artist. In comparing Freud and Jung, Stephen Larsen states that "Where Freud was deterministic, Jung was teleological; where Freud was historical, Jung was mythological" (Larsen 1992; 19). Jung drew on a much wider cross-cultural experiential and intellectual base than Freud (Philipson 1963; Part II, Sect. 1). His interests in so-cahed primitive peoples led him to Tunis, the Saharan Desert, sub-Saharan Africa, and New Mexico in the United States to visit the Pueblo Indians; visits to India and Ceylon and studies of Chinese culture all contributed to his vast knowledge of human experience. Jung constructed the cohective unconscious as a major part of the psyche with the deepest sense of tradition and myth from around the world. He was criticized because of his interests in alchemy, astrology, divination, telepathy and clairvoyance, yoga, spiritualism, mediums and seances, fortunetelling, flying saucers, religious symbolism, visions, and dreams. But he approached these subjects as a scientist, investigating the human psyche and what these subjects revealed about mental process, particularly what might be learned about the collective unconsciousness (Hall and Nordby 1973; 25 & Cohen 1975; Ch. 4). Jung's ideation, in my view, is sufficiently comprehensive to support the probe of a world aesthetics of music.

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STANLEY JAKI: Science and Faith in a Realist Perspective by Alessandro Giostra. Rome, Italy: IF Press, 2019. 144 pages. Paperback; $24.24. ISBN: 9788867881857. *The subject of this short introduction--Father Stanley L. Jaki (1924–2009), a giant in the world of science and religion--is more important than this book's contents, a collection of conference papers and articles published between 2015 and 2019. *Readers of this journal should recognize Jaki, a Benedictine priest with doctorates in theology and physics, 1975–1976 Gifford lecturer, 1987 Templeton Prize winner, and professor at Seton Hall University, for his prolific, valuable work in the history of the relations between theology and science. He sharply contrasted Christian and non-Christian/scientific cosmologies and unfortunately, often slipped into polemics and apologetics. The title of Stacy Trasanco's 2014 examination of his work, Science Was Born of Christianity, captures Jaki's key thesis. Science in non-Christian cultures was, in Jaki's (in)famous and frequent characterizations, "stillborn" and a "failure" (e.g., see Giostra, pp. 99, 113). Incidentally, Giostra seems unaware that various Protestant scholars shared Jaki's key thesis and arguments. *The Introduction begins with a quotation from Jaki that so-called conflicts between science and religion "must be seen against objective reality, which alone has the power to unmask illusions." Jaki continued, "There may be clashes between science and religion, or rather between some religionists and some scientists, but no irresolvable fundamental conflict" (p. 15). *This raises two other crucial aspects of Jaki's approach: his realist epistemology and his claim that, properly understood, science and Christian theology cannot be in conflict. Why? Because what Jaki opposed was not science itself--which he saw as specific knowledge of the physical world that was quantifiable and mathematically expressible--but ideologies that were attached to science in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, that is, materialism, naturalism, reductionism, positivism, pantheism, and atheism. *For Jaki, the real problem for Christian approaches to the natural world was the scientism which dismissed theology, especially Catholicism, as superstition, dogmatism, and delusion. Jaki followed the groundbreaking work of Pierre Duhem in arguing that the impetus theory of the fourteenth-century philosopher John Buridan was the first sign of the principle of inertia, the first law of Newtonian physics. One of the foundational shifts in the birth of a new "revolutionary" science in the Christian West was a post-Aristotelian understanding of bodies in motion (both uniform and uniformly accelerating: see chapter three for more details). *The first chapter is a bio- and bibliographical essay by an admiring Antonio Colombo that traces and situates Jaki the historian as a man of both science and faith. Chapter two lays out Jaki's critical realism and theses about the history of science and theology, in contrast to scientisms past and present that claim scientific reason as the sole trustworthy route to legitimate knowledge. The roles played by the doctrine of creation ex nihilo and the Christology of the pre-existent Logos in Jaki's cosmological thinking are also outlined. *Many readers will be most interested in the third chapter which surveys Jaki's writing about the notorious case of Galileo, condemned by the church in 1633 for defending Copernicus. Jaki detected scientific and theological errors in the positions of both Galileo and the church. For instance, Galileo did not provide proof of the motion of the earth around the sun. Nor did the church understand errors in Aristotelian science. Galileo was right, however, in arguing that the Bible's purpose was not to convey scientific knowledge; while the church's rejection of heliocentric cosmology was correct, given the dearth of convincing evidence for it. *Chapter four is of wider interest than its title, "The Errors of Hegelian Idealism," might suggest. Jaki's belief that only Christian theology could give birth to the exact sciences is reviewed, along with his rejection of conflict and concord models of faith and science. His critiques of Hegelian and Marxist views of the world are thoughtfully discussed. *Jaki was unrelentingly hostile to all types of pantheism, and Plato was the most influential purveyor of that erroneous philosophy. Chapter five outlines Jaki's objections to Platonism, as well as to Plotinus's view of the universe as an emanation from an utterly transcendent One, and to Giordano Bruno's neo-Platonic animism and Hermeticism. *Jaki's interpretation of medieval Islamic cosmologists is the subject of the fifth chapter, in which the Qur'an, Averroes, and Avicenna are examined and found wanting. Monotheism by itself could not lead to science. Incorrect theology blinded those without an understanding of the world as God's creation or of Christ as Word and Savior from seeing scientific truth. This chapter is curious in several respects. On page 98, Giostra equates Christ as the only begotten Son with Jesus as the only "emanation from the Father." Emanationism is a Gnostic, Manichaean, and neo-Platonic concept; it is not, to my knowledge, part of orthodox Catholic Trinitarian discourse. On pages 101–2, the presence of astrology in the Qur'an disqualifies it as an ancestor of modern science. But astrology then was not yet divorced from astronomy. Astrological/astronomical imagery and terminology were integral to ancient cosmologies and apocalypses, including Jewish, Christian, and Muslim ones. Lastly, pages 104–5 feature quotations in untranslated Latin. *Chapter seven is a review of the 2016 edition of Jaki's Science and Creation; this is one more example of content repeated elsewhere in the book. "Benedict XVI and the limits of scientific learning" is the eighth and final chapter. The former pope is presented as a Jaki-like thinker in his views of science and faith. Strangely, Benedict does not cite Jaki; this absense weakens Giostra's case somewhat. *Jaki--whose faith was shaped by the eminent French theologian and historian of medieval thought, Etienne Gilson--was a diehard Roman Catholic, wary of Protestant thought, defender of priestly celibacy and of the ineligibility of women for ordination. On the other hand, his study of both Duhem and Gilson probably sensitized Jaki to ideological claims made by scientists. *As a historian of science, Jaki was meticulous and comprehensive in his research with primary documents. His interpretations of historical texts were as confident and swaggering as his critiques of scientists and scientism were withering. Among Jaki's more interesting and helpful contributions to scholarship are his translations and annotations of such important primary texts as Johann Heinrich Lambert's Cosmological Letters (1976), Immanuel Kant's Universal Natural History and Theory of the Heavens (1981), and Bruno's The Ash Wednesday Supper (1984). *Personally, I have found much of value in Jaki's The Relevance of Physics (1966); Brain, Mind and Computers (1969); The Paradox of Olbers' Paradox (1969); The Milky Way (1972); Planets and Planetarians (1978); The Road of Science and the Ways to God (1978); Cosmos and Creator (1980); Genesis 1 through the Ages (1998); The Savior of Science (2000); Giordano Bruno: A Martyr of Science? (2000); Galileo Lessons (2001); Questions on Science and Religion (2004); The Mirage of Conflict between Science and Religion (2009); and the second enlarged edition of his 1974 book, Science and Creation: From Eternal Cycles to an Oscillating Universe (2016). *Jaki also published studies of figures whose life and work most impressed him personally. These include three books (1984, 1988, 1991) on the Catholic physicist and historian of cosmology, Pierre Duhem, author of the ten-volume Système du Monde, and studies of English converts to Catholicism, John Henry, Cardinal Newman (2001, 2004, 2007) and G. K. Chesterton (1986, new ed., 2001). *Among Jaki's books not mentioned by Giostra but of interest to readers of this journal are The Origin of Science and the Science of its Origin (1979), Angels, Apes, and Men (1988), and Miracles and Physics (2004). For a complete Jaki bibliography, see http://www.sljaki.com/. *No translator is identified in the book under review; my guess is that Giostra, an Italian, was writing in English. Although generally clear and correct, the book contains enough small errors and infelicities to suggest that the services of a professional translator were not used. Not counting blank, title, and contents pages, this book has but 128 pages, including lots of block quotations. *For those unfamiliar with Jaki's work and not too interested in detailed studies in the history and philosophy of science and religion, this introduction is a decent start--and perhaps an end point as well. I strongly encourage curious readers to consult Jaki's own books, including his intellectual autobiography A Mind's Matter (2002). For other scholarly English-language perspectives on his work, see Paul Haffner, Creation and Scientific Creativity: A Study in the Thought of S. L. Jaki (2nd ed., 2009); Science and Orthodoxy [special issue of the Saint Austin Review on Jaki], vol. 14, no. 3 (2014); and Paul Carr and Paul Arveson, eds., Stanley Jaki Foundation International Congress 2015 (2020). *Reviewed by Paul Fayter, a retired pastor and historian of Victorian science and theology, who lives in Hamilton, Ontario.

Who was Clara?By Kaj ThaningIn this essay the author describes his search for Clara Bolton and her acquaintance with among others Benjamin Disraeli and the priest, Alexander d’Arblay, a son of the author, Fanny Burney. He gives a detailed account of Clara Bolton and leaves no doubt about the deep impression she made on Grundtvig, even though he met her and spoke to her only once in his life at a dinner party in London on June 24th 1830. Kaj Thaning has dedicated his essay to Dr. Oscar Wood, Christ Church College, Oxford, and explains why: “Just 30 years ago, while one of my daughters was working for Dr. Oscar Wood, she asked him who “Mrs. Bolton” was. Grundtvig speaks of her in a letter to his wife dated June 25th 1830. Through the Disraeli biographer, Robert Blake, Dr. Wood discovered her identity, so I managed to add a footnote to my thesis (p. 256). She was called Clara! The Disraeli archives, once preserved in Disraeli’s home at Hughenden Manor but now in the British Museum, contain a bundle of letters which Dr. Wood very kindly copied for me. The letters fall into three groups, the middle one being from June 1832, when Clara Bolton was campaigning, in vain, for Disraeli’s election to parliament. Her husband was the Disraeli family doctor, and through him she wrote her first letter to Benjamin Disraeli, asking for his father’s support for her good friend, Alexander d’Arblay, a theology graduate, in his application for a position. This led to the young Disraeli asking her to write to him at his home at Bradenham. There are therefore a group of letters from before June 1832. Similarly there are a number of letters from a later date, the last being from November 1832”.The essay is divided into three sections: 1) Clara Bolton and Disraeli, 2) The break between them, 3) Clara Bolton and Alexander d’Arblay. The purpose of the first two sections is to show that the nature of Clara Bolton’s acquaintance with Disraeli was otherwise than has been previously assumed. She was not his lover, but his political champion. The last section explains the nature of her friendship with Alex d’Arblay. Here she was apparently the object of his love, but she returned it merely as friendship in her attempt to help him to an appointment and to a suitable lifelong partner. He did acquire a new position but died shortly after. There is a similarity in her importance for both Grundtvig and d’Arblay in that they were both clergymen and poets. Disraeli and Grundtvig were also both writers and politicians.At the age of 35 Clara Bolton died, on June 29th 1839 in a hotel in Le Havre, according to the present representative of the Danish Institute in Rouen, Bent Jørgensen. She was the daughter of Michael Peter Verbecke and Clarissa de Brabandes, names pointing to a Flemish background. On the basis of archive studies Dr. Michael Hebbert has informed the author that Clara’s father was a merchant living in Bread Street, London, between 1804 and 1807. In 1806 a brother was born. After 1807 the family disappears from the archives, and Clara’s letters reveal nothing about her family. Likewise the circumstances of her death are unknown.The light here shed on Clara Bolton’s life and personality is achieved through comprehensive quotations from her letters: these are to be found in the Danish text, reproduced in English.Previous conceptions of Clara’s relationship to Disraeli have derived from his business manager, Philip Rose, who preserved the correspondence between them and added a commentary in 1885, after Disraeli’s death. He it is who introduces the rumour that she may have been Disraeli’s mistress. Dr. Wood, however, doubts that so intimate a relationship existed between them, and there is much in the letters that directly tells against it. The correspondence is an open one, open both to her husband and to Disraeli’s family. As a 17-year-old Philip Rose was a neighbour of Disraeli’s family at Bradenham and a friend of Disraeli’s younger brother, Ralph, who occasionally brought her letters to Bradenham. It would have been easy for him to spin some yarn about the correspondence. In her letters Clara strongly advocates to Disraeli that he should marry her friend, Margaret Trotter. After the break between Disraeli and Clara it was public knowledge that Lady Henrietta Sykes became his mistress, from 1833 to 1836. Her letters to him are of a quite different character, being extremely passionate. Yet Philip Rose’s line is followed by the most recent biographers of Disraeli: the American, Professor B. R. Jerman in The Young Disraeli (1960), the English scholar Robert Blake, in Disraeli (1963) and Sarah Bradford in Disraeli (1983). They all state that Clara Bolton was thought to be Disraeli’s mistress, also by members of his own family. Blake believes that the originator of this view was Ralph Disraeli. It is accepted that Clara Bolton 7 Grundtvig Studier 1985 was strongly attracted to Disraeli, to his manner, his talents, his writing, and not least to his eloquence during the 1832 election campaign. But nothing in her letters points to a passionate love affair.A comparison can be made with Henrietta Sykes’ letters, which openly burn with love. Blake writes of Clara Bolton’s letters (p. 75): “There is not the unequivocal eroticism that one finds in the letters from Henrietta Sykes.” In closing one of her letters Clara writes that her husband, George Buckley Bolton, is waiting impatiently for her to finish the letter so that he can take it with him.She wants Disraeli married, but not to anybody: “You must have a brilliant star like your own self”. She writes of Margaret Trotter: “When you see M. T. you will feel so inspired you will write and take her for your heroine... ” (in his novels). And in her last letter to Disraeli (November 18th 1832) she says: “... no one thing could reconcile me more to this world of ill nature than to see her your wife”. The letter also mentions a clash she has had with a group of Disraeli’s opponents. It shows her temperament and her supreme skill, both of which command the respect of men. No such bluestockings existed in Denmark at the time; she must have impressed Grundtvig.Robert Blake accepts that some uncertainty may exist in the evaluation of letters which are 150 years old, but he finds that they “do in some indefinable way give the impression of brassiness and a certain vulgarity”. Thaning has told Blake his view of her importance for Grundtvig, and this must have modified Blake’s portrait. He writes at least: “... she was evidently not stupid, and she moved in circles which had some claim to being both intellectual and cosmopolitan.”He writes of the inspiration which Grundtvig owed to her, and he concludes: “There must have been more to her than one would deduce by reading her letters and the letters about her in Disraeli’s papers.” - She spoke several languages, and moved in the company of nobles and ambassadors, politicians and literary figures, including John Russell, W.J.Fox, Eliza Flower, and Sarah Adams.However, from the spring of 1833 onwards it is Henrietta Sykes who portrays Clara Bolton in the Disraeli biographies, and naturally it is a negative portrait. The essay reproduces in English a quarrel between them when Sir Francis Sykes was visiting Clara, and Lady Sykes found him there. Henrietta Sykes regards the result as a victory for herself, but Clara’s tears are more likely to have been shed through bitterness over Disraeli, who had promised her everlasting friendship and “unspeakable obligation”. One notes that he did not promise her love. Yet despite the quarrel they all three dine together the same evening, they travel to Paris together shortly afterwards, and Disraeli comes to London to see the them off. The trip however was far from idyllic. The baron and Clara teased Henrietta. Later still she rented a house in fashionable Southend and invited Disraeli down. Sir Francis, however, insisted that the Boltons should be invited too. The essay includes Blake’s depiction of “the curious household” in Southend, (p. 31).In 1834 Clara Bolton left England and took up residence at a hotel in the Hague. A Rotterdam clergyman approached Disraeli’s vicar and he turned to Disraeli’s sister for information about the mysterious lady, who unaccompanied had settled in the Hague, joined the church and paid great attention to the clergy. She herself had said that she was financing her own Sunday School in London and another one together with the Disraeli family. In her reply Sarah Disraeli puts a distance between the family and Clara, who admittedly had visited Bradenham five years before, but who had since had no connection with the family. Sarah is completely loyal to her brother, who has long since dropped Clara. By the time the curious clergyman had received this reply, Clara had left the Hague and arrived at Dover, where she once again met Alexander d’Arblay.Alex was born in 1794, the son of a French general who died in 1818, and Fanny Burney. She was an industrious correspondent; as late as 1984 the 12th and final volume of her Journals and Letters was published. Jens Peter .gidius, a research scholar at Odense University, has brought to Dr Thaning’s notice a book about Fanny Burney by Joyce Hemlow, the main editor of the letters. In both the book and the notes there is interesting information about Clara Bolton.In the 12th volume a note (p. 852) reproduces a letter characterising her — in a different light from the Disraeli biographers. Thaning reproduces the note (pp. 38-39). The letter is written by Fanny Burney’s half-sister, Sarah Harriet Burney, and contains probably the only portrait of her outside the Disraeli biographies.It is now easier to understand how she captivated Grundtvig: “very handsome, immoderately clever, an astrologer, even, that draws out... Nativities” — “... besides poetry-mad... very entertaining, and has something of the look of a handsome witch. Lady Combermere calls her The Sybil”. The characterisation is not the letter-writer’s but that of her former pupil, Harriet Crewe, born in 1808, four years after Clara Bolton. A certain distance is to be seen in the way she calls Clara “poetry-mad”, and says that she has “conceived a fancy for Alex d’Arblay”.Thaning quotes from a letter by Clara to Alex, who apparently had proposed to her, but in vain (see his letter to her and the reply, pp. 42-43). Instead she pointed to her friend Mary Ann Smith as a possible wife. This is the last letter known in Clara’s handwriting and contradicts talk of her “vulgarity”. However, having become engaged to Mary Ann Alex no longer wrote to her and also broke off the correspondence with his mother, who had no idea where he had gone. His cousin wrote to her mother that she was afraid that he had “some Chére Amie”. “The charges are unjust,” says Thaning. “It was a lost friend who pushed him off. This seems to be borne out by a poem which has survived (quoted here on p. 45), and which includes the lines: “But oh young love’s impassioned dream /N o more in a worn out breast may glow / Nor an unpolluted stream / From a turgid fountain flow.””Alex d’Arblay died in loneliness and desperation shortly afterwards. Dr. Thaning ends his summary: “I can find no other explanation for Alexander d’Arblay’s fate than his infatuation with Clara Bolton. In fact it can be compared to Grundtvig’s. For Alex the meeting ended with “the pure stream” no longer flowing from its source. For Grundtvig, on the other hand the meeting inspired the lines in The Little Ladies: Clara’s breath opened the mouth, The rock split and the stream flowed out.”

Kepler had a large and varied correspondence. Among his astrological correspondents was David Fabricius (9 March 1564 – 7 May 1617), a Lutheran pastor in northwest Germany who was an accomplished astrologer and astronomer (known for discovering the first variable star, and a treatise written, with his son, on sunspots). Kepler’s correspondence on astrology with Fabricius is interesting for a number of reasons. First, he discusses the both the philosophical and the physical components of astrology. Fabricius is clearly more wedded to a traditional astrology, one which Kepler is seeking to modify. Thus he acts as a foil for Kepler. Secondly, Fabricius and Kepler discuss personal horoscopy, in which Fabricius interprets Kepler’s chart and Kepler, in turn, gives Fabricius astrological advice. So we see both theory and practice in this correspondence. As an added bonus, Kepler’s list of his achievements (which he sent to Fabricius as part of the chart interpretation) allow us to date precisely certain events in Kepler’s life, such as his meeting with Tycho Brahe, his promotions and how he was affected by the counter-reformation (e.g., when all Protestants were expelled from Graz, Kepler among them). It may be partially because of the expulsion that Kepler developed his friendship with Tycho, which had momentous implications for the development of astronomy. In this volume, the correspondence with Fabricius is divided into three sections: one dealing with Kepler’s personal horoscopy (I.1.2), one with Fabricius’s personal horoscopy (III.3) and one with astrological theory (III.2). What follows here is Fabricius’ and Kepler’s discussion of Kepler’s life events as reflected in his birthchart.

Ayurveda is huge and scientific system of healing that is practiced in India. It is appendages of Atharva veda so called as fifth Veda. Ayurveda improves our imbalance Dosha, Dhatwagni and Mahabhuta resulting into proper body constitution with the help of propitious diet and lifestyle. Astrology or Jyotish Vidya studies the influence of cosmic energy of planets on human. It was described in Rigveda & Ayurveda both. In Ayurveda there are many Ratna and Upratna which is being used in the form of Bhasma to cure diseases and that also represents the planetary system of universe and do control over cosmic rays. According to this our lives are strongly influenced by stars and planets. According to Veda, our Karma is directly related to position of planets and stars and thus astrology. In this paper we will see interconnecting relationship of planets and stars with Ayurveda especially with medicinal plants and mineral herbs and how could health be managed. In this article we will see the connection among plants, planets/stars, Dosha, Dhatu, Angavayava and Mahabhuta. And will also see the Sanchay and Prakopa kala of Dosha in the calendar of Ayurveda i.e., Samvatasar.

This section actually precedes the material in the previous section, but has been put here because the techniques discussed are easier to understand when the other material has been introduced first. Kepler provides what he describes as the ‘common teaching of the more renowned astrologers’, i.e. standard astrological techniques, for interpreting Rudolf’s astrology in 1602 and 1603. Though he later adds his own, personal interpretation using techniques he considered valid (see Part I.2.1 above), Kepler did send Rudolf this delineation based on standard techniques (perhaps to cover all the bases?). At the end of this section I have added some of the preliminary notes Kepler made for himself about Rudolf’s astrology, including calculations, and the draft interpretation of the solar returns which was later incorporated into the letter to Rudolf.

Abstract This paper offers a study of Mullā Farīd and Mullā Ṭayyib, two astronomers active in several North Indian courts in the first half of the seventeenth century. The lives and works of these two brothers illustrate the central role of mathematical astronomy and astrology in the science of the time and its use by Indian Muslim nobility. They also document the familiarity of Indian Muslim scholars with Indic astrology and its practice in Muslim milieux. Mathematical astronomy was very much alive in seventeenth-century Mughal India, and Persian-writing scholars were commenting and revising the astronomical data and mathematics transmitted from the Maragha and Samarqand schools of astronomy. Their intellectual activities are also better understood in the context of the avid interest in occult sciences cultivated by early modern Persianate societies, and more particularly by the Mughal court. Mathematical astronomy was nurtured for the precise purpose of casting horoscopes and creating astrological almanacs. Astrological practices in North-Indian courts, including Delhi, the Mughal imperial capital, were evidently mixed and flavoured with elements from both Islamicate and Indic traditions. Knowledge was widely shared across languages and scientific interests went well beyond religious denominations. Crucially too, the exchange between the Persian and the Sanskrit scholastic worlds was sponsored by Mughal patrons and resulted in scientific translations from one language to the other. A closer reading of Mullā Farīd and Mullā Ṭayyib’s Persian works allows us to see that besides their more classical astronomical works, the two brothers shared a common interest in Indic methods of prognostication, in particular muhūrtaśāstra, the science of electing an auspicious moment to perform a certain action. In this paper, we elucidate an intricate dossier on the “bust hours,” an ancient prognostication method popular with Islamicate astrologers. Identified by Islamicate scholars as coming ultimately from India, the source of many features of Islamicate astrology, these bust hours were reinterpreted on Indian soil by Mullā Farīd and Mullā Ṭayyib in light of their first-hand knowledge of muhūrtaśāstra. In this manner, these bust hours came back full circle to the original Indian prognostication practices.

Here we find Kepler’s comparisons of his, his wife’s, his son’s and his step-daughter’s birthcharts. It consists of two tables: the first lists the planetary and angle positions of each of the four family members, classified into cardinal, fixed and mutable signs; it is followed by a commentary. The second table compares similar aspects in the charts under discussion, also with commentary. Finally, Kepler speculates on a conception chart, almost certainly for his son Heinrich, again with commentary. The text is particularly interesting because it gives insight into the way that Kepler went about interpreting a chart, and into the way he compares charts (the modern astrological term for this is ‘synastry’). Unfortunately, since it was clearly written only for Kepler’s use, it is quite terse and difficult to decipher. However, there are parallels between this text and a series of letters Kepler wrote to Michael Mastlin, in which Kepler compares his own and his son Heinrich’s charts, as well as Mastlin’s and his son August’s charts (see Part I.1.4 in this volume). No date of composition is given; it may have been written around the time of Heinrich’s birth in early 1598 or, alternatively, after the death of Barbara Kepler in 1611 (see p. 61, ‘Son’s mother is going to die’). Taken from Gesammelte Werke 21, 2.2, pp. 41-45. Note: because of the table format, I have left the astrological glyphs as they appear, without writing them out. In the commentaries to the tables, I have written out the names, with the glyph used shown in square brackets. [GW 21,2.2, p. 41].

Abstracttitle RIASSUNTO /title L'occasionale presenza negli inventari di collezioni di strumenti scientifici antichi di occorrenze recanti la scritta opus Falconi ha destato poco interesse in passato tra i collezionisti e i?CTRLerr type="1" mess="Doute Cars isoles avec recollage" ? curatori a causa della scarsit di notizie su questo costruttore. Una ricerca condotta a tempo debito sull'identit di Falconi ha confermato che questo costruttore di orologi e di strumenti astronomici era originario delle valli del Bergamasco, in Lombardia, e che fu attivo intorno alle prime decadi del sec. XVI.

Rock et al. (this issue) used a Drake-like equation to provide an estimate of the mathematical likelihood of survival of consciousness after death based on combining a number of probability guestimates. Although it is refreshing to see a mathematical paper within transpersonal psychology, as this subdiscipline of psychology suffers from a shortage of quantitative research, it is uncertain whether this contribution is good, bad, or not-even-wrong science. The original Drake equation, and its derivative Drake-like equation spinoffs, have been criticized for combining numbers that produce results that lack meaning and thereby perhaps can be seen as using pseudomathematics. This concern is discussed in relationship to problems related to romantic scientism within transpersonal science, including methodolatry involved in privileging qualitative over quantitative approaches. Self-expansiveness is discussed as an example of transpersonal psychology appropriately using good science, while the critical positivity ratio is discussed as an example of bad science, and astrology is discussed as an example of pseudoscience that is not-even-wrong. Questions are raised about the proper use and the misuse of mathematics within the transpersonal area, and comment is made about advances in mathematics that might become useful within transpersonal psychology.

Dhatusaratvaparikshan is one of the basic principles comprehend in DashvidhaAaturpariksha (tenfold examination). It is one of the way by which we can assess stoutness of Dhatu of an individual. As far as Ayurvedic literature is concerned we can see ready references regarding description of Dhatusarta. Charaka has described peculiarities of sara in detail whereas Susruta has described it a pattern of one line for each sara. Vagbhata has described Sara in scattered way in which no particular sara has been mentioned we have to assume it in elsewhere description such as signs of Dirghaushywaan Purusha (signs of long life). Kashypa Samhita gives us little but important clue regarding clinical importance of sara; unfortunately after having description regarding Rasasara and Raktasara there is a discontinuation and further description is unavailable. For rejuvenation of own science it is our duty to have a review in different streams in order to find out new references and information. Brihatsamhita is an informative compendium composed by Aacharya Varahamihir which is mainly based on description of Astrology and Vastushastra (Architecture). In 68th chapter of this compendium Dhatusarta has been described. Though the topic is in a concise form; it gives certain ideas regarding sarata and some additional peculiarities are also available which will help to person from ancient science stream. This article has been enlightened on typical and unique features described by Varahamihira about Dhatusarata.

The treatise on directions is among the most difficult material in this collection of Kepler’s astrological writings, in terms of both translation and comprehension. Aside from discovering what Kepler is doing astrologically, many sentences in the treatise have to be read carefully to be fully understood. This is not astrology writing (or reading!) for the faint-hearted. We need to keep in mind that this treatise was never formally published; it exists only in this manuscript form. When Kepler uses the term ‘directions’ in this treatise, he does not always mean primary directions, as in the style of Ptolemy. Although he is comparing primary, or diurnal, motion to secondary, or zodiacal motion, Kepler’s system in general is more or less what modern astrologers would call secondary progressions, using a day for a year symbolism. But in his worked examples (in ‘On Directions’ these include his own chart and those of his children Heinrich and Susanna; and elsewhere the chart of Rudolf II1 ), he appears to be using, at different times, a variation on quotidian progressions, secondary progressions using solar arc in right ascension, and solar arc directions. He uses (mostly) right ascension for the Midheaven, oblique ascension for the Ascendant, and solar arc for both the Sun and the Moon. He does not direct any other planets. Greater detail of the way Kepler analysed directions can be found in his interpretation of Rudolf II’s chart. Kepler seems to take some standard techniques and improvise on them. He is not really ‘making things up’ but rather pushing against the boundary of standard techniques, just as he did in his work with aspects. It appears that Kepler’s techniques were 1) modifications of Ptolemaic ones, 2) modifications of Regiomontanus and 3) modifications of his mentor Tycho’s system, which appears to be similar to the modern idea of secondary progressions, though they are called directions. We can see this from the table at the end of Kepler’s interpretations of Rudolf II’s chart (see Part I.2.1, p. 100 in this volume). If we are to take anything away from this treatise, it is that Kepler privileges the motion of the Sun in developing a system for directions. But neither does he neglect the importance of the Moon, the Ascendant and the Midheaven. It is also striking how much emphasis he places on the relationship between the day, the month and the year, and how the present and the past intertwine. As Kepler eloquently puts it, ‘life is a multiplication of the first breath’. For the notes to this section, I am indebted to the astrological expertise of Joseph Crane, Nadine Harris, Bernadette Brady and Geoffrey Cornelius, who helped me immensely. For translation and palaeographic assistance, I am also indebted to Charles Burnett.

In Huseyngulu Aliyev's works, we always see the successful expression of harsh color transitions, tonal spots, light effects, instant glare in the formation of dynamism, as well as the artist's unique creative position with different compositional structures in the more exciting presentation of these effects. In his work "Molla Nasreddin", which is currently preserved in a private collection in Norway, the artist expressed the deep expression of dynamism in the composition, both in the intensity of movements, sudden jumps, hymns of speed, and the contrasting transition of colors from light to dark or vice versa. It is interesting to recreate the artistic solution of the instantaneous plot in which the fruit of the old man, sitting on a fast-running donkey, spreads in the air and begins to scatter in the air. The clear language of caricatures created by Huseyngulu Aliyev, which combines both matte and bright tones of colors such as green, yellow and brown, is very thought-provoking due to their mobility and dynamism. Created in 1993, the interesting language of expression of the works, which is a vivid example of the idea mentioned in the cartoons with ink and pen, attracts attention. In "Unsuccesfull" the intention of a thief in a black mask to plunder the country, but before that the looting of these places ended in the failure of his plan. The astonishment of the robber looking at the empty baskets and glasses scattered on the ground makes it possible to imagine the facial features he covers. The clear language of caricatures created by Huseyngulu Aliyev is also very thought-provoking due to their mobility and dynamism. Created in 1993, the interesting language of expression of the works, which is a vivid example of the idea mentioned in the cartoons with ink and pen, attracts attention. In "Unsuccesfull" the intention of a thief in a black mask to plunder the country, but before that the looting of these places ended in the failure of his plan.The astonishment of the robber looking at the empty baskets and glasses scattered on the ground makes it possible to imagine the facial features he covers. Among the graphic examples created in the mentioned period, the unique composition of the work "Roads" attracts the attention of the audience with its interesting composition, which has a great meaning. The artist sang the song of a long way with the movement of crowded people in the same direction. The march of people who join the movement on an empty background expresses their common thinking and will. Here, the artist has successfully implemented mass thinking, not where and why the roads go. It is well-known that art, which came to art by chance, but managed to introduce itself in any way, has gained popularity in our time. The artist's very interesting and humorous composition in his caricature "Patriot of art" created about 20 years ago is dedicated to this type of "artists". The stage hymn of the performance of a long-eared man holding his tambourine in his hands in an artistic form clearly expresses the artist's purpose. The solution of the symbolic meaning given to some scenes of life by the artist using folk sayings in the unique compositional structure gives the basis to evaluate the artist's creativity by presenting it in a different form in each work. For example, in his 2001 work, “They Make the Old Moon a Star”, he praised an astrologer sitting on his back with his head cut off and turning the old moon into a star in the sky. The artist was referring to people who were ungrateful and apostate (Figure 2.91). In Huseyngulu Aliyev's caricatures, artistic exaggerations, different assessments of events or directing them in accordance with the content of the work are of interest as creative extraordinary creative discoveries. For example, the artist, who turned a fragment from the world-famous sculptor Auguste Rodin's "The Thinker" into the content of the painting, watched the two snakes collide, fight, and try to poison each other, thinking deeply about world events. Here, the sharpness of the artistic generalization in such a difficult scene as the destruction of the same sex makes the viewer think (Figure 2.96).

"No doubt we will see more 'pictorial tributes' to the late Diana, Princess of Wales in the weeks and months ahead from those editors who not even a month ago thought nothing of plastering Diana and Dodi's 'holiday snaps' across the front pages of their publications." (Evans 3) This type of comment rarely appeared in the media following the death of Diana, yet was vigorously whispered behind the hands of cynical magazine readers. Much was made of the media's hand in Diana's demise and death, the perfect closure to the narrative of media harrassment, however little was mentioned of the ironic transformation of the construction of Diana by the media after her death. The media, it seems, have manipulated our memory of Diana by adopting a form of a epideictic rhetoric, the eulogy. This rhetorical mode was first proposed by Aristotle and later schematised by Walter Beale. One of the criterial factors of news value, as formulated by Galtung and Ruge, is the reference to élite personalities. This culturally bound factor is said to transform events into news. Fowler (15) considers the reporting of Diana's life to illustrate this news production process well. He suggests that the media semiotically constructed 'Princess Diana' out of a previously unknown aristocratic teenager. Our perception of Diana was a result of the events in her life being deemed 'newsworthy'. Thus, prior to her death, Diana was a bulimic (Berry 70), an unwilling bride, a victim of neglect (Jones 6-7), a flirt, and finally in the week before her death Diana was portrayed as someone lacking moral standards, with newspapers and magazines paying thousands for pictures of Diana and Dodi holidaying together. However, since Diana's death, the image of this person has changed dramatically. The media are altering our memory of Diana through a transformation of her representation. The media have dusted off and printed only the most flattering pictures of the deceased Diana, accompanied by words of praise and awe. For example, many tributes to Diana have included photographic collages which apparently best represent Diana and her life (see for example Time 8 Sept. 97). In fact these photos ideologically construct a perception of Diana which contradicts those produced before her death. Diana has become, Diana, the caring mother of two; Diana, the caring mother of thousands; Diana, the glamorous aristocrat; Diana, the fairytale princess; Diana, the people's princess. Rosenblatt (108) encapsulates all of these images, describing Diana as the antithesis of Death -- Beauty. In more abstract terms, the media may be said to have adopted the epideictic form of rhetoric called the eulogy. Indeed the media representations of Diana post-death appear to eulogise her life -- Diana's eulogy did not end at her funeral! Rhetorician Walter Beale uses J.L. Austin's version of Speech Act Theory to describe the function of an epideictic form such as a eulogy. In Beale's theory of the epideictic, an underlying Speech Act performative is isolated and identified as the function of the text (233). In terms of the eulogy, Beale identifies the performative nucleus of this form as praise. This use of praise is not new. Aristotle (I 3.6) developed an early theory of the epideictic in which he suggested that attributes of a person must be amplified to the highest level of praise in the eulogy. Indeed, the accounts of Diana's life after her death may be generally reduced to the performative Speech Act of praise. The pictures and words employed to describe Diana are produced within this Speech Act in a manner typical of eulogies. Diana is semiotically constructed by the media in a positive light through the performative Speech Act, praise. In a sense, the media are narrowing down the range of images that could represent Diana. No longer do we see the not-so-flattering fuzzy pictures of Diana in swimming togs, but are presented with an 'authorised memory' of this human being. This image is becoming much like the picture of the Queen that hangs in every primary school Principal's office which seemed to reprimand us as children when we were called to The Office. More and more we see the same pictures appearing in magazines and it will be interesting to see what will become the 'authorised memory' of Diana. However it may be predicted that the image will be complimentary and will conform to the Speech Act of praise. The media, it seems, have discarded the old Diana, amplifying her physical and personal characteristics to the level of perfection. She has become the epitome of purity and it is through these flawless images that Diana is immortalised in our memories -- as Diana, the "People's Princess". The media have responded to public criticism concerning their part in Diana's death. By lavishing Diana with praise and eulogising her life, the media have given Diana life again in our memories. References Aristotle. The Art of Rhetoric. Trans. J.H. Freese. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1975. Beale, Walter. "Rhetorical Performative Discourse: A New Theory of Epideictic." Philosophy and Rhetoric 11.4 (1978): 221-47. Berry, Wendy. "My Highgrove Hell." Woman's Day 7 Aug. 1995: 68-72. Evans, Lucy. "Diana, Princess of Wales." The Who Weekly 29 Sept. 1997: 3. Fowler, Roger. Language in the News. London: Routledge, 1991. Galtung, Johan, and Mari Ruge. "Structuring and Selecting News." The Manufacture of News: Social Problems, Deviance and the Mass Media. Eds. Stanley Cohen and Jock Young. Rev. ed. London: Constable, 1981. Jones, Garry. "Amazing Confessions of Di's Astrologer." Woman's Day 4 Dec. 1995: 6-7. Rosenblatt, Roger. "Beauty Dies." Time: The Weekly Newsmagazine 8 Sept. 1997: 108. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Felicity Meakins. "'They Will Be the Death of Diana': Memory and the Media." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1.2 (1998). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9808/diana.php>. Chicago style: Felicity Meakins, "'They Will Be the Death of Diana': Memory and the Media," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1, no. 2 (1998), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9808/diana.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Felicity Meakins. (199x) "They will be the death of Diana": memory and the media. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 1(2). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9808/diana.php> ([your date of access]).

There are three stages in internet dating: first, the emailing back and forth; second, the phone conversation; and third, the meeting for 'coffee'. But before we discuss the three stages, here are some hints about the preliminary work you have to do. At the outset, you have to trawl through the thousands of people who have placed their profiles on the site. This is aided by limiting your search to a certain age spread, and your city or region. Then you can narrow it down further by checking educational background, whether they have kids, whether they write in New Age jargon, etc You have to try to assess, from their self-descriptions, which ones are likely to be compatible. You also scrutinise their photos, of course, as they will yours — but don't trust these images entirely — more on that later. Self-description. Almost without exception, women and men who describe their main interests as 'romantic walks on the beach and candle-lit dinners' have no real interests and as much personality as a lettuce. Those who say what matters to them is "good food and wine with a classy guy/lady" have a personality, but it's a repugnant one. Here is a useful binary opposition that could provide a useful key to gauging compatibility: people vary in terms of their degree of interiority and exteriority. People with interiority have the ability to think a little abstractly, can discuss emotions, probably read books as well as watch films. They analyse life rather than just describing it. People mainly given to exteriority find their pleasure in doing things — like boating or nightclubs or golf. They see themselves in the world in a different way. Of course, we are all a mixture of the two — and perhaps the best bet is someone who isn't at one extreme end of the spectrum or the other. Useful tip 1. The 'spiritual woman': for reasons unclear, and despite the fact that Australia is one of the most pagan nations on Earth, a disproportionate number of women, rather than men, claim to be religious. Perhaps because in general, women are still more inclined to interiority than men. But most religious women don't expect a partner to be. Instead, the people to be very careful about are the New Agers — they are a large and growing sub-group and apparently spend much of their time devouring books on spirituality, personal growth and self-love. If you have any sort of intellect, or are just a middling humanist who occasionally ponders "Is this all there is? " these people will drive you nuts with their vague platitudes about knowing their inner child. On the other hand, if they seem terrific in all other respects, you can probably gain their respect by saying in a reflective manner, "Is this all there is?" If you can arrange to be gazing at the star-stained night sky while saying this, all the better. This may seem calculating, but we are all putting on a performance when courting. A lot of single people have self-esteem and loneliness issues, and a personal God, the universe, and astrology make them feel less lonely. Useful tip 2: say that although you don't subscribe to mainstream religion, you feel close to some kind of spirituality when gardening — and add how you love to plant herbs. Some okay herbs to mention are: Rosemary, Thyme, Sage. Chuck a couple of these weed-like green things in your garden just in case. Useful tip 3: no matter what else you do, at all costs avoid anyone who smacks of fundamentalism. This cohort takes the Bible literally, think dinosaurs roamed the planet only a few years before Shakespeare, want gay people to admit they are an abomination - and above all, fundos cannot be reasoned with — not in your lifetime. They are deeply insecure and frightened people — which is sad, so be sympathetic to their plight - but don't get drawn into the vortex. Besides, talking about the approach of Armageddon every date gets a bit tedious. Education: It is usually best to pick someone who has an approximately similar level of education to yourself. Having a tertiary education often gives a person a different way of seeing themselves, and of perceiving others. On the other hand, it is possible to do a five year degree in a narrow professional area and know nothing at all useful about human beings and how they operate. (Ref: engineers, dentists, gynaecologists). There are high school graduates who are better-read and more intelligent than most products of a university. So it is up to the individual case. It is a plus to be interested in your partner's work, but not essential. It can be a minus to be in the same field. Ask yourself this: if you were living with this person and you asked them at night how their day had been, would the answer send you to sleep in less than a minute? A lovely man or woman who is an accountant will likely wax lyrical about having just discovered a $245 error in a billing data base. Their face will be flushed with pride. Can your respond appropriately? How often? Or the love of your life may work in an oncology ward, and regale you with the daily triumph of removing sputum from the chests of the moribund. Are you strong enough for that? And worst of all, you may go out with a writer or poet, who regularly drones on about how their rival always gets friendly reviews from his/her newspaper mates, even though they write books full of derivative, precious crap. Sense of humour (SOH): Most men and women will claim in their profile to have a sense of humour — to love to laugh — and, surprisingly often, to have a 'wicked sense of humour'. This is a difficult personal quality to get a bearing on. You may yourself be the kind of person who tricks themselves into thinking their date has a great sense of humour simply because they laughed at your jokes. That is not having a SOH. Having a SOH is possessing the ability to make others laugh — it is active as well as passive. Do they make you laugh? Are their emails touched with wit and whimsy — or just shades of cute? Is one of their close friends, the one who actually possesses a SOH, helping write their emails? It has been known to happen. You will gain a better sense of the SOH situation during the phone call, and definitely during the coffee. Interests: Most internet websites give people the chance to describe themselves by jotting down their favourite music, books, movies, sport. Often this is pretty much all you will know about what interests them, and it is an imperfect instrument. Many internet dating women say they like all music except heavy metal. Why there is this pervasive, gut-wrenching female fear of the E, A and B chords played loudly is a mystery. Anyway, some of those bands even throw in a G or C#m. But who cares. If you are a bloke, hide your Acca Dacca CDs and buy some world music CDs. New Agers of either sex will have collections full of warbling pan pipes, waterfalls and bird calls. If they are a great person in other respects, then you'll just have to get used to the flock of magpies and whip birds in the dining or bedroom. Photographs: Now, the photo on the profile is only a vague guide. It is useful for confirming the person belongs to homo sapiens, but not a lot else. Some people get a professional pic taken, but most include happy snaps, and that is a blow struck for candidness. The more the photo looks like a "glamour" shot, the softer the focus, the less reliable it is. You can get some idea of whether someone is attractive, handsome, cute or weird from the photo. But — and this is really important — they will always look different in the flesh. They will have grown a beard, cut or streaked their hair, and you will for the first time notice they have a nose the size of the AMP building. Fortunately for men, though women are not oblivious to the looks factor, they tend to be more tolerant and less shallow about it. There is a recent trend for women and men with children to put he most attractive and least manic one in the profile photo with them. This signifies: a) love me, love my kid, because I'm proud of James/Jessica/Jade; b) family values; c) at least my kid only has one head. Stage One. The first stage is in some ways the most enjoyable. It is low risk, low stress, you have the pleasurable experience of a comfortable adventure. There is anticipation, getting to know someone, being complimented on your fascinating emails and witty humour (if it's going well), and all the while wearing an old t-shirt and dirty, checked shorts or fluffy slippers. There is the extreme luxury of re-inventing yourself, of telling your favourite story (your own life-story) again and again to a new audience, the little joys of self-disclosures, the discoveries of like-interests, the occasion when they add at the bottom of their letter "looking forward to hearing from you soon". The writing stage is where you try to establish whether you have intellectual, emotional and cultural compatibility — and whether the person is sincere and relatively well-balanced (I stress 'relatively' — no one is perfect). The discovery process is one of exchanging increasingly personal information — work history, enthusiasms and dislikes, family background. She will want to know whether you are 'over' your last girlfriend/partner/wife. Not surprisingly. A lot of internet men are still bitter about their ex — either that, or they rave on about the saintliness of their ex. If encouraged, women will also tell you about the bastard who refused to pay maintenance. There are clearly a lot of those bastards out there. Both of these practices are unwise on the first coffee if you don't want to scare your potential partner off. In reality, you probably are still seething with hurt and injustice as a result of your last dumping, and maybe even the one before that. You may lie in bed at night thinking nostalgically of your ex's face — but this is a dark secret which you must never reveal. People will ask you to be open, but they don't want that open. Involve your friends: without exception, your close friends will enjoy being part of the process when you are deciding which men or women to contact on the internet. You first make a long short list by browsing through the hundreds of profiles. Print off those profiles, then get your friends to sort through them with you. If you have experience in being on selection panels for jobs, this will help. It is a quite complex matter of weighing up a whole range of variables. For example, candidate A will be gorgeous and sexy, have compatible interests, bearable taste in music, be the right age, but have two small children and live on the other side of town. Candidate B will be less attractive, but still look pretty good, have no children, and a very interesting job. Candidate C will be attractive, have two teenage children with whom he/she shares custody, a worthy but dull job, but seems to have an especially self-aware and witty personality. It's tough work rating these profiles, and the best you can do is whittle them down to a top three, and write to all of them. In the emailing stage, you will get more data to either enhance or diminish their desirability. And remember, no one is perfect: if you find someone with a beautiful brain and body who loves Celine Dion — just put up with it. As Buddhists point out, suffering cannot be avoided if you are to live a full life. But let your friends help you with that selection process — they will remind you of important issues that somehow escape your attention; such as: you really don't like other people's children in reality, just in theory. The last time you went out with someone who was newly broken up or divorced he/she hadn't got over his/her girlfriend/husband. Anyone who describes themselves as a 'passionate playmate' is probably unbalanced and tries to find male/female acceptance through over-sexualising or infantalising themselves. It means nothing that someone describes their children as "beautiful" — all mothers/fathers think that, even of the most ghastly, moronic offspring. You really don't like nightclubs any more and you are an awkward dancer. The last time you fell in love with, and tried to rescue, someone with serious emotional 'issues', it led to unimaginable misery, and you swore in future to leave such rescues to the professionals. And so on. Listen to your friends — they know you. And your bad choices impinge on their lives too. Writing is a powerful means of constructing a 'self' to project to others. There is a Thomas Hardy story about a young man who meets a beautiful girl at a fair — but he must return to London. They agree to write to each other. Only the beautiful girl is illiterate, so she asks her employer, an older woman, to ghost-write her love letters to the young man, and the employer kindly agrees. The young man falls in love with the soul and mind of the sensitive and intelligent writer of the letters and assumes the beautiful young girl has authored them. The employer also falls in love with him through his letters. Only on the day he marries the girl does he discover that he has married the wrong woman. This tale tells us about the richness of the written word, but it omits an important point — you can be intrigued and drawn to someone through his or her e-mails, but find on meeting him or her that there is no chemistry at all. Works Cited This creative non-fiction article was based on primary research. The largest Australian internet dating service is RSVP (www.rsvp.com.au). I mainly used that for my research and ensuing coffees/participant observation. There are other sites I checked out, including: www.datenet.com.au www.AussieMatchMaker.com.au www.findsomeone.com.au www.VitalPartners.com.au www.personals.yahoo.com.au There are also internet dating site guides such as: www.shoptheweb.com.au/dating.shtml www.theinternetdatingguide.com www.moonlitwalks.com www.singlesites.com/Australian_Dating.htm Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Neilsen, Philip. "An extract from 'The Internet of Love'" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.6 (2002). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/internet.php>. APA Style Neilsen, P., (2002, Nov 20). An extract from "The Internet of Love". M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 5,(6). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/internet.html

Introduction The first “Aquarius Festival” came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971 and was reprised in 1973 in the small rural town of Nimbin, in northern New South Wales. Both events reflected the Zeitgeist in what was, in some ways, an inchoate expression of the so-called “counterculture” (Roszak). Rather than attempting to analyse the counterculture as a discrete movement with a definable history, I enlist the theory of cultural memes to read the counter culture as a Dawkinsian cluster meme, with this paper offered as “testimonio”, a form of quasi-political memoir that views shifts in the culture through the lens of personal experience (Zimmerman, Yúdice). I track an evolving personal, “internal” topography and map its points of intersection with the radical social, political and cultural changes spawned by the “consciousness revolution” that was an integral part of the counterculture emerging in the 1970s. I focus particularly on the notion of “consciousness raising”, as a Dawkinsian memetic replicator, in the context of the idealistic notions of the much-heralded “New Age” of Aquarius, and propose that this meme has been a persistent feature of the evolution of the “meme cluster” known as the counterculture. Mimesis and the Counterculture Since evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins floated the notion of cultural memes as a template to account for the evolution of ideas within political cultures, a literature of commentary and criticism has emerged that debates the strengths and weaknesses of his proposed model and its application across a number of fields. I borrow the notion to trace the influence of a set of memes that clustered around the emergence of what writer Marilyn Ferguson called The Aquarian Conspiracy, in her 1980 book of that name. Ferguson’s text, subtitled Personal and Social Transformation in Our Time, was a controversial attempt to account for what was known as the “New Age” movement, with its late millennial focus on social and personal transformation. That focus leads me to approach the counterculture (a term first floated by Theodore Roszak) less as a definable historical movement and more as a cluster of aspirational tropes expressing a range of aspects or concerns, from the overt political activism through to experimental technologies for the transformation of consciousness, and all characterised by a critical interrogation of, and resistance to, conventional social norms (Ferguson’s “personal and social transformation”). With its more overtly “spiritual” focus, I read the “New Age” meme, then, as a sub-set of this “cluster meme”, the counterculture. In my reading, “New Age” and “counterculture” overlap, sharing persistent concerns and a broad enough tent to accommodate the serious—the combative political action of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), say, (see Elbaum)—to the light-hearted—the sport of frisbee for example (Stancil). The interrogation of conventional social and political norms inherited from previous generations was a prominent strategy across both movements. Rather than offering a sociological analysis or history of the ragbag counterculture, per se, my discussion here focuses in on the particular meme of “consciousness raising” within that broader set of cultural shifts, some of which were sustained in their own right, some dropping away, and many absorbed into the dominant mainstream culture. Dawkins use of the term “meme” was rooted in the Greek mimesis, to emphasise the replication of an idea by imitation, or copying. He likened the way ideas survive and change in human culture to the natural selection of genes in biological evolution. While the transmission of memes does not depend on a physical medium, such as the DNA of biology, they replicate with a greater or lesser degree of success by harnessing human social media in a kind of “infectivity”, it is argued, through “contagious” repetition among human populations. Dawkins proposed that just as biological organisms could be said to act as “hosts” for replicating genes, in the same way people and groups of people act as hosts for replicating memes. Even before Dawkins floated his term, French biologist Jacques Monod wrote that ideas have retained some of the properties of organisms. Like them, they tend to perpetuate their structure and to breed; they too can fuse, recombine, segregate their content; indeed they too can evolve, and in this evolution selection must surely play an important role. (165, emphasis mine) Ideas have power, in Monod’s analysis: “They interact with each other and with other mental forces in the same brain, in neighbouring brains, and thanks to global communication, in far distant, foreign brains” (Monod, cited in Gleick). Emblematic of the counterculture were various “New Age” phenomena such as psychedelic drugs, art and music, with the latter contributing the “Aquarius” meme, whose theme song came from the stage musical (and later, film) Hair, and particularly the lyric that runs: “This is the dawning of the Age of Aquarius”. The Australian Aquarius Festivals of 1971 and 1973 explicitly invoked this meme in the way identified by Monod and the “Aquarius” meme resonated even in Australia. Problematising “Aquarius” As for the astrological accuracy of the “Age of Aquarius meme”, professional astrologers argue about its dating, and the qualities that supposedly characterise it. When I consulted with two prominent workers in this field for the preparation of this article, I was astonished to find their respective dating of the putative Age of Aquarius were centuries apart! What memes were being “hosted” here? According to the lyrics: When the moon is in the seventh house And Jupiter aligns with Mars Then peace will guide the planets And love will steer the stars. (Hair) My astrologer informants assert that the moon is actually in the seventh house twice every year, and that Jupiter aligns with Mars every two years. Yet we are still waiting for the outbreak of peace promised according to these astrological conditions. I am also informed that there’s no “real” astrological underpinning for the aspirations of the song’s lyrics, for an astrological “Age” is not determined by any planet but by constellations rising, they tell me. Most important, contrary to the aspirations embodied in the lyrics, peace was not guiding the planets and love was not about to “steer the stars”. For Mars is not the planet of love, apparently, but of war and conflict and, empowered with the expansiveness of Jupiter, it was the forceful aggression of a militaristic mind-set that actually prevailed as the “New Age” supposedly dawned. For the hippified summer of love had taken a nosedive with the tragic events at the Altamont speedway, near San Francisco in 1969, when biker gangs, enlisted to provide security for a concert performance by The Rolling Stones allegedly provoked violence, marring the event and contributing to a dawning disillusionment (for a useful coverage of the event and its historical context see Dalton). There was a lot of far-fetched poetic licence involved in this dreaming, then, but memes, according to Nikos Salingaros, are “greatly simplified versions of patterns”. “The simpler they are, the faster they can proliferate”, he writes, and the most successful memes “come with a great psychological appeal” (243, 260; emphasis mine). What could be retrieved from this inchoate idealism? Harmony and understanding Sympathy and trust abounding No more falsehoods or derisions Golden living dreams of visions Mystic crystal revelation And the mind’s true liberation Aquarius, Aquarius. (Hair) In what follows I want to focus on this notion: “mind’s true liberation” by tracing the evolution of this project of “liberating” the mind, reflected in my personal journey. Nimbin and Aquarius I had attended the first Aquarius Festival, which came together in Canberra, at the Australian National University, in the autumn of 1971. I travelled there from Perth, overland, in a Ford Transit van, among a raggedy band of tie-dyed hippie actors, styled as The Campus Guerilla Theatre Troupe, re-joining our long-lost sisters and brothers as visionary pioneers of the New Age of Aquarius. Our visions were fueled with a suitcase full of potent Sumatran “buddha sticks” and, contrary to Biblical prophesies, we tended to see—not “through a glass darkly” but—in psychedelic, pop-, and op-art explosions of colour. We could see energy, man! Two years later, I found myself at the next Aquarius event in Nimbin, too, but by that time I inhabited a totally different mind-zone, albeit one characterised by the familiar, intense idealism. In the interim, I had been arrested in 1971 while “tripping out” in Sydney on potent “acid”, or LSD (Lysergic acid diethylamide); had tried out political engagement at the Pram Factory Theatre in Melbourne; had camped out in protest at the flooding of Lake Pedder in the Tasmanian wilderness; met a young guru, started meditating, and joined “the ashram”—part of the movement known as the Divine Light Mission, which originated in India and was carried to the “West” (including Australia) by an enthusiastic and evangelical following of drug-toking drop-outs who had been swarming through India intent on escaping the dominant culture of the military-industrial complex and the horrors of the Vietnam War. Thus, by the time of the 1973 event in Nimbin, while other festival participants were foraging for “gold top” magic mushrooms in farmers’ fields, we devotees had put aside such chemical interventions in conscious awareness to dig latrines (our “service” project for the event) and we invited everyone to join us for “satsang” in the yellow, canvas-covered, geodesic dome, to attend to the message of peace. The liberation meme had shifted through a mutation that involved lifestyle-changing choices that were less about alternative approaches to sustainable agriculture and more about engaging directly with “mind’s true liberation”. Raising Consciousness What comes into focus here is the meme of “consciousness raising”, which became the persistent project within which I lived and worked and had my being for many years. Triggered initially by the ingestion of those psychedelic substances that led to my shocking encounter with the police, the project was carried forward into the more disciplined environs of my guru’s ashrams. However, before my encounter with sustained spiritual practice I had tried to work the shift within the parameters of an ostensibly political framework. “Consciousness raising” was a form of political activism borrowed from the political sphere. Originally generated by Mao Zedong in China during the revolutionary struggle to overthrow the vested colonial interests that were choking Chinese nationalism in the 1940s, to our “distant, foreign brains” (Monod), as Western revolutionary romantics, Chairman Mao and his Little Red Book were taken up, in a kind of international counterculture solidarity with revolutionaries everywhere. It must be admitted, this solidarity was a fairly superficial gesture. Back in China it might be construed as part of a crude totalitarian campaign to inculcate Marxist-Leninist political ideas among the peasant classes (see Compestine for a fictionalised account of traumatic times; Han Suyin’s long-form autobiography—an early example of testimonio as personal and political history—offers an unapologetic account of a struggle not usually construed as sympathetically by Western commentators). But the meme (and the processes) of consciousness raising were picked up by feminists in the United States in the late 1960s and into the 1970s (Brownmiller 21) and it was in this form I encountered it as an actor with the politically engaged theatre troupe, The Australian Performing Group, at Carlton’s Pram Factory Theatre in late 1971. The Performance Group I performed as a core member of the Group in 1971-72. Decisions as to which direction the Group should take were to be made as a collective, and the group veered towards anarchy. Most of the women were getting together outside of the confines of the Pram Factory to raise their consciousness within the Carlton Women’s Liberation Cell Group. While happy that the sexual revolution was reducing women’s sexual inhibitions, some of the men at the Factory were grumbling into their beer, disturbed that intimate details of their private lives—and their sexual performance—might be disclosed and raked over by a bunch of radical feminists. As they began to demand equal rights to orgasm in the bedroom, the women started to seek equal access within the performance group, too. They requested rehearsal time to stage the first production by the Women’s Theatre Group, newly formed under the umbrella of the wider collective. As all of the acknowledged writers in the Group so far were men—some of whom had not kept pace in consciousness raising—scripts tended to be viewed as part of a patriarchal plot, so Betty Can Jump was an improvised piece, with the performance material developed entirely by the cast in workshop-style rehearsals, under the direction of Kerry Dwyer (see Blundell, Zuber-Skerritt 21, plus various contributors at www.pramfactory.com/memoirsfolder/). I was the only male in the collective included in the cast. Several women would have been more comfortable if no mere male were involved at all. My gendered attitudes would scarcely have withstood a critical interrogation but, as my partner was active in launching the Women’s Electoral Lobby, I was given the benefit of the doubt. Director Kerry Dwyer liked my physicalised approach to performance (we were both inspired by the “poor theatre” of Jerzy Grotowski and the earlier surrealistic theories of Antonin Artaud), and I was cast to play all the male parts, whatever they would be. Memorable material came up in improvisation, much of which made it into the performances, but my personal favorite didn’t make the cut. It was a sprawling movement piece where I was “born” out of a symbolic mass of writhing female bodies. It was an arduous process and, after much heaving and huffing, I emerged from the birth canal stammering “SSSS … SSSS … SSMMMO-THER”! The radical reversioning of culturally authorised roles for women has inevitably, if more slowly, led to a re-thinking of the culturally approved and reinforced models of masculinity, too, once widely accepted as entirely biologically ordained rather than culturally constructed. But the possibility of a queer re-versioning of gender would be recognised only slowly. Liberation Meanwhile, Dennis Altman was emerging as an early spokesman for gay, or homosexual, liberation and he was invited to address the collective. Altman’s stirring book, Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation, had recently been published, but none of us had read it. Radical or not, the Group had shown little evidence of sensitivity to gender-queer issues. My own sexuality was very much “oppressed” rather than liberated and I would have been loath to use “queer” to describe myself. The term “homosexual” was fraught with pejorative, quasi-medical associations and, in a collective so divided across strict and sometimes hostile gender boundaries, deviant affiliations got short shrift. Dennis was unsure of his reception before this bunch of apparent “heteros”. Sitting at the rear of the meeting, I admired his courage. It took more self-acceptance than I could muster to confront the Group on this issue at the time. Somewhere in the back of my mind, “homosexuality” was still something I was supposed to “get over”, so I failed to respond to Altman’s implicit invitation to come out and join the party. The others saw me in relationship with a woman and whatever doubts they might have carried about the nature of my sexuality were tactfully suspended. Looking back, I am struck by the number of simultaneous poses I was trying to maintain: as an actor; as a practitioner of an Artaudian “theatre of cruelty”; as a politically committed activist; and as a “hetero”-sexual. My identity was an assemblage of entities posing as “I”; it was as if I were performing a self. Little gay boys are encouraged from an early age to hide their real impulses, not only from others—in the very closest circle, the family; at school; among one’s peers—but from themselves, too. The coercive effects of shaming usually fix the denial into place in our psyches before we have any intellectual (or political) resources to consider other options. Growing up trying to please, I hid my feelings. In my experience, it could be downright dangerous to resist the subtle and gross coercions that applied around gender normativity. The psychoanalyst D. W. Winnicott, of the British object-relations school, argues that when the environment does not support the developing personality and requires the person to sacrifice his or her own spontaneous needs to adapt to environmental demands, there is not even a resting-place for individual experience and the result is a failure in the primary narcissistic state to evolve an individual. The “individual” then develops as an extension of the shell rather than that of the core [...] What there is left of a core is hidden away and is difficult to find even in the most far-reaching analysis. The individual then exists by not being found. The true self is hidden, and what we have to deal with clinically is the complex false self whose function is to keep this true self hidden. (212) How to connect to that hidden core, then? “Mind’s true liberation...” Alienated from the performative version of selfhood, but still inspired by the promise of liberation, even in the “fuzzy” form for which my inchoate hunger yearned (sexual liberation? political liberation? mystical liberation?), I was left to seek out a more authentic basis for selfhood, one that didn’t send me spinning along the roller-coaster of psychedelic drugs, or lie to me with the nostrums of a toxic, most forms of which would deny me, as a sexual, moral and legal pariah, the comforts of those “anchorage points to the social matrix” identified by Soddy (cited in Mol 58). My spiritual inquiry was “counter” to these institutionalised models of religious culture. So, I began to read my way through a myriad of books on comparative religion. And to my surprise, rather than taking up with the religions of antique cultures, instead I encountered a very young guru, initially as presented in a simply drawn poster in the window of Melbourne’s only vegetarian restaurant (Shakahari, in Carlton). “Are you hungry and tired of reading recipe books?” asked the figure in the poster. I had little sense of where that hunger would lead me, but it seemed to promise a fulfilment in ways that the fractious politics of the APG offered little nourishment. So, while many of my peers in the cities chose to pursue direct political action, and others experimented with cooperative living in rural communes, I chose the communal lifestyle of the ashram. In these different forms, then, the conscious raising meme persisted when other challenges raised by the counterculture either faded or were absorbed in the mainstream. I finally came to realise that the intense disillusionment process I had been through (“dis-illusionment” as the stripping away of illusions) was the beginning of awakening, in effect a “spiritual initiation” into a new way of seeing myself and my “place” in the world. Buddhist teachers might encourage this very kind of stripping away of false notions as part of their teaching, so the aspiration towards the “true liberation” of the mind expressed in the Aquarian visioning might be—and in my case, actually has been and continues to be—fulfilled to a very real extent. Gurus and the entire turn towards Eastern mysticism were part of the New Age meme cluster prevailing during the early 1970s, but I was fortunate to connect with an enduring set of empirical practices that haven’t faded with the fashions of the counterculture. A good guitarist would never want to play in public without first tuning her instrument. In a similar way, it is now possible for me to tune my mind back to a deeper, more original source of being than the socially constructed sense of self, which had been so fraught with conflicts for me. I have discovered that before gender, and before sexuality, in fact, pulsing away behind the thicket of everyday associations, there is an original, unconditioned state of beingness, the awareness of which can be reclaimed through focused meditation practices, tested in a wide variety of “real world” settings. For quite a significant period of time I worked as an instructor in the method on behalf of my guru, or mentor, travelling through a dozen or so countries, and it was through this exposure that I was able to observe that the practices worked independently of culture and that “mind’s true liberation” was in many ways a de-programming of cultural indoctrinations (see Marsh, 2014, 2013, 2011 and 2007 for testimony of this process). In Japan, Zen roshi might challenge their students with the koan: “Show me your original face, before you were born!” While that might seem to be an absurd proposal, I am finding that there is a potential, if unexpected, liberation in following through such an inquiry. As “hokey” as the Aquarian meme-set might have been, it was a reflection of the idealistic hope that characterised the cluster of memes that aggregated within the counterculture, a yearning for healthier life choices than those offered by the toxicity of the military-industrial complex, the grossly exploitative effects of rampant Capitalism and a politics of cynicism and domination. The meme of the “true liberation” of the mind, then, promised by the heady lyrics of a 1970s hippie musical, has continued to bear fruit in ways that I could not have imagined. References Altman, Dennis. Homosexual Oppression and Liberation. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1972. Blundell, Graeme. The Naked Truth: A Life in Parts. Sydney: Hachette, 2011. Brownmiller, Susan. In Our Time: Memoir of a Revolution. New York: The Dial Press, 1999. Compestine, Ying Chang. Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party. New York: Square Fish, 2009. Dalton, David. “Altamont: End of the Sixties, Or Big Mix-Up in the Middle of Nowhere?” Gadfly Nov/Dec 1999. April 2014 ‹http://www.gadflyonline.com/archive/NovDec99/archive-altamont.html›. Dawkins, Richard. The Selfish Gene. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1976. Elbaum, Max. Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. London and New York: Verso, 2002. Ferguson, Marilyn. The Aquarian Conspiracy. Los Angeles: Tarcher Putnam, 1980. Gleick, James. “What Defines a Meme?” Smithsonian Magazine 2011. April 2014 ‹http://www.smithsonianmag.com/arts-culture/What-Defines-a Meme.html›. Hair, The American Tribal Love Rock Musical. Prod. Michael Butler. Book by Gerome Ragni and James Rado; Lyrics by Gerome Ragni and James Rado; Music by Galt MacDermot; Musical Director: Galt MacDermot. 1968. Han, Suyin. The Crippled Tree. 1965. Reprinted. Chicago: Academy Chicago P, 1985. ---. A Mortal Flower. 1966. Reprinted. Chicago: Academy Chicago P, 1985. ---. Birdless Summer. 1968. Reprinted. Chicago: Academy Chicago P, 1985. ---. The Morning Deluge: Mao TseTung and the Chinese Revolution 1893-1954. Boston: Little Brown, 1972. ---. My House Has Two Doors. New York: Putnam, 1980. Marsh, Victor. The Boy in the Yellow Dress. Melbourne: Clouds of Magellan Press, 2014. ---. “A Touch of Silk: A (Post)modern Faerie Tale.” Griffith Review 42: Once Upon a Time in Oz (Oct. 2013): 159-69. ---. “Bent Kid, Straight World: Life Writing and the Reconfiguration of ‘Queer’.” TEXT: Journal of Writing and Writing Courses 15.1 (April 2011). ‹http://www.textjournal.com.au/april11/marsh.htm›. ---. “The Boy in the Yellow Dress: Re-framing Subjectivity in Narrativisations of the Queer Self.“ Life Writing 4.2 (Oct. 2007): 263-286. Mol, Hans. Identity and the Sacred: A Sketch for a New Social-Scientific Theory of Religion. Oxford: Blackwell, 1976. Monod, Jacques. Chance and Necessity: An Essay on the Natural Philosophy of Modern Biology. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition. New York: Doubleday, 1968. Salingaros, Nikos. Theory of Architecture. Solingen: Umbau-Verlag, 2006. Stancil, E.D., and M.D. Johnson. Frisbee: A Practitioner’s Manual and Definitive Treatise. New York: Workman, 1975 Winnicott, D.W. Through Paediatrics to Psycho-Analysis: Collected Papers. 1958. London: Hogarth Press, 1975. Yúdice, George. “Testimonio and Postmodernism.” Latin American Perspectives 18.3 (1991): 15-31. Zimmerman, Marc. “Testimonio.” The Sage Encyclopedia of Social Science Research Methods. Eds. Michael S. Lewis-Beck, Alan Bryman and Tim Futing Liao. London: Sage Publications, 2003. Zuber-Skerritt, Ortrun, ed. Australian Playwrights: David Williamson. Amsterdam: Rodolpi, 1988.

Troubled visions of white ash and concrete-grey powder water-logged my mind. Just as I had ‘understood’ and ‘contextualised’ the events of September 11, I witnessed Jules and Gedeon Naudet’s 9/11, the documentary of the events, as they followed the firefighters into Tower One. Their cameras witness death, dense panic and ashen fear. I did not need to see this – it was too intimate and shocking. But it was the drained, grey visage – where the New York streets and people appeared like injured ghosts walking through the falling ruins of a paper mill – that will always stay with me. Not surprisingly I was drawn (safely?) back in time, away from the grey-stained New York streets, when another series of images seismically shifted by memory palate. Aberfan was the archetypal coal mining town, but what made it distinct was tragedy. On the hill above the village, coal waste from the mining process was dumped on water-filled slurry. Heavy rain on October 20, 1966 made way for a better day to follow. The dense rain dislodged the coal tip, and at 9:15, the slurry became a black tidal wave, overwhelming people and buildings in the past. There have been worse tragedies than Aberfan, if there are degrees of suffering. In the stark grey iconography of September 11, there was an odd photocopy of Aberfan, but in the negative. Coal replaced paper. My short piece explores the notion of shared tragedy and media-ted grief, utilising the Welsh mining disaster as a bloodied gauze through which to theorise collective memory and social change. Tragedy on the television A disaster, by definition, is a tragic, unexpected circumstance. Its etymology ties it to astrology and fate. Too often, free flowing emotions of sympathy dissipate with the initial fascination, without confronting the long-term consequences of misfortune. When coal slurry engulfed the school and houses in Aberfan, a small working class community gleaned attention from the London-based media. The Prime Minister and royalty all traveled to Aberfan. Through the medium of television, grief and confusion were conveyed to a viewing public. For the first time, cameras gathered live footage of the trauma as it overwhelmed the Taff Valley. The sludge propelled from the Valley and into the newspapers of the day. A rescue worker remembers, “I was helping to dig the children out when I heard a photographer tell a kiddie to cry for her dear friends, so that he could get a good picture – that taught me silence.” (“The last day before half-term.”) Similarly, a bereaved father remembers that, during that period the only thing I didn’t like was the press. If you told them something, when the paper came out your words were all the wrong way round. (“The last day before half-term.”) When analyzed as a whole, the concerns of the journalists – about intense emotion and (alternatively) censorship of emotion - blocked a discussion of the reasons and meaning of the tragedy, instead concentrating on the form of the news broadcasts. Debates about censorship and journalistic ethics prevented an interpretative, critical investigation of the disaster. The events in Aberfan were not created by a natural catastrophe or an unpredictable or blameless ‘act of God.’ Aberfan’s disaster was preventable, but it became explainable within a coal industry village accustomed to unemployment and work-related ‘accidents.’ Aberfan was not merely a disaster that cost life. It represented a two-fold decline of Britain: industrially and socially. Coal built the industrial matrix of Britain. Perhaps this cost has created what Dean MacCannell described as “the collective guilt of modernised people” (23). Aberfan was distinct from the other great national tragedies in the manner the public perceived the events unfolding in the village. It was the disaster where cameras recorded the unerring screams of grief, the desperate search for a lost – presumed dead – child, and the building anger of a community suffering through a completely preventable ‘accident.’ The cameras – in true A Current Affair style – intruded on grief and privacy. A bereaved father stated that “I’ve got to say this again, if the papers and the press and the television were to leave us alone in the very beginning I think we could have settled down a lot quicker than what we did” (“The last day before half-term.”). This breach of grieving space also allowed those outside the community to share a memory, create a unifying historical bond, and raised some sympathy-triggered money. To actually ‘share’ death and grief at Aberfan through the medium of television led to a reappraisal, however temporary, about the value and costs of industrialisation. The long-term consequences of these revelations are more difficult to monitor. A question I have always asked – and the events of September 11, Bali and the second Gulf War have not helped me – is if a community or nation personally untouched by tragic events experience grief. Sympathy and perhaps empathy are obvious, as is voyeurism and curiosity. But when the bodies are simply unidentified corpses and a saddened community as indistinguishable from any other town, then viewers needs to ponder the rationale and depth of personal feelings. Through the window of television, onlookers become Peeping Toms, perhaps saturated with sympathy and tears, but still Peeping Toms. How has this semiotic synergy continued through popular memory? Too often we sap the feelings of disasters at a distance, and then withdraw when it is no longer fashionable, relevant or in the news. Notions about Wales, the working class and coal mining communities existed in journalists’ minds before they arrived in the village, opened their notebook or spoke to camera. They mobilised ‘the facts’ that suited a pre-existing interpretation. Bereaved parents digging into the dirt for lost children, provide great photographs and footage. This material was ideologically shaped to infantilise the community of Aberfan and, indirectly, the working class. They were exoticised and othered. It is clear from testimony recorded since the event that the pain felt by parents was compounded by television and newspaper reportage. Television allowed “a collective witnessing” (McLean and Johnes, “Remembering Aberfan”) of the disaster. Whether these televisual bystanders actually contributed anything to the healing of the tragedy, or forged an understanding of the brutal work involved in extracting coal, is less clear. There is not a natural, intrinsic sense of community created through television. Actually, it can establish boundaries of difference. Television has provided a record of exploitation, dissent and struggle. Whether an event or programme is read as an expression of unequal power relations or justifiable treatment of the ‘unworthy poor’ is in the hands of the viewer. Class-based inequalities and consciousness are not blinked out with the operation of a remote control. Intervention When I first researched Aberfan in the 1980s, the story was patchy and incomplete. The initial events left journalistic traces of the horror and – later – boredom with the Aberfan tragedy. Because of the thirty year rule on the release of government documents, the cause, motivation and rationale of many decisions from the Aberfan disaster appeared illogical or without context. When searching for new material and interpretations on Aberfan between 1968 and 1996, little exists. The release of documents in January 1997 triggered a wave of changing interpretations. Two committed and outstanding scholars, upon the release of governmental materials, uncovered the excesses and inequalities, demonstrating how historical research can overcome past injustice, and the necessity for recompense in the present. Iain McLean and Martin Johnes claimed a media profile and role in influencing public opinion and changing the earlier interpretations of the tragedy. On BBC radio, Professor McLean stated I think people in the government, people in the Coal Board were extremely insensitive. They treated the people of Aberfan as trouble makers. They had no conception of the depth of trauma suffered (“Aberfan”). McLean and Johnes also created from 1997-2001 a remarkable, well structured and comprehensive website featuring interview material, a database of archival collections and interpretations of the newly-released governmental documents. The Website possessed an agenda of conservation, cataloguing the sources held at the Merthyr Tydfil and Dowlais libraries. These documents hold a crucial function: to ensure that the community of Aberfan is rarely bothered for interviews or morbid tourists returning to the site. The Aberfan disaster has been included in the UK School curriculum and to avoid the small libraries and the Community Centre being overstretched, the Website possesses a gatekeepping function. The cataloguing work by the project’s research officer Martin Johnes has produced something important. He has aligned scholarly, political and social goals with care and success. Iain McLean’s proactive political work also took another direction. While the new governmental papers were released in January 1997, he wrote an article based on the Press Preview of December 1996. This article appeared in The Observer on January 5, 1997. From this strong and timely intervention, The Times Higher Education Supplement commissioned another article on January 17, 1997. Through both the articles and the Web work, McLean and Johnes did not name the individual victims or their parents, and testimony appears anonymously in the Website and their publications. They – unlike the journalists of the time – respected the community of Aberfan, their privacy and their grief. These scholars intervened in the easy ‘sharing’ of the tragedy. They built the first academic study of the Aberfan Disaster, released on the anniversary of the landslide: Aberfan, Government and Disasters. Through this book and their wide-ranging research, it becomes clear that the Labour Government failed to protect the citizens of a safe Labour seat. A bereaved husband and parent stated that I was tormented by the fact that the people I was seeking justice from were my people – a Labour Government, a Labour council, a Labour-nationalised Coal Board (“The last day before half-term”). There is a rationale for this attitude towards the tragedy. The Harold Wilson Labour Governments of 1964-70 were faced with severe balance of payments difficulties. Also, they only held a majority in the house of five, which they were to build to 96 in the 1966 election. While the Welfare State was a construction ‘for’ the working class after the war, the ‘permissive society’ – and resultant social reforms – of the 1960s was ‘for’ middle class consumers. It appeared that the industrial working class was paying for the new white heat of technology. This paradox not only provides a context for the Aberfan disaster but a space for media and cultural studies commentary. Perhaps the most difficult task for those of us working in cultural and media studies is to understand the citizens of history, not only as consumers, spectators or an audience, but how they behave and what they may feel. We need to ask what values and ideas do we share with the ‘audiences,’ ‘citizens’ and ‘spectators’ in our theoretical matrix. At times we do hide behind our Foucaults and Kristevas, our epistemologies and etymology. Raw, jagged emotion is difficult to theorise, and even more complex to commit to the page. To summon any mode of resistive or progressivist politics, requires capturing tone, texture and feeling. This type of writing is hard to achieve from a survey of records. A public intellectual role is rare these days. The conservative media invariably summon pundits with whom they can either agree or pillory. The dissenting intellectual, the diffident voice, is far more difficult to find. Edward Said is one contemporary example. But for every Said, there is a Kissinger. McLean and Johnes, during a time of the Blair Government, reminded a liberal-leaning Labour of earlier mistakes in the handling of a working-class community. In finding origins, causes and effects, the politicisation of history is at its most overt. Path of the slag The coal slurry rolled onto the Welsh village nearly thirty-seven years ago. Aberfan represents more than a symbol of decline or of burgeoning televisual literacy. It demonstrates how we accept mediated death. A ‘disaster’ exposes a moment of insight, a transitory glimpse into other people’s lives. It composes a mobile, dynamic photograph: the viewer is aware that life has existed before the tragedy and will continue after it. The link between popular and collective memory is not as obvious as it appears. All memory is mediated – there is a limit to the sharing. Collective memory seems more organic, connected with an authentic experience of events. Popular memory is not necessarily contextually grounded in social, historical or economic formations but networks diverse times and spaces without an origin or ending. This is a post-authentic memory that is not tethered to the intentions, ideologies or origins of a sender, town or community. To argue that all who have seen photographs or televisual footage of Aberfan ‘share’ an equivalent collective memory to those directly touched by the event, place, family or industry is not only naïve, but initiates a troubling humanism which suggests that we all ‘share’ a common bank of experience. The literacy of tragedy and its reportage was different after October 1966. When reading the historical material from the disaster, it appears that grieving parents are simply devastated puppets lashing out at their puppeteers. Their arguments and interpretation were molded for other agendas. Big business, big government and big unions colluded to displace the voices of citizens (McLean and Johnes “Summary”). Harold Wilson came to office in 1964 with the slogan “13 wasted years.” He promised that – through economic growth – consensus could be established. Affluence through consumer goods was to signal the end of a polarisation between worker and management. These new world symbols, fed by skilled scientific workers and a new ‘technological revolution,’ were – like the industrial revolution – uneven in its application. The Aberfan disaster is situated on the fault line of this transformation. A Welsh working class community seemed out of time and space in 1960s Britain. The scarved women and stocky, strong men appeared to emerge from a different period. The television nation did not share a unified grief, but performed the gulf between England and Wales, centre and periphery, middle and working class, white collar and black collar. Politics saturates television, so that it is no longer possible to see the join. Aberfan’s television coverage is important, because the mend scar was still visible. Literacy in televisual grief was being formed through the event. But if Aberfan did change the ‘national consciousness’ of coal then why did so few southern English citizens support the miners trying to keep open the Welsh pits? The few industries currently operating in this region outside of Cardiff means that the economic clock has stopped. The Beveridge Report in 1943 declared that the great achievement of the Second World War was the sharing of experience, a unity that would achieve victory. The People’s War would create a People’s Peace. Aberfan, mining closures and economic decline destroyed this New Jerusalem. The green and pleasant land was built on black coal. Aberfan is an historical translator of these iconographies. 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