Relevant bibliographies by topics / Astrology and travel

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Academic literature on the topic 'Astrology and travel'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Astrology and travel"

1

Evans, William. "Divining the Social Order: Class, Gender, and Magazine Astrology Columns." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 2 (June 1996): 389–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300210.

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This content analysis compares the astrological advice offered in magazines targeted at working- and middle-class women. Readers' social class was a far better predictor than readers' zodiac sign of the nature of astrological advice offered. Working-class horoscopes were less likely than middle-class horoscopes to advise readers to travel and spend money. Working-class horoscopes were less likely than middle-class horoscopes to predict career-related advances and positive interactions with family, friends, and lovers. Readers of both classes were commonly advised to nurture others, be patient and cooperative, and avoid confrontations rather than assert themselves, but middle-class readers were encouraged more frequently than working-class readers to expect some autonomy.
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Nothaft, C. Philipp E. "Sidereal Astrology in Medieval Europe (Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries): Traces of a Forgotten Tradition." International Journal of Divination and Prognostication 3, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 45–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899201-12340023.

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Abstract Sets of astronomical tables available in Latin Europe during the Middle Ages can be classified based on whether they imitated Ptolemy in using a tropical zodiac for displaying planetary mean motions or followed an Indian tradition of preferring a sidereal reference frame. While this basic bifurcation in medieval computational astronomy is well known to modern scholars, there has so far been no systematic research concerning its consequences for the practice of astrology in this period. This article makes a first step by documenting cases from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries where Latin astrologers employed the sidereal zodiac for their calculations or expressly recommended its use for astrological purposes. Basing itself on printed sources as well as unpublished manuscript material, it provides evidence that a commitment to sidereal coordinates united several important figures during the early phases of the assimilation of Islamic mathematical astronomy in Latin Europe, but largely disappeared after 1250. As will be argued in the conclusion, this move away from sidereal astrology may possibly be linked to the thirteenth-century emergence of Paris as a major European center for the study of astrology.
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3

Retief, Francois P., and Louise C. Cilliers. "Astrology and medicine in antiquity and the middle ages." Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Natuurwetenskap en Tegnologie 29, no. 1 (January 13, 2010): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/satnt.v29i1.2.

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Astrology is a pseudo-science based on the assumption that the well-being of humankind, and its health in particular, is influenced in a constant and predictable fashion by the stars and other stellar bodies. Its origins can probably be traced back to Mesopotamia of the 3rd millennium BC and was particularly popular in Graeco-Roman times and the Medieval Era. Astrology in Western countries has always differed from that in the Far East, and while it largely lost its popularity in the West after the Renaissance, it still remains of considerable significance in countries like China and Tibet. Astrology took on a prominent medical component in the Old Babylonian Era (1900-1600 BC) when diseases were first attributed to stellar bodies and associated gods. In the Neo-Babylonian Era (6th century BC) the zodiac came into being: an imaginary belt across the skies (approximately 16o wide) which included the pathways of the sun, moon and planets, as perceived from earth. The zodiac belt was divided into 12 equal parts (“houses” or signs), 6 above the horizon and 6 below. The signs became associated with specific months, illnesses and body parts – later with a number of other objects like planets, minerals (e.g. stones) and elements of haruspiction (soothsaying, mantic, gyromancy). In this way the stellar objects moving through a zodiac “house” became associated with a multitude of happenings on earth, including illness. The macrocosm of the universe became part of the human microcosm, and by studying the stars, planets, moon, etcetera the healer could learn about the incidence, cause, progress and treatment of disease. He could even predict the sex and physiognomy of unborn children. The art of astrology and calculations involved became very complex. The horoscope introduced by the 3rd century BC (probably with Greek input) produced a measure of standardisation: a person’s position within the zodiac would be determined by the date of birth, or date of onset of an illness or other important incident, on which information was needed. Egyptian astrological influence was limited but as from the 5th century BC onwards, Greek (including Hellenistic) input became prominent. In addition to significant contributions to astronomy, Ptolemy made a major contribution to astrology as “science” in his Tetrabiblos. Rational Greek medicine as represented by the Hippocratic Corpus did not include astrology, and although a number of physicians did make use of astrology, it almost certainly played a minor role in total health care. Astrology based on the Babylonian-Greek model also moved to the East, including India where it became integrated with standard medicine. China, in the Far East, developed a unique, extremely complex variety of astrology, which played a major role in daily life, including medicine. During Medieval times in the West, astrology prospered when the original Greek writings (complemented by Arabic and Hebrew contributions) were translated into Latin. In the field of medicine documents falsely attributed to Hippocrates and Galen came into circulation, boosting astrology; in the young universities of Europe it became taught as a science. It was, however, opposed by the theologians who recognised a mantic element of mysticism, and it lost further support when during the Renaissance, the spuriousness of the writings attributed to the medical icons, Hippocrates and Galen, became evident. Today Western standard medicine contains no astrology, but in countries like China and Tibet it remains intricately interwoven with health care. In common language we have a heritage of words with an astrological origin, like “lunatic” (a person who is mentally ill), “ill-starred”, “saturnine” (from Saturn, the malevolent plant) and “disaster” (from dis, bad, and astra, star).
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4

Brown, David. "The Cuneiform Conception of Celestial Space and Time." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 10, no. 1 (April 2000): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000044.

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The significance to the modern world of Mesopotamian celestial divination and astronomy cannot be overstated. The names and the ‘ominous’ values assigned to the heavenly bodies by the Mesopotamians underlie Western astrology, and have also influenced Indian astrology. Many of the key features in the astronomy of Hipparchus and Ptolemy, which later passed into the astronomy of the medieval world, were borrowed from the astronomers of Babylon and Uruk. The zodiac, the Metonic cycle, horoscopy, and a variety of astrological techniques are all first attested in Mesopotamia. The same goes for units, notably those divisions of space and time which are now used throughout the world (such as 60 minutes in an hour and 360° in a circle) which can be traced back to cuneiform antecedents.
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5

Keyser, Paul T. "On Cometary Theory and Typology From Nechepso-Petosiris Through Apuleius To Servius." Mnemosyne 47, no. 5 (1994): 625–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852594x00528.

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AbstractIn summary we have as follows, leaving aside here the complex and important cometary theories of the pre-socratics, Aristotle, and the Stoics. First, ca. 145-35 B.C.E. Nechepso-Petosiris wrote a book of astrology including a passage on cometary prognosis based on heavenly region of appearance. He (they?) assumed that comets were fiery (the standard theory of the era) without further ado. His view of comets seems to be that they appear in, move toward, or pause in, any quadrant of the sky. Their descriptions are irrelevant to their nature, serving only to identify them. Within the next century five further books were written. Epigenes refined the standard theory with details about whirl-winds and the like (Sen. QN 7.4-10), referred to the Chaldaians (sc. Nechepso-Petosiris?), was also an astrologer (cp. Pliny 7.160, 193), and has the simplest view of the planets (when they seem close together they are: Sen. QN 7.4.2)82). Although fundamentally Epigenes' theory is simple, it seems to have involved a detailed reworking of Aristotle's theory (Sen. QN 7.4.2-4, cp. Pliny 2.82 anonymous)83), perhaps making use of Hipparchos or of Hipparchos' Babylonian sources (note Pliny 7.193: Epigenes apud Babylonios ... obseruationes siderum coctilibus laterculis inscriptas docet). First, the three outer planets by their conjunctions generate thunder and lightning (fulgurationes being watery, fulmina containing the dry exhalation). Then the events called trabes and faces are formed from
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6

강승일. "Astrology in Mesopotamia and Its Traces in the Hebrew Bible." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 29 (December 2011): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2011..29.7.

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7

Proctor, Caroline. "Physician to The Bruce: Maino De Maineri in Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 1 (April 2007): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.0047.

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This article pieces together evidence from fourteenth-century Scottish royal records to identify one of the physicians to King Robert I as the Milanese Maino de Maineri (ca 1295–1368), regent master of the University of Paris and later court physician and astrologer to the Visconti rulers of Milan. The implications for the history of medicine in medieval Scotland are significant, suggesting that, at least at court level, Scots demanded and could afford and attract a high quality of medical treatment. Also emphasised are the strong links that existed between Scotland, Ireland and continental Europe, through the travels of physicians and the transmission of medical literature. Three fifteenth-century manuscripts of one of Maino's works are used as an example of just this type of transmission. The article urges a reevaluation of medical culture in medieval Scotland.
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8

Mirzaeva, Saglara V., and Byambajavyn Tuvshintugs. "Модель буддийской космологии в «Сутре о восьми светоносных неба и земли»." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 12, no. 2 (August 25, 2020): 271–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2020-2-271-287.

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The article discusses a Tibetan-Mongolian cosmological model of Buddhist universe presented in the Oirat translation of one of the most popular Buddhist ritual texts — The Sūtra of Eight Luminous of Heaven and Earth. Materials. The sūtra was translated into Oirat by Ven. Zaya Pandita Namkhaijamts at request of Princess Yum Agas in the 1650s, and is referred by scholars as a Buddhist apocrypha of Chinese origin. Nevertheless, in the literary tradition of Mongolic peoples it was always viewed as the authentic Word of the Buddha (buddhavacana). Results. The analysis of the Oirat manuscript of the sūtra shows that the model of Buddhist universe includes several components. The first one of Indian origin is related to the cosmology of classical Buddhism described in Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośa, including the astronomical conception of twenty-eight nakśatra constellations and nine planets, as well as some classes of beings of the Buddhist universe. The second component contains elements of Chinese astrology, such as the astrological diagram of the golden turtle, which encloses animals of the twelve-year cycle, and eight trigrams representing different elements. The last component belongs to original Tibetan mythology and includes a classification of supernatural beings co-existing with humans between heaven and earth — nāgas (Tib. klu), nyen spirits (Tib. gnyan) and spiritual lords of earth (Tib. sa bdag). Indian influence can also be traced in the classification of nāgas, the latter including eight great nāgas known in classical Buddhism, and five castes of nāgas structurally correlated with traditional Indian society. The detailed classification of the spiritual lords of earth presented in the sūtra was later included in the well-known Tibetan astrological work Vaiḍurya dkar po of Desi Sangye Gyatso. This classification represented in the Oirat translation includes some names which are absent in the Tibetan version of the sūtra (for comparative analysis the work examines a version of the sūtra included in the gZungs ’dus collection). This indicates that Ven. Zaya Pandita Namkhaijamts would also use another Tibetan version of the sūtra when making his Oirat translation.
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9

Perst, M. "A doctor, an astrologer, a heretic, an alchemist and a sorcerer, and a tame demon who taught him everything: traces of the mythologization and rehabilitation of the figure of a doctor in Collin de Plancy’s <i>Infernal Dictionary</i>." Russian Journal of Church History 3, no. 1 (March 9, 2022): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2022-96.

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This article is devoted to biographies of doctors contained in the Infernal Dictionary of Collin de Plancy, and narrative topoi formed around the figure of a doctor in the historical past. One of the stable attributes that place biographies of doctors in the context of the history of the Church is the statement of tense and conflict-rich interaction, which, however, cannot be assessed unambiguously as a confrontation. Another dimension of the texts under consideration is their transformation under the influence of the compiler’s conversion and the “сhristianization” of the Infernal Dictionary in the 1840s. The peculiarity of the approach of this study is the view of the figure of a doctor as a narrative construct, considered from the point of view of its internal logic, and not in relation to historical authenticity or unreliability. The aim of the study is to localize further stable combinations of narrative elements and attributes correlated with the figure of a doctor, and to formulate possible topics and disciplinary frameworks for further research of the problem, which is currently not described in Russian-language science. The material on which this article is written is also presented to the Russian-speaking scientific community for the first time, there are also practically no publications devoted to it in the Western tradition. The method used in the study is a qualitative analysis of the text following the example of field ethnographic studies with elements of quantitative methods.
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10

Perst, M. "A doctor, an astrologer, a heretic, an alchemist and a sorcerer, and a tame demon who taught him everything: traces of the mythologization and rehabilitation of the figure of a doctor in Collin de Plancy’s <i>Infernal Dictionary</i>." Russian Journal of Church History 3, no. 1 (March 9, 2022): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2022-96.

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This article is devoted to biographies of doctors contained in the Infernal Dictionary of Collin de Plancy, and narrative topoi formed around the figure of a doctor in the historical past. One of the stable attributes that place biographies of doctors in the context of the history of the Church is the statement of tense and conflict-rich interaction, which, however, cannot be assessed unambiguously as a confrontation. Another dimension of the texts under consideration is their transformation under the influence of the compiler’s conversion and the “сhristianization” of the Infernal Dictionary in the 1840s. The peculiarity of the approach of this study is the view of the figure of a doctor as a narrative construct, considered from the point of view of its internal logic, and not in relation to historical authenticity or unreliability. The aim of the study is to localize further stable combinations of narrative elements and attributes correlated with the figure of a doctor, and to formulate possible topics and disciplinary frameworks for further research of the problem, which is currently not described in Russian-language science. The material on which this article is written is also presented to the Russian-speaking scientific community for the first time, there are also practically no publications devoted to it in the Western tradition. The method used in the study is a qualitative analysis of the text following the example of field ethnographic studies with elements of quantitative methods.
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Books on the topic "Astrology and travel"

1

Siddhānti, Bikumalla Nāgēśvara. Prayāṇa phalamañjari: Andarikī sulabhamugā ardhamagu rītigā vrāsina granthamu. Rājamaṇḍri: Gollapūḍi Vīrāsvāmi San, 2009.

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Siddhānti, Bikumalla Nāgēśvara. Prayāṇa phalamañjari: Andarikī sulabhamugā ardhamagu rītigā vrāsina granthamu. Rājamaṇḍri: Gollapūḍi Vīrāsvāmi San, 2009.

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Siddhānti, Bikumalla Nāgēśvara. Prayāṇa phalamañjari: Andarikī sulabhamugā ardhamagu rītigā vrāsina granthamu. Rājamaṇḍri: Gollapūḍi Vīrāsvāmi San, 2009.

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Siddhānti, Bikumalla Nāgēśvara. Prayāṇa phalamañjari: Andarikī sulabhamugā ardhamagu rītigā vrāsina granthamu. Rājamaṇḍri: Gollapūḍi Vīrāsvāmi San, 2009.

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Edward, Esko, ed. Nine star ki: Michio Kushi's guidebook on love & relationships, health & travel, and getting through the 1990s. Becket, Mass: One Peaceful World Press, 1991.

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Martínez, Enrico. Reportorio de los tiempos e historia natural de esta Nueva España. México, D.F: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1991.

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Fly me to the moon. London: Athena Press, 2010.

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Pottenger, Maritha. Mapping your travels & relocation: Finding the best place for you. St. Paul, Minn: Llewellyn Publications, 2005.

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9

Sitio, naturaleza y propiedades de la Cuidad de México: Aguas y vientos a que está suieta, y tiempos del año : necesidad de su conocimiento para el ejercicio de la medicina, su incertidumbre y dificultad sin el de la astrología, assí para la curación como para los prognósticos. México, D. F: El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Lingüísticos y Literarios, 2009.

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Cisneros, Diego de. Sitio, naturaleza y propiedades de la Cuidad de México: Aguas y vientos a que está suieta, y tiempos del año : necesidad de su conocimiento para el ejercicio de la medicina, su incertidumbre y dificultad sin el de la astrología, assí para la curación como para los prognósticos. México, D. F: El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Lingüísticos y Literarios, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Astrology and travel"

1

Ben-Dov, Jonathan. "The Jewish Calendar and Jewish Sciences." In A Guide to Early Jewish Texts and Traditions in Christian Transmission, 417–28. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190863074.003.0021.

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This chapter surveys the reception and development of the Enochic 364-day calendar in later Jewish and Christian traditions, focusing on sources from Ethiopia. It traces the creation of Enochic astronomy and of the 364-day calendar in their Mesopotamian and ancient Jewish setting, and then continues to assess this legacy in the Book of Jubilees, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and, in a rather different way, in 2 Enoch and other Jewish apocalypses. This is done with an eye toward the transmission of other branches of ancient sciences, such as astrology and physiognomy. The chapter then continues to assess the path of the Enochic teaching in Christian Ethiopia, dwelling on the tension between the preservation of the ancient tradition and its acculturation to other, later, branches of Ethiopic astronomy.
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Stoczkowski, Wiktor. "How to Benefit from Received Ideas (2001)." In Histories of Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199550074.003.0019.

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Like Gulliver, the intrepid explorer depicted in Samuel Butler’s novella Erewhon visits an odd country whose image, inverted as its name, is evidently that of the Western world. Throughout his travels, the adventurer converses with the eccentric scholars of Erewhon who devote themselves to singular enterprises, such as the formation of the ‘Society for the Suppression of Useless Knowledge’ (Butler 1985). If somebody were to suppress useless knowledge in this day and age, there could be a substantial number of victims. Fortunately, no one finds it necessary to question the raison d’être of institutionally established knowledge, provided that sufficient funds are available to ensure its survival. The question of usefulness is only raised where marginal knowledge is concerned. The fact that we question whether the history of archaeology is useful or not testifies to its marginality. For it is marginal, despite belonging to the history of science, a domain in which all disciplines should theoretically inspire historians’ interest to the same extent. This, however, is not the case. Historians seem to prefer studying either sciences considered as the greatest conquests of Western rationality (such as modern physics, Darwinism, molecular genetics, etc.) or theories supposed to be excessively irrational (such as Renaissance medicine, Stalinist genetics, Nazi biology, astrology, etc.). It is commonly believed that archaeology does not belong to either of these categories. The history of archaeology is as marginal to archaeologists as it is to historians. This is particularly apparent in France, where most archaeologists would not hesitate to respond in the negative to the question of whether disciplinary history matters to current scientific practices. Since the nineteenth century, certain French archaeologists and prehistorians have indeed written on the history of their discipline, but this activity was a task usually reserved for emeritus scholars who took it up in a somewhat nonchalant manner, as if to crown their archaeological œuvre, and probably motivated by the same reasons which prompt certain people, at the same point in their lives, to write their memoirs. There are some notable exceptions, of which are the works of Alain Schnapp, particularly his monumental The Discovery of the Past (Schnapp 1996).
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