Relevant bibliographies by topics / Athenian metics

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Academic literature on the topic 'Athenian metics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Athenian metics"

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Watson, James. "The origin of metic status at Athens." Cambridge Classical Journal 56 (2010): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000348.

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It is widely held as uncontroversial that throughout the classical period male inhabitants of Attica were divided between three distinct categories – Athenian citizens, metics (regularly translated as ‘resident aliens’) and slaves – and that Athenian society had, therefore, a tripartite structure. The opportunities available to and requirements demanded of a man depended on his category. Those foreigners permanently resident in Attica – those with the legal status of ‘metic’ – were, unlike slaves, free, but, unlike citizens, they could not own land, vote in the Assembly, or serve as adikastesor as a magistrate; in addition, metics were required to pay a poll tax (themetoikion) and to have a citizen sponsor (prostates). In this paper I seek to challenge not the nature of the distinction between citizens and metics but instead the assumption that the distinction was made throughout the classical period. I suggest that the growth of the Athenian citizen population after the Persian invasion of 480–479 demands that the origin of metic status be situated around the middle of the fifth century, and that the occasion on which the Athenianpolisfirst defined metic status is likely to have been the occasion on which it first took an interest in restricting who might become a citizen: in 451/0, with the passing of Perikles' citizenship law.
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Van Wees, Hans. "Demetrius and Draco: Athens' property classes and population in and before 317 BC." Journal of Hellenic Studies 131 (November 2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426911000073.

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AbstractThe nature of the census figures produced by Demetrius of Phaleron, crucial evidence for the size of the Athenian population, has been misunderstood. The census categories were not ‘native Athenians, foreign residents and slaves’, but ‘citizens above the property qualification, residents without political rights and members of households’. The property qualification of 1,000 drachmas associated with Demetrius' regime was the requirement for holding the highest offices; the property requirement for citizenship rights was lower, as it was in the spurious constitution of Draco described in Athenaion Politeia 4, which was probably invented and inserted during Demetrius' reign. In the light of this reinterpretation of the evidence for the structure of the Athenian population under Demetrius, a reconsideration of the evidence for the size of the Athenian population in 322 BC suggests that there were ca. 30,000 adult male citizens and far fewer metics than generally assumed, probably ca. 5,000. The distribution of property among the citizen population was very uneven, with the richest 30% of the population owning about 80% of the wealth. According to Demetrius’ census as reinterpreted here, slaves outnumbered free residents by ‘only’ about 3:1, which still seems an implausibly high figure, but needs to be taken seriously as a government estimate rather than a rhetorical exaggeration.
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Christ, Matthew R. "Ostracism, Sycophancy, and Deception of the Demos: [Arist.] Ath.Pol. 43.5." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (1992): 336–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800015974.

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Several features of this compact passage have puzzled scholars ever since the discovery of the Aristotelian Constitution of the Athenians a century ago. First, did the Athenian Assembly really deliberate on all these disparate matters in the chief meeting of the sixth prytany, and if so, why? Second, why did it limit complaints (probolai) against sycophants to a total of six divided equally between citizens and metics? Since the answers we give to these questions are fundamental to our understanding of basic Athenian institutions, they deserve careful consideration. This paper will argue that the Assembly did deliberate on these matters at the same meeting and indeed that this was natural, since they are all symbolic, as well as practical, instruments for controlling behaviour inimical to the demos' interests. It will also suggest that the limitation on probolai against citizen and metic sycophants was introduced to safeguard against the sort of abuse of the label ‘sycophant’ that took place under the regime of the Thirty, and that the measures described in Ath. Pol. 43.5 were, therefore, most likely linked together in the early years of the restored democracy.
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Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 61, no. 2 (2014): 261–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000096.

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Geoffrey Bakewell finds in Aeschylus'Suppliants‘an invaluable perspective on Athenian attempts at establishing their own identity in the late 460sbce’. The play presents a ‘displaced self-portrait of Athens’, and the ‘ambivalent welcome to exotic immigrants’ and ‘wariness towards outsiders’ makes that portrait ‘not entirely flattering’ (ix). I am not sure whether this judgement is meant to express a modern perspective, or that of Aeschylus' audience. Bakewell claims that metics ‘by their very nature constituted an existential threat to the democratic city and its self-understanding’ (8), and that they were perceived as ‘threatening’ (19), but provides no supporting evidence. To illustrate Athenian attitudes to metics he appeals to the Old Oligarch (not, perhaps, the most representative of witnesses), citing his frustration at not being allowed to assault foreigners; there is no mention of Dicaeopolis (Ach. 507–8). It is, of course, true that inSuppliantsArgos is imperilled by the refugees' arrival: but that is because they are pursued by an army determined to enforce a legal claim on them, which Athenian metics typically were not. The view that tragedies gave spectators a ‘mental license to think through a pressing issue in an extended way, and at a safe remove’ (123) is widely held, and may be right. But its application ought not to depend on disregarding crucial features of a play's distinctively tragic scenario.
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Morales, Fábio Augusto. "Homo Oeconomicos: The Athenian Metics in the XIX and XX Century Historiography." Mare Nostrum (São Paulo) 1, no. 1 (2010): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v1i1p37-56.

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Este artigo apresenta um estudo crítico da historiografia sobre os metecos atenienses discutindo os limites e possibilidades de estudos feitos por q uatro autores (Clerc, Whitehead, Román e Baslez). O artigo termina com uma análise de um discurso de Lísias chamado Contra Filon , acerca de um cidadão ateniense que se torna meteco em uma pólis próxima de Atenas, Oropus, durante o regime dos Trinta e a subsequente guerra de restauração democrática; esta análise é aqui apresentada como um exemplo de superação da dicotomia tradicional cidadão (homo politicus)/meteco (homo oeconomicus), mostrando ao mesmo tempo uma motivação econômica na escolha de um cidadão diante da lealdade política de metecos que lutaram nas fileiras democráticas
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Harris, Edward M. "Metics and the Athenian Phialai-Inscriptions: A Study in Athenian Epigraphy and Law (review)." Classical World 105, no. 4 (2012): 561–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2012.0023.

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Sara, Wijma. "Joining the Athenian Community. The Participation of Metics in Athenian Polis Religion in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C." Mnemosyne 64, no. 3 (2011): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x548478.

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Guicharrousse, Romain. "Embracing the Immigrant. The Participation of Metics in Athenian Polis Religion (5th–4." Kernos, no. 28 (October 1, 2015): 280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.2345.

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Bakewell, Geoffrey W. "Μετοιϰία in the "Supplices" of Aeschylus". Classical Antiquity 16, № 2 (1997): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011063.

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In Aeschylus' "Supplices" the Danaids flee their cousins and take refuge at Argos. Scholars have noted similarities between the Argos of the play and contemporary Athens. Yet one such correspondence has generally been overlooked: the Danaids are awarded sanctuary in terms reflecting mid fifth-century Athenian μετοιϰία, a process providing for the partial incorporation of non-citizens into polis life. Danaus and his daughters are of Argive ancestry and take up residence within the city, yet do not become citizens. Instead, they receive the right μετοιϰεῖν τῆσδε γῆς (609). As metics they retain control of their person and property, and are not liable to seizure by another. They are not permitted to own immovable property (ἔγϰτησις), but receive rent-free lodgings. Pelasgus and the other Argive citizens serve as their citizen representative (προστάτης). Casting the Danaids as metics highlights the similarities between Pelasgus and his predecessor, Apis. Both leaders were confronted by violent strangers demanding to live among the Argives, and sought to protect the autochthony and territory of Argos. Yet as suppliants the Danaids (unlike the snakes) cannot be forcibly expelled. Pelasgus' solution is a grant of μετοιϰία approved by the Argive assembly. The emergence of μετοιϰία as a formal status at Athens is difficult to date. Most scholars place it between the reforms of Cleisthenes (508/7) and Pericles' citizenship law (451/0). The "Supplices" provides evidence for a date in the 460s, and functions as a charter myth legitimizing μετοιϰία, much the way the Eumenides does for the Areopagus. The "Supplices" also fits well within the context of immigration and urban development leading to Pericles' law. The fact that the Danaid trilogy won first prize may be due to the Athenians' empathy for Argos as a risk-taking polis committed both to defending its identity and to acknowledging divinely sanctioned claims to refuge.
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Kennedy, Rebecca Futo. "Sara M. Wijma, Embracing the Immigrant. The Participation of Metics in Athenian polis Religion. 2014." Klio 100, no. 1 (2018): 312–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0016.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Athenian metics"

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Soares, Fábio Augusto Morales. "A democracia ateniense pelo avesso: os metecos e a política dos discursos de Lísias." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-27042010-094630/.

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Esta dissertação consiste em uma investigação cujo objetivo é examir o tema da participação política dos metecos atenienses, através da análise dos discursos forenses de Lísias e da crítica da historiografia. Alguns conceitos são discutidos, como identidade, espaço, memória, Estado, vida cotidiana, reprodução social, poder, liberdade etc, como um meio de se acessar a complexidade da sociedade ateniense.<br>This dissertation consists in a investigation which aims to examine the issue of the political participation of Athenian metic in Classical Athens, through the analysis of the Lysias forensic speeches and the critique of the historiography. Some concepts are discussed, like identity, space, memory, State, everyday life, social reproduction, power, freedom etc, as a way to have access to the complexity of Athenian society.
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Jain, Amit. "Athena - RFID tag metrics." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10106/2095.

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Books on the topic "Athenian metics"

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Metics and the Athenian phialai-inscriptions: A study in Athenian epigraphy and law. Steiner, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Athenian metics"

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Kapparis, Konstantinos A. "Citizens, metics and slaves in Athenian law and life." In Athenian Law and Society. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315568270-3.

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Rigoglioso, Marguerite. "Athena/Neith/Metis: Primordial Creatrix of Self-Replication." In Virgin Mother Goddesses of Antiquity. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113121_3.

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Kamen, Deborah. "Metics (Metoikoi)." In Status in Classical Athens. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691138138.003.0005.

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This chapter turns to metoikoi, foreigners who, unlike xenoi, were official residents of Athens, rather than just passing through. In its broad sense, the term metoikos encompassed two subcategories of resident alien, distinguished from each other not only legally but also socially: (i) freeborn foreigners (metoikoi or metics in the narrow sense); and (ii) freed slaves, most likely those who were not (or who were no longer) bound to their previous masters. These two subcategories of metic share a number of traits, the most obvious of which was their non-Athenian origin. Both subgroups of metic also had many of the rights and obligations of citizens. They were expected to obey the city's laws and were obligated to perform military service.
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Rutishauser, Brian. "THE WEALTH OF METICS AND ATHENIAN NAVAL POWER." In Hegemonic Finances. The Classical Press of Wales, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvd58r89.12.

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LeMoine, Rebecca. "The Panharmonic Music of the Piraeus." In Plato's Caves. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190936983.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the treatment of foreigners in Plato’s Republic. It argues that by giving the dialogue a diverse setting and cast of characters, Plato indicates the importance of cross-cultural engagement in provoking examinations of justice. As the drama unfolds, Plato demonstrates this by depicting foreigners and metics helping the dialogue’s Athenian characters recognize the discordance within the Athenian belief that one should seem just, but be unjust. Although this philosophy was initially the backbone of Athenian imperialism, eventually citizens came to use it on each other, with the help of the sophists’ teachings. As the dialogue proceeds, the incongruity between Socrates’ deeds (visiting a diverse place, worshipping a non-Greek goddess, applauding a non-Greek procession, and engaging in an all-night discussion with foreigners) and the city he and his interlocutors develop in speech (which excludes the foreign and treats non-Greeks as enemies) serves to prompt reflection on the tension found in Greek attitudes toward barbarians.
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Kamen, Deborah. "Full Citizens: Female." In Status in Classical Athens. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691138138.003.0010.

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This chapter focuses on the status of female citizens because female citizenship is sufficiently different from male citizenship to warrant a distinct status category. That is, female citizens are less equal to male citizens than female slaves are to male slaves, female ex-slaves to male, female metics to male, and so on. It distinguishes between different types of female citizens as appropriate. One of the most distinctive attributes of Athenian women is that although they were citizens, they were also under the supervision of a kurios or guardian. As girls, they were under the guardianship of their fathers, and when they married, they entered the guardianship of their husbands. This much is certain, but the precise degree of control the kurios had over women and girls is less clear.
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LeMoine, Rebecca. "Civic Myths through Immigrant Voices." In Plato's Caves. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190936983.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the treatment of foreigners in Plato’s Menexenus. The Menexenus appears to offer some of the most striking evidence of Platonic xenophobia, as it features Socrates delivering a mock funeral oration that glorifies Athens’s exclusion of foreigners. When readers play along, however, with Socrates’ exhortation to imagine the oration through the voice of its alleged author, Aspasia, Pericles’ foreign mistress, the oration becomes ironic or dissonant. This dissonance arises in part because Aspasia, a foreigner, speaks disparagingly of foreigners. Yet it also arises because Aspasia is the metic mother of an Athenian citizen, even though her speech praises the pure-blooded, autochthonous nature of Athenians. This chapter thus expands on the central argument that cross-cultural engagement exposes contradictions in the civic beliefs of Athenians by showing how the intersection of national origin and gender can magnify this effect.
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Kamen, Deborah. "Conclusion." In Status in Classical Athens. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691138138.003.0012.

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This chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. Through close analysis of various forms of evidence—literary, epigraphic, and legal—this book demonstrated that classical Athens had a spectrum of statuses, ranging from the base chattel slave to the male citizen with full civic rights. It showed that Athenian democracy was in practice both more inclusive and more exclusive than one might expect based on its civic ideology: more inclusive in that even slaves and noncitizens “shared in” the democratic polis, more exclusive in that not all citizens were equal participants in the social, economic, and political life of the city. The book also showed the flexibility of status boundaries, seemingly in opposition to the dominant ideology of two or three status groups divided neatly from one another: slave versus free, citizen versus noncitizen, or slave versus metic versus citizen.
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Fraser, P. M. "Eponymous Coin-Names." In Greek Ethnic Terminology. British Academy, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264287.003.0011.

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The ktetics of certain Greek cities were in wide circulation from an early date, with reference either to the coins of the cities or to the standard weights and values of their coinage, as used by other cities. The most familiar of these are the Aeginetan and Athenian, and later the Rhodian, all of which appear in a wide variety of sources, and in particular in the weights and measures assigned to votive offerings of precious metals, including coinage, in temple-inventories, notably those of Athens and Delos, and in the long temple-accounts for the work carried out at Delphi in the middle of the fourth century. The ktetic in -ικός/η/όν was regularly used in this context, both in documentary and literary usage.
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Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell G. Reddish. "Amphipolis." In A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0008.

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The modern, small village of Amphipolis belies the importance of the ancient city whose name it bears. Located strategically along the Strymon River and on the Via Egnatia, Amphipolis was one of the most important cities of Macedonia in antiquity. The site of ancient Amphipolis is located between Thessaloniki and Kavala, about 65 miles east of Thessaloniki. From highway E90 there are signs that point the way to Amphipolis. The ancient city sits on a bend on the east bank of the Strymon River, surrounded by the river on three sides. This geographical feature gave rise to the name of the city, since Amphipolis means “around the city.” The site was originally settled by Thracians, who called their settlement Ennea Hodoi, meaning “Nine Ways” or “Nine Roads,” indicating the importance of the location as a crossroads for travel and trade routes. After several failed attempts the Athenians captured the area and founded the city of Amphipolis on the site of Ennea Hodoi in 437 B.C.E. under the leadership of Hagnon. In 424 B.C.E. the city came under Spartan control. Amphipolis was an important city both because of its strategic location on the Strymon River only 3 miles from the Aegean Sea and because of its rich natural resources of agriculture (wine, oil, and wood) and precious metals (especially gold from the mines on Mt. Pangaion). In spite of repeated attempts by the Athenians to recapture the city, Amphipolis remained a free city until its capture by Philip II of Macedon in 358–357 B.C.E. During the time of Macedonian rule, Amphipolis became one of the leading cities in the region. It was one of six cities chosen by Alexander the Great where large, costly temples were built. The city also played a significant role in Alexander’s military conquests. For example, the city and the surrounding area served as the staging ground for the beginning of Alexander’s conquest of Asia. After Alexander’s death his wife Roxane and their young son, Alexander IV, were exiled to Amphipolis. After the Roman victory at Pydna in 168 B.C.E., which effectively ended Macedonian rule, Amphipolis, along with the rest of Macedonia, became a Roman possession.
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Conference papers on the topic "Athenian metics"

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Hoeppner, Athena, Sonja Lendi, and Kornelia Junge. "New usage reports, new insights! How to use your COUNTER data in decision making processes." In Charleston Library Conference. Purdue Univeristy, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284317140.

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Librarians have been receiving COUNTER Release 5 reports since February 2019 and are becoming familiar with the new robust usage data. In this paper three experts explain how the new usage reports provide greater clarity and how they give insight into users’ actions. Athena Hoeppner outlines the new reports and metrics and explains how to interpret book usage data and how to use the data effectively in decision making process. Sonja Lendi focuses on journal usage data and the differences between Release 4 and Release 5 of the COUNTER Code of Practice. She also explains Distributed Usage Logging (DUL). This protocol enables publishers to capture traditional usage activity related to their content that happens on sites other than their own so they can provide reports of “total usage” regardless of where that usage happens. Kornelia Junge explains how librarians can use Microsoft Excel to analyse usage.
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