Journal articles: 'Atlantic States Civil War'

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Heitz, Jesse A. "British Reaction to American Civil War Ironclads." Vulcan 1, no. 1 (2013): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00101004.

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By the 1840’s the era of the wooden ship of the line was coming to a close. As early as the 1820’s and 1830’s, ships of war were outfitted with increasingly heavy guns. Naval guns such as the increasingly popular 68 pounder could quickly damage the best wooden hulled ships of the line. Yet, by the 1840’s, explosive shells were in use by the British, French, and Imperial Russian navies. It was the explosive shell that could with great ease, cripple a standard wooden hulled warship, this truth was exposed at the Battle of Sinope in 1853. For this reason, warships had to be armored. By 1856, Great Britain drafted a design for an armored corvette. In 1857, France began construction on the first ocean going ironclad, La Gloire, which was launched in 1859. This development quickly caused Great Britain to begin construction on HMS Warrior and HMS Black Prince. By the time HMS Warrior was commissioned in 1861, the Royal Navy had decided that its entire battle fleet needed to be armored. While the British and the French naval arms race was intensifying, the United States was entering into its greatest crisis, the United States Civil War. After the outbreak of the Civil War, the majority of the United States Navy remained loyal to the Union. The Confederacy, therefore, gained inspiration from the ironclads across the Atlantic, quickly obtaining its own ironclads. CSS Manassas was the first to enter service, but was eventually brought down by a hail of Union broadside fire. The CSS Virginia, however, made an impact. Meanwhile, the Union began stockpiling City Class ironclads and in 1862, the USS Monitor was completed. After the veritable stalemate between the CSS Virginia and USS Monitor, the Union utilized its superior production capabilities to mass produce ironclads and enter them into service in the Union Navy. As the Union began armoring its increasingly large navy, the world’s foremost naval power certainly took notice. Therefore, this paper will utilize British newspapers, government documents, Royal Naval Reviews, and various personal documents from the 1860’s in order to examine the British public and naval reaction to the Union buildup of ironclad warships.

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Beaver, Daniel C. "“Fruits of Unrulie Multitudes”: Liberty, Popularity, and Meanings of Violence in the English Atlantic, 1623–1625." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 2 (April 2020): 372–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.284.

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AbstractUsing neglected evidence of organized, state-like, internecine violence among English settlers in New England during the 1620s and 1630s, this essay engages with recent archipelagic approaches to the early modern English public sphere and with studies of the English state and political culture in order to argue for the existence of an important, semipublic Atlantic political discourse during the decades preceding the civil wars in the British Isles. It focuses on the distinctive political dynamics of Atlantic fishing stages during the early seventeenth century and on the violent confrontation between the Dorchester and Plymouth companies in 1625 over the control of the Cape Ann stage on Massachusetts Bay. The rumors, news, and formal reports that flowed from such incidents show how diffuse English ideologies assumed the form of opposed groups, armed and mobilized in the manner of free states, and confirmed fears of such violent episodes as threats to orderly governance in a political society conceived in Atlantic imperial terms. By examining the communication of and responses to this perceived threat during the late 1620s and 1630s, the essay reveals how an Atlantic discourse of “liberty,” “orderly commonweal,” and “popularity” influenced English political culture and policy and the institutions of Atlantic governance before the English Civil War.

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Pablé, Adrian, Radosław Dylewski, and Agnieszka Urbańska. "Nonstandard Were and the Nonstandard forms of the Preterite Negative of to be in Nineteenth Century New England Civil War Letters and Literary Dialect Portrayals." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 45, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10121-009-0016-3.

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Nonstandard Were and the Nonstandard forms of the Preterite Negative of to be in Nineteenth Century New England Civil War Letters and Literary Dialect Portrayals The present paper presents the preliminary results of the study of were in nonstandard positions as well as nonstandard preterit negative forms of to be in mid- and late nineteenth century New England folk speech. More specifically, the aim of the study is to investigate whether the grammatical feature at issue, deemed to have been confined to the Mid- and South Atlantic states in several scholarly publications, is also attested in the verbal repository of New Englanders of the mid- and late nineteenth century. The analysis relies mainly on the scrutiny of two types of primary sources: informal Civil War letters penned by less literate individuals, and fictional portrayals written by New England regionalists. The data retrieved from the inspected body of material confirms the presence of were/weren't/wa'n't (and other spellings) in nonstandard contexts, preponderantly in the literary dialect portrayals, whereas Civil War correspondence seems rather devoid of the traits at issue. As indicated above, the paper presents the preliminary results of the study: it is believed that an analysis of a bigger corpus of Civil War material, which is currently being compiled, might identify more instances of forms at issue in nonstandard environments.

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Allen, William E. "Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century: Convergence and Effects." History in Africa 37 (2010): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0028.

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William C. Burke, an African American emigrant in Liberia, wrote the following to an acquaintance in the United States on 23 September 1861: This must be the severest affliction that have visited the people of the United States and must be a sorce [sic] of great inconvenience and suffering and although we are separated from the seane [sic] by the Atlantic yet we feel sadly the effects of it in this country. The Steavens not coming out as usual was a great disappointment and loss to many in this country.Burke's lamentation about the impact of the American Civil War on the distant Atlantic shores of Africa underscores a problem—and opportunity—in Liberian historiography. Burke's nineteenth-century world extended past the distinct national boundaries that separated the United States and Liberia. Geographically, this was the vast littoral of the four continents—Africa, Europe, North America, and South America—abutting the Atlantic Ocean. But the Atlantic world, as historians now dubbed this sprawling transnational zone, was much more extensive. Societies near and faraway were also drawn into the web of socioeconomic activities in the basin. The creation of the Atlantic world spanned almost four centuries, from the late fifteenth to the waning decades of the nineteenth century. In this period, an unprecedented multitude of migrants crisscrossed the Atlantic creating a vast network. For example, by the nineteenth century, regular transatlantic packages such as the Mary Caroline Stevens whose delay Burke called “a great disappointment,” transported passengers, provisions, and dispatches between the United States and Liberia.

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Rodríguez-Escobar, Moisés, and Francisco Rodríguez-Jiménez. "“Atlantic Gap or Network of Opportunities?” Spanish-American Cultural Relations, Women, and Diplomacy (1959-1975)." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.008.

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The geopolitical context of what would later come to be called the “global village” made governments pay more attention to their external image and the public opinion of third-world countries. The previous emphasis on the development of military or economic alliances (hard power) was complemented with alternative views, other ways of connecting with different global societies (soft power). Relations between the United States and Spain did not escape this general dynamic. Here, we evaluate the extent to which this connection affected women’s access to higher education in Spain. With the Residencia de Señoritas, there was a narrowing of the educational and cultural exchange relations between the two countries. After the abrupt cessation of the civil war, the establishment of the Fulbright program in the 1959-60 academic year allowed Spain to recover and to intensify the exchanges that had taken place since the beginning of the century. We will see what the fields of study in this prestigious exchange program were, and analyze to what extent the training received on the other side of the Atlantic facilitated the professional careers of the Spanish Fulbrigthers upon their return.

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Wertheim, Stephen. "The League of Nations: a retreat from international law?" Journal of Global History 7, no. 2 (July 2012): 210–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000046.

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AbstractDuring the First World War, civil society groups across the North Atlantic put forward an array of plans for recasting international society. The most prominent ones sought to build on the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907 by developing international legal codes and, in a drastic innovation, obligating and militarily enforcing the judicial settlement of disputes. Their ideal was a world governed by law, which they opposed to politics. This idea was championed by the largest groups in the United States and France in favour of international organizations, and they had likeminded counterparts in Britain. The Anglo-American architects of the League of Nations, however, defined their vision against legalism. Their declaratory design sought to ensure that artificial machinery never stifled the growth of common consciousness. Paradoxically, the bold new experiment in international organization was forged from an anti-formalistic ethos – one that slowed the momentum of international law and portended the rise of global governance.

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Gummett, Philip, and Judith Reppy. "Military Industrial Networks and Technical Change in the New Strategic Environment." Government and Opposition 25, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 287–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00584.x.

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FOR FORTY YEARS THE COLD WAR, WITH ITS PRESUMED threat to Western Europe, has been used to justify the level of military budgets in NATO countries. The United States, Britain and France, in particular, have sustained high levels of military spending throughout this period. Each has sought to maintain capability across a full range of military options, including nuclear forces and the ability to intervene in Third World conflicts. Each has maintained a large, and quite stable, industrial and technological infrastructure in support of these military goals.With the ending of the cold war, the basis for that stability has been undermined. Defence spending is set to fall. With it will fall overall spending on defence equipment. But the rate of decline, and its distribution across the different sectors of the defence industry, remain to be determined. Upon the outcome turns the future of investment in defence technologies, with further consequences, complex in nature, for national and industrial technological capabilities. To complicate analysis further, these changes arise at a time of considerable concern on both sides of the Atlantic about industrial competitiveness. This concern had already led to upheaval in industrial structures and strategies within both the defence and the civil high technology industries.

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Steven, Hyland. "The Syrian-Ottoman Home Front in Buenos Aires and Rosario during the First World War." Journal of Migration History 4, no. 1 (March 21, 2018): 211–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00401009.

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The commencement of hostilities in Europe in late summer 1914 transformed the southern Atlantic cities of Buenos Aires and Rosario into diasporic home fronts for many belligerent nations. These cities became at once contested terrains between and among émigré colonies and a source of financial and material aid for warring nations. Buenos Aires’ policy of neutrality further permitted activist immigrants to partner with like-minded individuals and their respective diplomatic representatives to organise civic associations, arrange public demonstrations, and host charity events. The Syrian-Ottoman colonies mirrored the efforts of other immigrant groups, but diverged in distinct ways as novel nationalist sentiments circulated among them. The increased social tension from penury and competing political agendas led to multiple violent confrontations among Syrian Ottomans. Thus, nations that did not directly fight in the European conflagration were indeed party to the First World War and warring states’ home fronts extended beyond national boundaries.

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Saville, Julie. "TRIBUTES TO JOHN HOPE FRANKLIN." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 1 (2010): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x1000010x.

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Long before I had the pleasure of making his acquaintance in person, John Hope Franklin's writings were a vital presence in my academic life. His books were some of the earliest sign posts that I encountered when I first ventured into the new and unfamiliar territory of the historian. The Free Negro in North Carolina was critical to the framework of my first research paper in graduate school. The Militant South was required reading in C. Vann Woodward's reading and discussion seminar in Southern history. I turned to Reconstruction: After the Civil War hoping that it would help me put limits to the deepening puzzles of Reconstruction. But perhaps none of these works—important as they are—has influenced the historical imagination as profoundly as what is undoubtedly his most widely read work, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans, first published in 1947. It kept me company over an anxious winter when I prepared for oral exams. I adopted its fifth edition as required reading in the first course that I taught as a graduate student. Known to general and academic readers alike, From Slavery to Freedom does not recount the progressive unfolding of an emancipatory project, even though its title early named what has become a theme central to analysis of the historical experiences of African Americans in the United States. Instead, it locates the emergence of a distinctively brittle racial regime in the United States within the complex contradictions of modern freedom that were set in motion by Atlantic slavery and the slave trade. “It was forces let loose by the Renaissance and the Commercial Revolution,” he writes, “that created the modern institution of slavery and the slave trade” (Franklin 1947, p. 43; 1980, p. 31). There are thus no postwar echoes of NATO triumphalism in Franklin's conception of Atlantic modernity:

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Xhemaili, Mirvan. "Challenges of Western Balkan Countries on Their Road to EU Integration." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p58-66.

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Western Balkans is one of the regions that has experienced the worst and the longest transition after the Cold War. The dissolution of Yugoslavia at the beginning of 1990s was associated by destructive interethnic conflicts, by local and regional wars, and also by political and ethnic accidents. Western Balkans is also closely related to Europe politically and economically. The historical period to be considered in this research is the post-Cold War period, after the immense changes in central Europe, and the southeast Europe, i.e. the Balkans. The international factor has actively intervened in the Balkans. The international presence is both military and civil. Various international mechanisms have played a determining factor through direct activities in the region. The process of dissolution of former Yugoslavia has fragmentized the Western Balkans in many spheres, starting from the border changes to demographic changes. This process also resulted in creation of new states that changed the geopolitics of the region. The fragmentation was caused by many factors: historical, political, economic, military, geopolitical, and strategic. Also, this development was determined by the political concepts that are leading the region in respect to EU integration. The development of the regional political process has now conditioned and oriented the Western Balkans towards integration in Euro Atlantic structures. Knowing that these countries have as a strategic aim the full membership in the EU, I can say that this makes the process more dynamic and faster, because we are dealing with a process that entails the same principles and same values that are closely related to regional interests. Regardless of the same orientation on values and geopolitical interest, the Western Balkans is currently in a fragmentized level in regards to EU integration

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Thomas, Brook. "The Galaxy, National Literature, and Reconstruction." Nineteenth-Century Literature 75, no. 1 (June 2020): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2020.75.1.50.

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Brook Thomas, “The Galaxy, National Literature, and Reconstruction” (pp. 50–81) The North’s victory in the Civil War preserved the Union and led to the abolition of slavery. Reconstruction was a contentious debate about what sort of nation that union of states should become. Published during Reconstruction before being taken over by the Atlantic Monthly, the Galaxy tried, in Rebecca Harding Davis’s words, to be “a national magazine in which the current of thought of every section could find expression.” The Galaxy published literature and criticism as well as political, sociological, and economic essays. Its editors were moderates who aesthetically promoted a national literature and politically promoted reconciliation between Northern and Southern whites along with fair treatment for freedmen. What fair treatment entailed was debated in its pages. Essayists included Horace Greeley, the abolitionist journalist; Edward A. Pollard, author of The Lost Cause (1866); and David Croly, who pejoratively coined the phrase “miscegenation.” Literary contributors included Davis, Walt Whitman, Henry James, Mark Twain, Constance Fenimore Woolson, John William De Forest, Julian Hawthorne, Emma Lazarus, Paul Hayne, Sidney Lanier, and Joaquin Miller. Juxtaposing some of the Galaxy’s literary works with its debates over how the Union should be reimagined points to the neglected role that Reconstruction politics played in the institutionalization of American literary studies. Whitman is especially important. Reading the great poet of American democracy in the context of the Galaxy reveals how his postbellum celebration of a united nation—North, South, East, and West—aligns him with moderate views on Reconstruction that today seem racially reactionary.

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Gajić, S., and E. G. Ponomareva. "Accelerated expansion of NATO into the Balkans as a consequence of Euro-Atlantic Discord." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-70-93.

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The Balkans in general and post-Yugoslav countries in particular have been under significant geopolitical pressure of the political West since the end of the bipolar global order. From the beginning of the Yugoslav Civil War in 1991, followed by Western recognition of secessionist republics in 1992 and NATO attacks on Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1994-1995 and on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, the US, NATO and EU have been actively involved in the Balkan crisis. It was in concordance with the logic of unipolarity, or the New World Order, proclaimed by George W.H. Bush, in which there is “no substitute for American leadership”.The year of 2008 marked the start of profound changes. The changes we are witnessing today are of the magnitude described by Paul Kennedy’s classic The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Georgia’s attack on South Ossetia crossed Russia’s red lines and exposed the latter’s ambitions to regain the superpower status; China symbolically showed the same ambition with the Olympics in Beijing; the crash of the US real-estate market triggered the global economic crisis; and the NATO-sponsored unilateral declaration of secession by Kosovo Albanians set a precedent and introduced uncertainty in international law and the entire system of United Nations. By the beginning of 2020, many problems had accumulated in the EU – against the background of the ongoing migration crisis, right-wing and nationalist movements became more active, and differences between members increased. Long before COVID-19, Brexit became a serious stress test for the economy and social structure of the European Union. Dramatic changes took place on the other side of the Atlantic too, resulting in the shocking victory of staunch anti-globalist Donald Trump. The rules established during the 1991-2008 unipolarity have thus been challenged. Subsequently, post-Cold War ideological consensus in the West has also been challenged even further by the growth of non-systemic political movements – many of them directed not only against the EU expansion, but also against the EU itself.The significance of all these events for the Balkans is somewhat surprising and paradoxical, as the mainstream forces that have been weakened in the West forcefully push for a stronger Atlantic integration of the remaining Balkan countries. At the height of the pandemic, on 27 March 2020 Northern Macedonia became the 30th member of the Alliance, having previously undergone a humiliating procedure of changing its own name for this purpose. Three years earlier, Montenegro was admitted to NATO, but its population did not have the opportunity to vote on this in a referendum. The negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina on ‘normalisation of relations’, continued pressures on the prerogatives of Republic Srpska, Croatian initiative for a new Intermarium and many other similar efforts are stages in the process of NATOisation of former Yugoslavia. Based on the analysis of a large body of narrative sources and recent literature, the article presents the main trends and possible prospects for developments in the Balkans, depending on the outcome of the ongoing ideological and political struggle within the West.

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Hall, Mitchell. "United States Civil War." Michigan Historical Review 25, no. 2 (1999): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173831.

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Swanson, R. A. "The Civil War or the War Between the States." OAH Magazine of History 8, no. 1 (September 1, 1993): 44–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/8.1.44.

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Cunningham, David E. "Preventing Civil War." World Politics 68, no. 2 (February 23, 2016): 307–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000404.

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Civil wars occur in some countries at some times and not in other countries at other times. This articleexamines how the potential for large-scale external intervention can prevent civil wars. The authorargues that intervention by external states in civil war can be so overwhelming that it reduces one side’s probability of victory to essentially zero. When dissidents expect this type of intervention on the side of government, they anticipate no chance of achieving success through violence and do not initiate civil wars. When governments anticipate this type of intervention on their behalf, they feel protected from internal threat and are less constrained in their dealings with their populations. This repression increases grievances, leading dissidents to engage in strategies of dissent other than civil war. The authortests three implications of this argument-that states in more hierarchical relationships will experience civil war at lower rates, be more repressive, and experience other forms of dissent at higher rates-and finds strong support for it.

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Gurses, Mehmet, and T. David Mason. "Weak States, Regime Types, and Civil War." Civil Wars 12, no. 1-2 (January 2010): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2010.492952.

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Joshi, Madhav. "Post-civil war democratization: promotion of democracy in post-civil war states, 1946–2005." Democratization 17, no. 5 (October 2010): 826–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2010.501173.

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Jones, Preston. "Civil War, Culture War: French Quebec and the American War between the States." Catholic Historical Review 87, no. 1 (2001): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2001.0020.

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Stefanidis, Ioannis D. "Antidote to Civil War?" Studia Historyczne 61, no. 2 (242) (December 31, 2018): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.61.2018.02.05.

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This paper seeks to reopen the question of legitimacy, and in particular democratic legitimacy, as an important factor affecting the course of European ‘small states’ involved in World War II. It draws attention to previously neglected or understudied but crucial aspects of wartime legitimacy, eminently the role of recognition by foreign powers, the rhetoric of the ‘Big Three’ Allies regarding post-war Europe, and the relevance of democratic legitimacy as a powerful antidote to civil conflict during the period of transition into peacetime.

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Rost, Nicolas. "Human Rights Violations, Weak States, and Civil War." Human Rights Review 12, no. 4 (March 1, 2011): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-011-0196-9.

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Bridges, Karl. "United States Civil War Center0040United States Civil War Center. United States Civil War Center . Raphael Semmes Drive, Baton Rouge, LA 70803, USA: Louisiana State University 2000; updated frequently. http://www.cwc.Isu.edu/ No charge." Electronic Resources Review 4, no. 5 (April 2000): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/err.2000.4.5.43.40.

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Joshi, Madhav, and T. David Mason. "Civil War Settlements, Size of Governing Coalition, and Durability of Peace in Post–Civil War States." International Interactions 37, no. 4 (October 2011): 388–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2011.622645.

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Symonds, Craig L., and Jack D. Coombe. "Gunsmoke Over the Atlantic: First Naval Actions of the Civil War." Journal of Southern History 69, no. 3 (August 1, 2003): 702. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30040048.

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ARQUILLA, JOHN, and MARÍA MOYANO RASMUSSEN. "The Origins of the South Atlantic War." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 739–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006198.

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The most widely-accepted views of the origins of the South Atlantic War contend that it arose either out of the Argentine junta's need to divert attention away from a worsening economy or from misperceptions in both London and Buenos Aires. This article argues that the ‘demobilisation’ of Argentine civil society removed the need for a diversionary war; and that the lengthy crisis bargaining that followed in the wake of the ‘grab’ of the Falklands/Malvinas Islands substantially mitigated the impact of any misperceptions. This article advances an alternative to existing theories that explains the outbreak of this war by reference to both structural and organisational factors. A fast decreasing gap in relative power between Argentina and Britain may have encouraged the junta more seriously to consider the possibility of initiating a war between the two. Thereafter, however, the organisational pathologies of the Argentine military led to a suboptimally timed preemptive invasion, intransigent diplomacy and a ‘hedged’ approach to deployments that severely undermined Argentina's military effectiveness, allowing Britain to undertake reconquest of the islands with a very reasonable chance of success.

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Hokayem, Emile. "Iran, the Gulf States and the Syrian Civil War." Survival 56, no. 6 (November 2, 2014): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2014.985438.

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Pavlaković, Vjeran. "The Spanish Civil War and the Yugoslav Successor States." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (August 2020): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000272.

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Yugoslav scholarship about the Spanish Civil War, specifically the Yugoslav volunteers who fought in the International Brigades, was almost exclusively tied to the partisan struggle during the Second World War and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Many countries in the Soviet bloc published books about their heroes who fought fascism before Western Europe reacted and raised monuments to Spanish Civil War veterans. However, many lost their lives during Stalinist purges of the late 1940s and early 1950s since they were potentially compromised cadres who returned to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other countries only after the Red Army's occupation. Yugoslav volunteers, however, generally had a more prominent status in the country (and historiography) since the Yugoslav resistance movement liberated the country with only minimal support from the Soviet Union.

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Efford, Alison Clark. "Civil War–Era Immigration and the Imperial United States." Journal of the Civil War Era 10, no. 2 (2020): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2020.0027.

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Dunne, John Paul, and Nan Tian. "Costs of civil war and fragile states in Africa." Review of Development Economics 23, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 1220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rode.12612.

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Moretta, John. "Pendleton Murrah and States Rights in Civil War Texas." Civil War History 45, no. 2 (1999): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.1999.0101.

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Aydin, Aysegul. "Where Do States Go? Strategy in Civil War Intervention." Conflict Management and Peace Science 27, no. 1 (January 20, 2010): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894209352128.

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Hokayem, Emile. "Iran, the Gulf States and the Syrian Civil War." Adelphi Series 54, no. 447-448 (May 19, 2014): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19445571.2014.995937.

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Kassimeris, Christos. "United States Intervention in Post-War Greek Elections: From Civil War to Dictatorship." Diplomacy & Statecraft 20, no. 4 (December 10, 2009): 679–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290903455790.

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Bolte, Brandon. "The Puzzle of Militia Containment in Civil War." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 250–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab001.

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Abstract In most contemporary civil wars, governments collude with non-state militias as part of their counterinsurgent strategy. However, governments also restrict the capabilities of their militia allies despite the adverse consequences this may have on their overall counterinsurgent capabilities. Why do governments contain their militia allies while also fighting a rebellion? I argue that variation in militia containment during a civil war is the outcome of a bargaining process over future bargaining power between security or profit-seeking militias and states with time-inconsistent preferences. Strong states and states facing weak rebellions cannot credibly commit to not suppressing their militias, and militias with sufficient capabilities to act independently cannot credibly commit to not betraying the state. States with limited political reach and those facing strong rebellions, however, must retain militia support, which opens a “window of opportunity” for militias to augment their independent capabilities and future bargaining power. Using new data on pro-government militia containment and case illustrations of the Janjaweed in Sudan and Civil Defense Patrols in Guatemala, I find evidence consistent with these claims. Future work must continue to incorporate the agency of militias when studying armed politics, since these bargaining interactions constitute a fundamental yet undertheorized characteristic of war-torn states.

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Kokkonen, Andrej, and Anders Sundell. "Leader Succession and Civil War." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 3-4 (June 11, 2019): 434–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019852712.

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Leadership succession is a perennial source of instability in autocratic regimes. Despite this, it has remained a curiously understudied phenomenon in political science. In this article, we compile a novel and comprehensive dataset on civil war in Europe and combine it with data on the fate of monarchs in 28 states over 800 years to investigate how autocratic succession affected the risk of civil war. Exploiting the natural deaths of monarchs to identify exogenous variation in successions, we find that successions substantially increased the risk of civil war. The risk of succession wars could, however, be mitigated by hereditary succession arrangements (i.e., primogeniture—the principle of letting the oldest son inherit the throne). When hereditary monarchies replaced elective monarchies in Europe, succession wars declined drastically. Our results point to the importance of the succession, and the institutions governing it, for political stability in autocratic regimes.

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Edry, Jessica, Jesse C. Johnson, and Brett Ashley Leeds. "Threats at Home and Abroad: Interstate War, Civil War, and Alliance Formation." International Organization 75, no. 3 (2021): 837–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818321000151.

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AbstractIn the current era, many of the military threats that state leaders face come from domestic and transnational nonstate actors. Military alliances are recognized as an important policy strategy to counter military threats, but existing research has primarily been focused on threats from other states and has difficulty uncovering a consistent relationship between external threat and alliance formation. We argue that this discrepancy arises from the failure to recognize that many threats are not external to the state. We contend that alliance formation is motivated both by external threats from other states and by internal threats that make civil conflict more likely. Moreover, we argue that leaders design alliance obligations differently when faced with internal threats. An empirical analysis of alliance formation from 1946 to 2009 shows that while external threats motivate the formation of defense pacts, internal threats encourage the formation of consultation pacts. Internal threats with the greatest potential for internationalization also encourage the formation of neutrality/nonaggression pacts. This research deepens our understanding of how states design security policies to deal with the threats posed by nonstate actors, a salient concern of leaders in the twenty-first century, and helps us to understand the variety of alliance obligations that we observe.

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Bove, Vincenzo, and Tobias Böhmelt. "International Migration and Military Intervention in Civil War." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 2 (July 17, 2017): 271–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.22.

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Which factors make it more likely that states militarily intervene in ongoing intrastate wars? We develop the argument that migrants, i.e., (1) people coming from the civil-war state living in a potential intervener state (immigrants) and (2) those living in the country at war who stem from the third party (emigrants), influence the decision of external states to intervene in civil wars. Our theoretical framework is thus based on a joint focus on domestic-level determinants in a civil-war country and in foreign states. Primarily based on an accountability rationale, we also claim that the third-party’s regime type has an intervening influence. Using quantitative methods, our empirical results generally support the theory, although there is only weak evidence for the intervening influence of a third party’s level of democracy.

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Herreros, Francisco. "Peace of Cemeteries: Civil War Dynamics in Postwar States’ Repression." Politics & Society 39, no. 2 (April 13, 2011): 175–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329211405437.

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Keyes, Sarah. "Civil War Wests: Testing the Limits of the United States." American Nineteenth Century History 17, no. 3 (September 2016): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2016.1243305.

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Stefanidis, Ioannis D. "Antidote to Civil War? European ‘small states’ and political legitimacy during World War II." RUDN Journal of World History 11, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2019-11-2-117-135.

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The experience of European small states involved in World War II varied widely. Not all of them entered the war as victims of aggression, and even those that did so did not necessarily share the same dire consequences of warfare and/or foreign occupation; they also exited the war in, sometimes dramatically diﬀerent ways: a number of small states entered the post-war period relatively peacefully, other were plunged into civil war, while a third category experienced a measure of unrest short of civil strife. It is argued in this paper that, among the factors inﬂuencing the outcome of a European small state’s involvement in World War II, the political legitimacy of its government should not be underestimated. The impact of this factor was particularly felt during the sensitive transition period from war and/or occupation into peacetime. Reinterpreting existing material, it is further argued that, during the war, democratic legitimacy increasingly appeared to guarantee a safer ground for both withstanding wartime travails and achieving a relatively smooth restoration of free national institutions, without the risk of civil war.

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Farr, Kathryn. "Extreme War Rape in Today’s Civil-War-Torn States: A Contextual and Comparative Analysis." Gender Issues 26, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12147-009-9068-x.

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McCurry, Stephanie. "Enemy Women and the Laws of War in the American Civil War." Law and History Review 35, no. 3 (August 2017): 667–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000244.

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One of the most important legacies of the American Civil War, not just in the re-united States of America but also in the nineteenth and twentieth century world, were the new laws of war that the conflict introduced. “Lieber's Code,” named after the man who authored it for the Lincoln administration, was a set of instructions written and issued in April 1863 to govern the conduct of “the armies of the United States in the field.” It became a template for all subsequent codes, including the Hague and Geneva conventions. Widely understood as a radical revision of the laws of war and a complete break with the Enlightenment tradition, the code, like the war that gave rise to it, reflected the new post-Napoleonic age of “people's wars.” As such, it pointed forward, if not as the expression of the first total war, then at least as an expression of the first modern one, with all the blurring of boundaries that involved.

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Klapprodt, Hannah. "Summer Camps and Civil War." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 12, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 44–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v12i2.514.

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This project investigates the rise of the Yemeni insurgent group, AnsarAllah (commonly known as the Huthis), from its conception in the summer camps of the Zaidi Believing Youth movement to its successful rebellion against the internationally-backed Yemeni government in September 2014. The Huthi movement gained a large following by protesting government corruption, injustice, and Saudi and American activity in Yemen. A constructivist analysis of these grievances reveals flaws in the Yemeni nation-state building process as nationalist narratives were created in opposition to Zaidism—the second most practiced branch of Islam in Yemen and a defining element of Huthi identity. Under the guise of “transitional democracy,” the Yemeni state developed as a pluralist authoritarian regime that marginalized Zaidi communities. Anti-Zaidi discourse created exclusionary categories of Yemeni identity, which were intensified by a series of hostile interactions between the state and Huthi leaders. In 2004, the state rationalized violence against the Huthis by framing them as a “national security threat” and an Iranian proxy. These discourses mobilized additional domestic and international actors against the Huthis and catalyzed a series of complex conflicts that eventually culminated in the current civil war. Overall, the Huthis’ journey from summer camps to militancy was driven by marginalization in the new Yemeni nation-state, perceived threats from Saudi Arabia and the United States, and the explosion of state violence against their dissidence.

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Jones, Bruce D., and Stephen John Stedman. "Civil Wars & the Post–Cold War International Order." Daedalus 146, no. 4 (October 2017): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00457.

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By the standards of prosperity and peace, the post–Cold War international order has been an unparalleled success. Over the last thirty years, there has been more creation of wealth and a greater reduction of poverty, disease, and food insecurity than in all of previous history. During the same period, the numbers and lethality of wars have decreased. These facts have not deterred an alternative assessment that civil violence, terrorism, failed states, and numbers of refugees are at unprecedentedly high levels. But there is no global crisis of failed states and endemic civil war, no global crisis of refugees and migration, and no global crisis of disorder. Instead, what we have seen is a particular historical crisis unfold in the greater Middle East, which has collapsed order within that region and has fed the biggest threat to international order: populism in the United States and Europe.

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Priest, Claire. "Enforcing Sympathy: Animal Cruelty Doctrine after the Civil War." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 1 (February 2019): 136–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2018.11.

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After the United States Civil War, many states enacted laws expanding protections for animals against cruelty. This article examines the case law relating to animal cruelty in the nineteenth century, and traces how judges interpreted the animal cruelty statutes enacted after the Civil War. It provides a lens on a transformative moment when legislatures and courts recognized the suffering of animals as a distinct harm and criminalized the infliction of pain. A powerful apparatus of policing emerged to enforce this modern sensibility of sympathy. As observed in judicial decisions, the statutes repudiated earlier intent requirements, reached animal owners and conduct on private property, and in several states expanded police powers to allow warrantless arrests to protect suffering animals. The question of whether animals needlessly suffered took precedence over the earlier focus on suppressing public nuisances and common law doctrines of privacy. The animal cruelty movement provides an essential window into humanitarianism of the late nineteenth century.

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Kathman, Jacob D. "Civil War Diffusion and Regional Motivations for Intervention." Journal of Conflict Resolution 55, no. 6 (July 7, 2011): 847–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711408009.

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Third-party states consider the regional destabilization consequences of civil wars when deciding to intervene. However, previous work implicitly assumes that potential interveners base their intervention decisions solely on their links to the civil war country. This approach is unlikely to reflect the regional concerns of interested parties. When a civil war is increasingly likely to infect its surrounding region, potential interveners with strong interests in those states neighboring the conflict will be more likely to intervene to contain the violence. Thus, relationships outside the civil war state—intervener dyad are causally associated with intervention. To test these arguments, the author accounts for the contagious properties of civil wars and the regional interests of third parties, constructing dynamic measures to represent the contagion threat posed to third party regional interests. Analyses of these measures support the argument that third parties are increasingly likely to intervene as the risk of diffusion increasingly threatens their regional interests.

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Braithwaite, Jessica Maves, and Amanda Abigail Licht. "The Effect of Civil Society Organizations and Democratization Aid on Civil War Onset." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 6 (November 28, 2019): 1095–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719888684.

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A growing literature identifies both situations where aid promotes peace and those where aid encourages violence. Specifically, research shows lower probability of conflict onset in democratizing states receiving high levels of democracy assistance. However, theorizing has overlooked important actors who have agency in spending such aid: civil society organizations (CSOs). We posit that the status of civil society within recipient states conditions the effect of democracy aid inflows on conflict probability. Using an instrumental variables approach to account for endogeneity between aid allocation and conflict propensity, we find that democracy aid is destabilizing when directed to environments where CSOs are weak and poorly connected to the regime and thus are less willing and able to seek change through peaceful means. When civil society is stronger and more institutionalized, however, larger democracy aid flows pose less threat.

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MacKenzie, Simon P. "A forgotten war: World War I in the United States." Comillas Journal of International Relations, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/cir.i02.y2015.004.

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Este artículo pretende explicar cómo y por qué la Primera Guerra Mundial se convirtió en, y aún permanece hasta este día como, la guerra olvidada en los Estados Unidos de América. Esto lo haremos sobre todo a través de la lente de la cultura popular, examinando diversos modos de memoria histórica que abarcan desde monumentos conmemorativos y museos hasta películas de Hollywood y asociaciones de recreación histórica, aunque también se examinarán artículos académicos y generales. La premisa principal es que mientras los americanos escribían y conmemoraban la Gran Guerra sobre piedra y carrete tanto como el resto del mundo anglosajón en las décadas entre guerras, durante los últimos setenta años en EE.UU. la Primera Guerra Mundial se ha visto eclipsada por la Segunda Guerra Mundial; un conflicto mucho mayor en escala y alcance en términos de la implicación americana, sobre todo en relación a las bajas militares. También se señalará la competición con la Guerra Civil por la atención popular a lo largo del siglo anterior, junto al modo en que la Primera Guerra Mundial tiende a abordarse en las aulas. Para terminar, el porvenir de la Primera Guerra Mundial en la conciencia americana popular se examinará dentro del contexto del próximo centenario de la entrada de EE.UU. en el conflicto.

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Bormann, Nils-Christian, and Burcu Savun. "Reputation, concessions, and territorial civil war." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 5 (May 30, 2018): 671–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318767499.

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Barbara Walter’s application of reputation theory to self-determination movements has advanced our understanding of why many separatist movements result in armed conflict. Walter has shown that governments of multi-ethnic societies often respond to territorial disputes with violence to deter similar future demands by other ethnic groups. When governments grant territorial accommodation to one ethnic group, they encourage other ethnic groups to seek similar concessions. However, a number of recent empirical studies casts doubt on the validity of Walter’s argument. We address recent challenges to the efficacy of reputation building in the context of territorial conflicts by delineating the precise scope conditions of reputation theory. First, we argue that only concessions granted after fighting should trigger additional conflict onsets. Second, the demonstration effects should particularly apply to groups with grievances against the state. We then test the observable implications of our conditional argument for political power-sharing concessions. Using a global sample of ethnic groups in 120 states between 1946 and 2013, we find support for our arguments. Our theoretical framework enables us to identify the conditions under which different types of governmental concessions are likely to trigger future conflicts, and thus has important implications for conflict resolution.

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Young, Elizabeth. "Abstract of “Border States and Boundary Crossings: Rethinking Civil War Literature”." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 115, no. 5 (October 2000): 1129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900062453.

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Themnér, Anders, and Thomas Ohlson. "Legitimate peace in post-civil war states: towards attaining the unattainable." Conflict, Security & Development 14, no. 1 (January 2014): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2014.881088.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Atlantic States Civil War'

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