To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Augustan gods.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Augustan gods'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 47 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Augustan gods.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Villaret, Alain. "Les dieux augustes dans l'Occident romain : un phénomène d'acculturation." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BOR3ET01/document.
Full textAbstract:
Les dieux augustes, connus essentiellement par l’épigraphie, dotés du titre impérial d’Augustus/a comme épithète, constituent un aspect du « culte impérial » et témoignent d’une triple acculturation politique, religieuse et sociale. L’ « augustalisation » se rapporte à l’empereur mais ne fait pas de lui un dieu incarné ou un protégé des dieux. Elle exprime une synergie entre les dieux et l’empereur leur médiateur auprès des hommes. Le terme exclusif d’Augustus/a, renvoie à Romulus, aux auspices de l’imperator, à l’auctoritas, qui légitiment le Prince. Rares en Orient les dieux augustes sont surtout répandus en Occident, d’Auguste au début du IVè s. Les dieux romains choisis pour l’augustalisation sont moins les divinités politiques attendues que des dieux protecteurs et bienfaiteurs des cités et des particuliers. Sous les dieux à noms romains apparaissent nombre de divinités indigènes réinterprétées (interpretatio romana) qui avec les dieux purement indigènes conservent des racines locales. Par sa souplesse l’augustalisation intégre à l’Empire toutes ces identités provinciales. Propre aux milieux romanisés, l’augustalisation est avant tout pratiquée par les élites municipales qui, à travers leur évergétisme, la diffusent dans les campagnes et surtout dans la population urbaine, renforçant ainsi leur légitimité. Les augustales et les riches affranchis, prompts à les imiter, la répandent dans le reste de la population. Hauts fonctionnaires et militaires restent en retrait. Présents dans tout l’espace urbain les dieux augustes se concentrent dans les centres civiques et autres loci celeberrimi, où s’affiche le pouvoir. Scénographie urbaine et cérémonies expriment le consensus d’une société hiérarchisée autour des empereurs agents des dieux. L’augustalisation sacralise et légitime le pouvoir et groupe autour de lui une société acculturée aux identités multiplesAugustan Gods, mainly known through epigraphy, commonly bestowed with the Imperial title Augustus/a as an epithet, are part of the « imperial cult » and represented a threefold political, religious and social acculturation. « Augustalization » does refer to the emperor but in that case he couldn’t be considered as an incarnate god or even be seen as protected by the gods. It implied a synergy between the gods and the emperor who stood as their mediator, remaining close to men. The exclusive term Augustus/a refers to Romulus, to the auspices of the imperator, to auctoritas which made the Prince legitimate. Although quite rare in the East augustan gods were commonly well-spread in the West, from Augustus’s reign until the early years of the IVth century. The Roman gods chosen for augustalization were not really the political divinities which might be expected to be found but more likely benevolent gods protecting the cities and their inhabitants. Under the gods carrying Roman names we can discover numerous native divinities which had been reinterpreted (interpretatio romana) and which, with the purely indigenous gods, keep their local roots. With a particular suppleness augustalization integrated into the Empire all these provincial identities. Characteristic of all the backgrounds influenced by romanization, augustalization was first and foremost used by the municipal elite, who, through their evergetism, spread it in the rural areas but mainly among the urban population, thus strenghtening their legitimacy. Augustales and rich freedmen, quick to imitate elite, spread it among the rest of the population. High-ranking officials and officers stayed in the background. Constantly present in all the urban areas augustan gods concentrated their presence in civic centres and other loci celeberrimi where the strenth of the political power was obviously seen. Urban scenographies and ceremonies reveal the consensus of all the members of a strong social hierarchy structured around the emperors seen as the direct go-betweens to the gods. Augustalization made the power even more sacred and legitimate and gathered around its symbolic representation an acculturated society with its manyfold identities
2
Neumann, Waltraud Maria. "Die Stellung des Gottesbeweises in Augustins De libero arbitrio." Hildesheim ; New York : G. Olms, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34991613k.
Full text
3
Rydstrøm-Poulsen, Aage. "The gracious God : gratia in Augustine and the twelth century /." Copenhagen : Akademisk, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb391511308.
Full text
4
Smith, Sharon Off Dunlap. "Illustrations of Raoul de Praelles' translation of St. Augustine's "City of God" between 1375 and 1420 /." Ann Arbor : Mich. : U.M.I, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36955909k.
Full text
5
Tsakiridis, George. "God and time a comparative study of Augustine and Paul Helm /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2002. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
6
Trettel, Adam Michael. "Augustine, City of God 14 : an interpretative study." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/28961.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides an interpretative study of Augustine of Hippo’s City of God, book 14. The introduction explains how the thesis demonstrates that Augustine only partially endorses a model of emotional control through reason, and asserts that the key to his emotions doctrine is not to be found in an affections-passions dichotomy. It also addresses Augustine’s engagement with Platonism in the text, and, using work by Volker Drecoll, explains how the commentary-style project is able to situate City 14 within the Pelagian controversy ca. A.D. 419. The following seven chapters proceed uninterruptedly through City 14, clarifying Augustine’s argumentative aims and making use of secondary scholarship and philological tools to investigate points of fine detail. Chapter 1 explores City 14.1, his recapitulation of City 11-13 and his setting out of the initial two-cities dichotomy. Chapter 2 explores City 14.2-5, in which Augustine critiques Manichean or Platonist positions that the body is bad or evil. Chapter 3 explores City 14.6-9, and Augustine’s explication of the Biblical doctrine of emotions. Chapter 4 explores City 14.10-15, and the theme of the primal Fall and the will being ‘spontaneous’. Chapter 5 explores City 14.16-20, and Augustine’s exploration of the disobedience of the genitals in all forms of sex, including married life. Chapter 6 explores City 14.21-25, in which Augustine discusses the workings of Adam and Eve’s hypothetical sexual experience in the Pre-Fall Paradise. Chapter 7 explores City 14.26-28, in which Augustine recapitulates City 14.10-25, and comments on the workings of Providence, before hurtling towards the final dichotomy about the two cities being separated by their ‘loves’. A conclusion reviews the main points of the thesis. The thesis makes extensive use of German and French scholarship, of the CCL 48 Latin text, and the tools of the CAG 3 Augustine database; it occasionally contests the chapter divisions found in modern editions.
7
Niafas, Konstantinos. "Liber Pater and his cult in latin literature until the end of the Augustan period." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1998. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267211.
Full text
8
Hovde, James Marc. "God's order & worldly action : José de Acosta, Ignatius Loyola, and Augustine /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3091211.
Full text
9
Ko, Han-Jin. "La question du libre arbitre chez Augustin : sources du libre arbitre et concept philosophique de l'acte volontaire humain." Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EPHE5024.
Full textAbstract:
Bien que le concept philosophique original du libre arbitre d’Augustin occupe une place à part dans l’histoire de la philosophie, son argumentation philosophique relative au libre arbitre s’appuie sur les théories des philosophes antiques. Cette thèse se concentre sur quatre approches philosophiques antiques élaborées par les Stoïciens, Cicéron, Alexandre d’Aphrodise et Plotin. Augustin accepte fragmentairement le principe du mouvement de la volonté, les formes de liberté et la relation entre la providence divine et la liberté humaine, etc., proposés par les philosophes antiques. Mais aussi, le libre arbitre chez Augustin prend de plus en plus forme au cours de ses controverses avec les Manichéens et les Pélagiens. Lors des controverses contre les Manichéens, Augustin se focalise tout d’abord sur le libre arbitre humain en relation avec le problème de la cause du mal. Augustin élabore une logique philosophique pour étayer son concept et parer aux attaques manichéennes. La cause du mal n’est pas la nature mauvaise de l’âme ni ne résulte de la volonté de Dieu, mais de notre volonté libre. D’autre part, lors de ses controverses contre les Pélagiens, son concept philosophique du libre arbitre entre dans une nouvelle phase. La volonté humaine n’échappe pas à la bride du péché sans la grâce divine, il s’agit donc d’une volonté faible. Le pouvoir de la volonté humaine est affaibli par le péché originel, même si l’homme possède son propre vouloir. Toutefois, dans la pensée augustinienne, la volonté humaine n’est pas contrainte par des puissances extérieures. Ainsi, le pouvoir du choix est toujours volontaire et libreAlthough Augustine’s philosophical concept of free will occupies a special place in the history of philosophy, the philosophical arguments about free will are based on the theories of ancient philosophers. This thesis focuses on four ancient philosophical approaches, elaborated respectively by the Stoics, Cicero, Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Plotinus. Augustine accepts the principle of the fragmentary movement of the will, the forms of freedom and the relationship between divine providence and human freedom, etc., offered by the ancient philosophers, but free will in Augustine takes on more shape in his arguments with the Manichaeans and the Pelagians. In his argument with the Manichaeans, Augustine first focuses on human free will in relation to the problem of the cause of evil. He develops a philosophical logic to support his concept and defend it against the Manicheans’ attacks. The cause of evil is not the evil nature of the soul or the result of the will of God, but of our free will. In his argument with the Pelagians, his philosophical concept of free will enters a new phase. Without divine grace, human will is too weak to restrain themselves from making sin. Thus, even if a man has his own volition, the ability of human will is weakened by original sin. Nonetheless, in Augustinian thought, the human will is not constrained by outside powers. Thus, the power of choice is voluntary and free
10
Marques, Maria Janaina. "Le libre-arbitre chez Augustin." Thesis, Tours, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOUR2026/document.
Full textAbstract:
Pour considérer le libre-arbitre, Augustin doit mobiliser des conceptions déjà établies sur la nature divine, sur la nature du mal, ainsi que sur la nature du bien. À mesure que de telles conceptions se modifient, le libre-arbitre de la volonté prend des contours variés jusqu’au point d’atteindre la forme la plus achevée. Et c’est là où il se révèle en tant que racine du mal moral – nul rapport avec l’action divine – et où il se montre essentiellement vicié – sans autre alternative que d’accepter l’aide divine. Ainsi, si d’un côté le libre-arbitre de la volonté n’exige aucun rapport de Dieu à la cause du mal, d’un autre côté exige le rapport à Dieu comme le seul et unique chemin de correction du mal. Le but de ce travail de recherche est d’analyser les trames conceptuelles supposées dans la conception du libre-arbitre, voyant en cette dernière une clé de lecture assez forte pour mettre en évidence une certaine logique interne dans le mouvement qui implique la conversion d’Augustin au christianismeIn order to consider the free choice of the will, Augustine has to mobilize concepts already established about the divine nature, the nature of evil and also the nature of the human soul. As such concepts change, the free choice of the will takes on different features until it reaches its most defined form, in which it is revealed as the origin of moral evil – without reference to the divine authorship – and in which it is also revealed as essentially vicious – without any alternative but to accept divine aid. Therefore, if on the one hand the free choice of the will does not entail a relationship between God and the cause of evil, on the other hand it requires the relationship between God and the only way to stop evil. The objective of this work is to analyse the conceptual webs entailed in the concept of free choice, viewing it as a reading key capable of evidencing a certain internal logic in the movement involving Augustine's conversion to Christianity
Para considerar o livre-arbítrio da vontade, Agostinho deve mobilizar concepções já estabelecidas sobre a natureza divina, sobre a natureza do mal e também sobre a natureza da alma humana. À medida que tais concepções se modificam, o livre-arbítrio da vontade assume contornos diversos até obter sua forma mais acabada, na qual se revela como raiz do mal moral – sem nada referir à autoria divina – e na qual se revela também como essencialmente viciado – sem ter outra alternativa senão a de aceitar a ajuda divina. Assim, se de um lado o livre-arbítrio da vontade não exige relacionar Deus com a causa do mal, de outro lado exige relacionar Deus com a única forma de corrigir o mal. Nosso trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar as tramas conceituais supostas na concepção de livre-arbítrio, vendo nesta uma chave de leitura com força de evidenciar certa lógica interna no movimento envolvendo a conversão de Agostinho ao cristianismo
11
Jones, June Hwang. "In her function, the question of woman as femina or homo in Augustine's doctrine of the image of God and his interaction with women." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2006. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
12
Jeandel, Jessica. "Quand la voix de Dieu fait appel : l'exemple de Saint Augustin." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AZUR2036/document.
Full textAbstract:
L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser le phénomène subjectif qu'est la conversion religieuse chez le sujet mystique, à l'aide de la théorie psychanalytique et plus particulièrement grâce à des concepts tels que la pulsion invocante et la voix.A partir de l'ouvrage « les confessions » de Saint Augustin, nous allons analyser de quelle manière s'inscrit chez ce sujet l'appel de Dieu dans sa conversion religieuse. En effet, dans cette oeuvre, il témoigne de la recherche de sa foi en Dieu mais aussi de sa conversion en s'interrogeant sur les énigmes majeures de son existence.Pour ce faire, nous nous interrogerons sur le statut de la voix de Dieu et sur la place fantasmatique qu'occupe la figure déique pour le religieux. Effectivement, la voix du Divin semble venir se loger à la place du refoulement originaire, elle est cause inconsciente du désir et se localise en qualité d'objet a.Cette voix divine viendrait recouvrir la question du refoulement originaire. Elle ne s'entend pas avec l'oreille mais elle s'éprouve. Elle est source de jouissance et s'inscrit dans une jouissance archaïqueThe aim of this thesis is to analyze the subjective phenomenon that is the mystic subject religious conversion's, using the psychoanalitic theory and more particulary thanks to concepts such as the invocatory drive and the voice.From the book « Confessions » of Saint Augustin, we are going to analyze how God's call affected him in his religious conversion. Indeed, in this work he testifes to the search for his faith in God, but also, to his conversion by wondering about the major riddles of his existence.For that purpose, we wonder about God's voice statuts and about the fantastical place that the divine figure occupies for Saint Augustin.Actually, the voice of Lord seems to print it self over of the primal repression. It is the unconscious cause of desire and it seems to impose itself as the « a » object.This divine voice would be covering the primal repression issue. It is not heared though the ear, it is experienced. It is a source of enjoyement, classified as an archaïc enjoyement
13
Wellington, Imogen Jane. "Gifts to the gods? : votive deposition in north-eastern France from 250 BC to the age of Augustus : a numismatic perspective." Thesis, Durham University, 2005. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1274/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the use of coinage on votive sites of the later Iron Age and earliest Roman period in the north-east of France. Moving beyond numismatic studies, it evaluates the archaeological contexts in which Iron Age coins have been found, and seeks to use a single artefact type to consider the nature of centralised votive deposition in this area. Previously, a single type of votive deposition has been assumed to exist in the study area based on the presence of an archaeologically visible votive tradition in western Picardy. This study reviews the archaeological evidence from a wider area, and considers the extremely regional nature of votive deposition from the point of the numismatic deposits. It also looks chronologically at developments in the deposition of artefacts on votive sites, and reviews the changing nature of votive deposition over time. The development of oppida is also entwined with votive sites, many in the study area also having votive foci, and large ritual deposits of coinage. The appearance of coinage is closely related to an increasingly complex society, including the appearance of oppida and centralised votive sites, and reasons for this are suggested. The function of coinage in later Iron Age societies is considered. In the later Iron Age coinage was produced in large quantities on votive sites, and was deposited in the immediate locality. The evidence suggests that coins were produced primarily for votive deposition in parts of the study area, a trend which begins with early potin and silver, and increases after the Gallic Wars in the middle of the first century BC.
14
Daniels, Amy Lydia. "Justice in Augustine's City of God." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71609.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis outlines Augustine’s thought on justice as articulated in The City of God: against the Pagans. The purpose of the study was to investigate the place and role of his convictions about justice in his apologetic project. To this end, Books 19-22 of The City of God were read within the historical, religious and ideological contexts of Augustine’s day. Aspects deemed relevant to the stated goals of the thesis and which were therefore surveyed, were pagan-Christian relations and Neo-Platonism in the fifth century; the sacking of Rome in AD 410, a perceived injustice which occasioned rampant calumnies against the Christians and questions regarding the justice of God; secular jurisprudence and legal practice, with a focus on the role of bishops in dispensing justice; biblical perspectives on justice. A reading of Books 19-22 of the City of God was then done, in which it was found that justice was viewed by Augustine as subordinate to, but straining toward the Supreme Good, identified as peace. Moreover, it was shown that Augustine’s perspective on justice is inextricably linked with his eschatological convictions. These are that God is set to establish an eternal City, composed of those who, throughout history, have pledged allegiance to Him. That city is characterised by peace and justice, as determined by God. Any peace or manifestation of justice in the present age was shown to flow from humankind’s predisposition toward self-love (egotism). As such, they are presented by Augustine as a poor reflection of the perfect peace and justice that will be established by God. With regard to Augustine’s defence of the Christian faith, it was found that he employs a model of argumentation which takes as its point of departure the worldviews of his opponents, showing up cracks in their thinking. He then presents his own perspective as the better alternative. The juxtaposition of the current age, fraught with injustice and chaos, against the eternal peace and justice to be established by God, were shown to be important selling-points for Augustine. For him, life in the eternal City of God was an irresistible offer, which he sought to hold out to his opponents.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis skets Augustinus se denke oor geregtigheid soos geartikuleer in Die Stad van God: teen die Heidene. Die doel van die studie was om die plek en die rol van sy oortuigings oor geregtigheid in sy apologetiese projek te ondersoek. Met hierdie doel is Boeke 19-22 uit Die Stad van God gelees binne die historiese, godsdienstige en ideologiese kontekste van Augustinus se tyd. Aspekte wat as relevant beskou is tot die vermelde doelwitte van die tesis en wat dus ondersoek is, is verhoudings tussen heidene en Christene asook Neo-Platonisme in die vyfde eeu; die plundering van Rome in 410 n.C., ’n vermeende onreg wat aanleiding gegee het tot onbeteuelde laster teenoor die Christene en vrae oor die geregtigheid van God; sekulêre wetsgeleerdheid en regspraktyk, met die fokus op die rol van biskoppe in die beoefening van regspraak; bybelse perspektiewe op geregtigheid. ’n Vertolking van Boeke 19-22 uit Die Stad van God is daarna gedoen, waarin daar bevind is Augustinus het gemeen dat geregtigheid ondergeskik is aan, maar wel streef na, die Hoogste Goed, wat naamlik as vrede geïdentifiseer word. Verder is daar getoon dat Augustinus se perspektief op geregtigheid onlosmaaklik verbind is aan sy eskatologiese oortuigings. Hierdie oortuigings is dat God ’n Ewige Stad sal vestig wat saamgestel is uit dié wat deur die geskiedenis heen trou aan Hom gesweer het. Daardie stad word deur vrede en geregtigheid gekenmerk, soos dit deur God bepaal is. Daar word gewys daarop dat enige vrede of manifestasie van geregtigheid in daardie tyd bloot voortgevloei het uit die mens se geneigdheid tot selfliefde (egotisme). Dít word deur Augustinus voorgehou as ’n swak weerspieëling van die volmaakte vrede en geregtigheid wat deur God ingestel sal word. Wat betref Augustinus se verdediging van die Christelike geloof, is daar bevind dat hy ’n redeneringsmodel gebruik wat die wêreldbeskouings van sy opponente as uitgangspunt gebruik, en só die foute in hul denke uitwys. Hy bied dan sy eie perspektief as die beste alternatief aan. Die naasmekaarstelling van die huidige era, vol ongeregtigheid en chaos, teenoor die ewige vrede en geregtigheid wat deur God ingestel sal word, is uitgewys as belangrike verkoopspunte vir Augustinus. Vir hom was die lewe in die Ewige Stad van God ’n onweerstaanbare aanbod wat hy aan sy opponente wou voorhou.
15
Miller, Kurt David. "Building the body of Christ through the love of God in a small group fellowship." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
16
Beach, James Mark. "Is there injustice with God? the doctrine of predestination in Augustine, Calvin and Berkouwer, with an analysis of key questions /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
17
Thompson, Terry Dale. "God's special way : August Hermann Francke, Friedrich Wilhelm I, and the consolidation of prussian absolutism /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487940308434125.
Full text
18
Parks, Robert N. "Gender, Image of God, and the Bishop's Body: Augustine on Women in Christ and the Church." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1596704007228859.
Full text
19
Åsberg, Samuel. "Politik och kyrka i saeculum : Historiesyn och politisk teologi hos Oliver O’Donovan." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-123539.
Full textAbstract:
Politics and Church in Saeculum – History and Political Theology in Oliver O’DonovanThis essay explores the relation between church, history and politics in the theology of Oliver O’Donovan. It asks the question of how O’Donovan’s political theology and understanding of the church is shaped by his view of history and how God acts within history. It shows how O’Donovan, following Augustine, stresses the tension between the two cities within history – the City of God and the City of Man – and uses this as a paradigm in which to understand the secular political authority. As a provisional ordering in saeculum, the earthly City of Man has a temporary function, awaiting God’s final reign in eschaton, in which it will hand over its authority to Christ. The church, though being a political community already prefiguring the reign of God in Christ, it still lives, in this age, under the secular rule. Awaiting the coming Kingdom its primary occupation is that of witness, inviting society and its ruler alike to accept the kingship of Christ. As a successful example of this mission O’Donovan gives a significant focus to the era known as Christendom, in which the western civilization, following the conversion of the Roman emperor Constantine, is understood as a Christian society with Christian rulers. In discussing O’Donovan’s political theology, the essay asks questions about O’Donovan’s reading and usage of Christendom and tries to reason about the application of O’Donovan’s theology in a situation where Christendom no longer defines the western experience (or what has been called a predominantely post-Christendom context). An important question in the discussion is whether O’Donovan stays true to the heritage of Augustine, or if he, in theory as well as practice, tends to follow other voices within the theology of history.
20
Du, Plessis A. F. J. (Anna Francina Johanna). "n Literêr-inhoudelike analise van Boek 7 van Augustinus se Confessiones : Augustinus se begrip van die bestaanswyse van God en die kwaad." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52360.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augusine's search for the nature of God's exisistence as well as the origin of evil, reaches a climax in Book 7 of his Confessions. This study assumes the position that Augustine strives to find answers to the above mentioned two questions in the first six books of the Confessions. The answers to both these questions were vitally important to Augustine, since it would then convince him to convert to the Christian faith. Augustine repeatedly thought he grasped the true answer to the existence of God and the origin and the nature of evil but he was disillusioned time and again. His quest for an answer started with his reading of Cicero's Hortentius (Conf. 3.4.7), a book that urged Augustine to search for Truth. Augustine then joined the Manicheans, a sect claiming that their doctrine was based on reason and contained the Truth (Conf. 3.6.10). Augustine believed that the Manicheans could resolve his quest for answers to the existence and nature of both God and evil. The Manichean intellectual and scientific exposition of the cosmos allowed Augustine to imagine God and evil as opposing substances. Eventually, promted by his own intellect, Augustine discovered weaknesses in their theories (Conf. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Augustine's final break with the Manicheans, after nine years as an adherent, came when he heard the sermons of Ambrose of Milan. Not only was Augustine impressed by Ambrose's eloquence but his sermons also embodied an interpretation of Platonism in Christian terms. Augustine's reading of the Neoplatonic books in a Latin translation urged him to turn into himself (Conf. 7.10.16) and search for God there. Once Augustine could pronounce upon the intelligible existence of God, his inquiry into the origin of evil resolved itself (7.12.18).
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus se soeke na die bestaanswyse van God en die aard en onstaan van die kwaad bereik 'n klimaks in Boek 7 van die Confessiones. In hierdie studie word daar van die standpunt uitgegaan dat Augustinus onder andere in die eerste ses boeke van die Confessiones poog om antwoorde te kry op bogenoemde twee vraagstukke. Antwoorde op beide hierdie vrae was van kardinale belang, aangesien dit Augustinus sou oortuig om hom tot die Christelike geloof te bekeer. Augustinus het herhaaldelik gepoog om die ware antwoorde op die vraag na bestaanwyse van God sowel as die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad te vind. Hy was egter telke male ontnugter. Augustinus se soeke het begin toe hy in aanraking gekom het met Cicero se Hortensius (Conf. 3.4.7), 'n boek wat Augustinus aangemoedig het om die Waarheid na te jaag. Gevolglik het Augustinus by die Manicheërs aangesluit, aangesien dié sekte geglo het dat hulle leerstellinge gebaseer is op die rede en sodoende die volle waarheid bevat (Cant. 3.6.10). Augustinus het geglo dat die Manicheërs sy soektog na antwoorde op die vraag van God en die kwaad se bestaanswyse kon oplos. Die Manicheërs se intellektuele en wetenskaplike uiteensetting van die kosmos het Augustinus toegelaat om God en die kwaad as teenstrydige entiteite te beskou. Ongeveer nege jaar na sy aansluiting by die Manicheërs, aangemoedig deur sy eie intellek, het Augustinus die swak punte in die Manichese leerstellinge ontdek (Cant. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Die finale breek met die Manicheërs het gekom toe Augustinus die preke van Ambrosius in Milaan gehoor het. Nie alleen was Augustinus ingenome met Ambrosius se welsprekendheid nie, maar sy preke het ook die interpretasie van Platonisme in Christelike terme beliggaam. Die Neoplatoniese leerstellinge het Augustinus aangemoedig om na homself, in homself te draai (Conf. 7.10.16) en vir God daar te gaan soek. Sodra Augustinus kon verklaar dat God in die vorm van 'n kenbare wese bestaan, het sy soeke na die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad dit self opgelos (Cant. 7.12.18).
21
Gadis, Jessica. "Caving Into The Will Of The Masses?: Relics In Augustine's City Of God." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/694.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Augustine of Hippo's support of the cult of relics through the lens of Peter Brown's revision of the two-tiered model which was proposed in his 1981 book The Cult of Saints. More specifically, this thesis attempts to explain the introduction of saint's relics in the final book, book 22, of Augustine's magnum opus The City of God (De Civitate Dei). After providing proof of the theologian's opposition to the cult of relics in his youth, historical, biographical, and textual evidence is used to trace his later change of heart. This change in position is crystallized in a series of miracle accounts in the 8th chapter of the 22nd book. The analysis of this 'chain of miracles' is essential in understanding the purpose of the City of God as a whole and Augustine's own theories of death and resurrection.
22
Buqa, Wonke. "The role of St. Augustine as a North African church historian." Diss., Pretoria : [S.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11202007-110736/.
Full text
23
Ellingwood, Jane. "Creation and God as One, Creator, and Trinity in early theology through Augustine and its theological fruitfulness in the 21st century." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19814.
Full textAbstract:
My primary argument in this thesis is that creation theologies significantly influenced early developments in the doctrine of the Trinity, especially in Augustine of Hippo’s theology. Thus this is a work of historical theology, but I conclude with proposals for how Augustine’s theologies of creation and the Trinity can be read fruitfully with modern theology. I critically analyse developments in trinitarian theologies in light of ideas that were held about creation. These include the doctrine of creation ‘out of nothing’ and ideas about other creative acts (e.g., forming or fashioning things). Irenaeus and other early theologians posited roles for God (the Father), the Word / Son, the Spirit, or Wisdom in creative acts without working out formal views on economic trinitarian acts. During the fourth century trinitarian controversies, creation ‘out of nothing’ and ideas about ‘modes of origin’ influenced thinking on consubstantiality and relations within the Trinity. Basil of Caesarea and others also presented ideas about trinitarian acts of creation and the Trinity in hexaemeral works. I will argue that in Augustine’s views of trinitarian acts of creation, he attributes roles to God (the Father), the Word / Son, and the Spirit. In his mature theology, he attributes the giving of formless existence, differentiated existence, and perfected existence to the three Persons respectively, while depicting shared roles. He also attributes to the Spirit the giving of the capability of ‘dynamic abiding’ to creatures, which gives them agency in continuing their existence. Augustine’s theologies of creation and the Trinity were significantly influenced by his exegesis of Gen. 1, John 1. 1-3, Wisdom, and other scriptures, and his ideas resonate with the hexaemeral works of Basil and Philo of Alexandria. I argue that scholars should examine these sources and Augustine’s own hexaemeral commentaries to gain a deeper understanding of his trinitarian theology.
24
Santos, Danilo Nobre dos [UNESP]. "A felicidade e sua busca no De Beata Vita de Santo Agostinho." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/148803.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by DANILO NOBRE DOS SANTOS (danilo_nobre@hotmail.com) on 2017-02-13T21:07:05Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação -Danilo Nobre dos Santos.pdf: 638138 bytes, checksum: b5bc84195a88966b7126b8fe54599911 (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by LUIZA DE MENEZES ROMANETTO (luizamenezes@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-02-15T18:49:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_dn_me_mar.pdf: 638138 bytes, checksum: b5bc84195a88966b7126b8fe54599911 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-15T18:49:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_dn_me_mar.pdf: 638138 bytes, checksum: b5bc84195a88966b7126b8fe54599911 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-29
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Santo Agostinho apresenta a posse de Deus como o porto da felicidade. Deste modo, veremos que com o diálogo De Beata Vita, o autor oferece uma resposta para tal questionamento, a partir de uma noção de felicidade que consiste no perfeito conhecimento de Deus. Assim, abordaremos a referida questão com a finalidade de tornar mais evidente a concepção agostiniana de felicidade e realização humana.
Saint Augustine has the possession of God as the happiness of the harbor. Thus, we seethat with the De Vita Beata dialogue, the author offers na answer to this question, from a sense of happiness consists in the perfect knowledge of God. Thus, we will address that question in order to make it clear the Augustinian conception of happiness and human fulfillment.
25
Bordin, Marcela Ilha. "Identities in context : gender and race in William Faulkner's Light in august and Zora Neale Hurston's Their eyes were watching god." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/131632.
Full textAbstract:
Este trabalho é dedicado à análise de duas obras ficcionais, “Their Eyes Were Watching God”, de Zora Neale Hurston, e “Light in August”, de William Faulkner. O ponto de partida da análise é a ideia que identidades são construídas de acordo com injunções discursivas específicas, que variam de contexto para contexto. Para tanto, foram analisados os dois personagens principais dos textos, Janie Crawford, uma mulher negra, e Joe Christmas, um homem cuja identidade racial é desconhecida. A comparação entre os dois se baseou na forma como ambas as identidades são construídas nos romances, em relação ao seu acesso à língua e a possibilidade de articulação dentro dela, e ao contexto no qual estão inseridos.This research is dedicated to the analysis of two fictional works, Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937) by Zora Neale Hurston and Light in August (1932) by William Faulkner. The starting point of the analysis is the idea that identities are constructed according to specific discursive injunctions, which vary from context to context. The study is focused on the main characters of both novels, Janie Crawford, a black woman, and Joe Christmas, a man whose racial identity is unknown. The comparison between the two characters is based on how their identities are constructed in the novels in relation to their access to language and their possibility of articulating within it, and the context in which they are inserted.
26
Marques, Maria Janaina Brenga. "O livre-arbítrio em Agostinho." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-07122012-121726/.
Full textAbstract:
Para considerar o livre-arbítrio da vontade, Agostinho deve mobilizar concepções já estabelecidas sobre a natureza divina, sobre a natureza do mal e também sobre a natureza da alma humana. À medida que tais concepções se modificam, o livre-arbítrio da vontade assume contornos diversos até obter sua forma mais acabada, na qual se revela como raiz do mal moral sem nada referir à autoria divina e na qual se revela também como essencialmente viciado sem ter outra alternativa senão a de aceitar a ajuda divina. Assim, se de um lado o livre-arbítrio da vontade não exige relacionar Deus com a causa do mal, de outro lado exige relacionar Deus com a única forma de corrigir o mal. Nosso trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar as tramas conceituais supostas na concepção de livre-arbítrio, vendo nesta uma chave de leitura com força de evidenciar certa lógica interna no movimento envolvendo a conversão de Agostinho ao cristianismo.In order to consider the free choice of the will, Augustine has to mobilize concepts already established about the divine nature, the nature of evil and also the nature of the human soul. As such concepts change, the free choice of the will takes on different features until it reaches its most defined form, in which it is revealed as the origin of moral evil without reference to the divine authorship and in which it is also revealed as essentially vicious without any alternative but to accept divine aid. Therefore, if on the one hand the free choice of the will does not entail a relationship between God and the cause of evil, on the other hand it requires the relationship between God and the only way to stop evil. The objective of this work is to analyse the conceptual webs entailed in the concept of free choice, viewing it as a reading key capable of evidencing a certain internal logic in the movement involving Augustine\'s conversion to Christianity.
27
Roos, Andre. "St Augustine's Confessiones : the role of the imago Dei in his conversion to Catholic Christianity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6505.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although St Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.) was raised as a Christian, he refuted Catholicism as a youth in his search for divine wisdom and truth. Like the biblical prodigal son, he first had to realise the error of his aversion (turning away from the Catholic Church) before he could experience conversion (returning to the Catholic faith). Augustine narrates certain central events of his life in the Confessiones as a series of conversions, leading him from his native Roman North Africa to his conversion to Catholic Christianity in the Imperial City of Milan. Philosophy, especially Neo-Platonic thought, played a crucial role in his conversion process, as did the influence of St Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and other Neo-Platonic intellectuals in Milan. Neo- Platonism also influenced Augustine's conception of the imago Dei (image of God). Although Augustine’s teaching of the concept of the imago Dei is found in all his works (but mainly in De Trinitate), a survey of the literature has shown that the way in which this concept is used to inform, structure and advance his conversion narrative in the Confessions, has not yet been investigated in a structured manner. In order to address this gap in scholarly knowledge, the thesis attempts to answer the following research question: How did the concept of the imago Dei inform and structure Augustine's conversion narrative, as recounted in his Confessiones, taking into account the theological and philosophical influences of Ambrose and the Neo-Platonists of Milan on his spiritual development? The investigation was conducted by an in-depth study and analysis of the Confessiones and relevant secondary literature within the historical, philosophical and religious framework of the work. An empirical approach, by means of textual analysis and hermeneutics, was used to answer the research question. The analysis of the Confessions is limited to its autobiographical part (Books 1 to 9). In order to carry out the analysis, a theoretical and conceptual framework was posited in Chapters 1 to 4, discussing the key concepts of conversion and of the imago Dei, as well as explaining the influence of Neo-Platonism and Ambrose on Augustine. In Chapter 5, this conceptual framework of the nature of the imago Dei is complemented by a literary framework for the Confessions to form a metaframework. The textual analysis was done within the meta-framework with reference to certain endowments (attributes) imprinted in the image, namely personality, spirituality, rationality, morality, authority, and creativity. The main conclusion is that Augustine's personal relationship with God had been harmed by the negative impact of sin on these endowments of the divine image in him. His gradual realisation that God is Spirit, his growth in faith, and his eventual acceptance of the authority of Scripture and of the Catholic Church, brought about the healing of the broken image of God in Augustine and also the restoration of God’s likeness in him. This enabled Augustine to be reconciled to God through Christ, who is the perfect Image of God, and helped to convert him to the Catholic Church, which is the Body of Christ.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die Heilige Augustinus, Biskop van Hippo (354–430 n.C.), as Christen grootgemaak is, het hy as jong man die Katolisisme verwerp in sy soektog na goddelike wysheid en waarheid. Soos die verlore seun van die Bybel, moes hy eers die fout van sy afkerigheid (wegdraai van die Katolieke Kerk) insien voordat hy tot bekering (terugkeer tot die Katolieke geloof) kon kom. Augustine vertel sekere kerngebeure van sy lewe in die Confessiones (Belydenisse) as ‘n reeks van bekeringe, wat hom gelei het van sy geboorteplek in Romeins-Noord-Afrika tot sy bekering tot die Katolieke Christendom in die Keiserstad Milaan. Filosofie, veral Neo-Platoniese denke, het ‘n deurslaggewende rol gespeel in sy bekeringsproses, soos ook die invloed van die Heilige Ambrosius, Biskop van Milaan, en ander Neo- Platoniese intellektuele in Milaan. Neo-Platonisme het ook Augustine se begrip van die imago Dei (Godsbeeld) beïnvloed. Alhoewel Augustinus se leer oor die begrip imago Dei in al sy werke aangetref word (maar veral in De Trinitate), het ‘n literatuurstudie uitgewys dat die manier waarop hierdie begrip gebruik word om sy bekeringsverhaal in die Confessions toe te lig, vorm te gee en te bevorder, nog nie op gestruktureerde wyse ondersoek is nie. Om hierdie leemte in vakkundige kennis te vul, poog hierdie tesis om die volgende navorsingsvraag te beantwoord: Hoe het die begrip imago Dei Augustinus se bekeringsverhaal toegelig en vorm gegee, soos vertel in sy Confessiones, met inagneming van die teologiese en filosofiese invloede van Ambrosius en die Neo-Platoniste van Milaan op sy geestelike ontwikkeling? Die ondersoek is uitgevoer deur middel van ‘n grondige studie en ontleding van die Confessiones en toepaslike sekondêre literatuur binne die historiese, filosofiese en godsdienste raamwerk van die werk. ’n Empiriese benadering, by wyse van teksontleding en hermeneutika, is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Die ontleding van die Confessiones is beperk tot die outobiografiese deel (Boeke 1 tot 9). Om die ontleding uit te voer, is ’n teoretiese en konseptuele raamwerk vooropgestel in Hoofstukke 1 tot 4, waar die sleutelbegrippe bekering en imago Dei bespreek is, asook die invloed van Neo-Platonisme en Ambrosius op Augustinus. In Hoofstuk 5 word hierdie konseptuele raamwerk vir die aard van die imago Dei aangevul deur ’n literêre raamwerk vir die Confessions om sodoende ‘n metaraamwerk te vorm. Die teksontleding is gedoen binne die metaraamwerk met verwysing na sekere geestesgawes (eienskappe) wat in die beeld neerslag vind, naamlik persoonlikheid, spiritualiteit, rasionaliteit, moraliteit, outoriteit, en kreatiwiteit. Die hoofgevoltrekking is dat Augustinus se persoonlike verhouding met God geskaad is deur die negatiewe impak van sonde op hierdie geestesgawes van die Godsbeeld in hom. Sy geleidelike besef dat God Gees is, sy groei in sy geloof, asook sy uiteindelike aanvaarding van die gesag van die Bybel en van die Katolieke Kerk, het meegebring dat Augustinus se gebroke Godsbeeld en -gelykenis herstel is. Daardeur is Augustinus met God versoen deur Christus, wat die volmaakte Godsbeeld is, en sodoende is hy bekeer tot die Katolieke Kerk, wat die Liggaam van Christus is.
28
Bissler, Joseph S. "Caligula Unmasked: an Investigation of the Historiography of Rome's Most Notorious Emperor." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1374749172.
Full text
29
Wallace, Alister. "Sex and the City (of God) : an overview of the writings of Augustine on sex and sexuality and how they relate to the development of his understanding and teaching on marriage." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709853.
Full textAbstract:
Julian of Eclanum suggested that Augustine's dark and foreboding outlook on sex was, partly, derived from his retrospective guilt over his youthful excesses, described in Confessiones. This work tests this thesis and suggests other significant influences. Chapter 1 examines Augustine's sexual history and finds evidence to support Julian's claim. However, chapter 2 examines the ecclesiastical context Augustine entered after his conversion 'under the fig tree'. The Church's teaching regarding sex, even within marriage, meant that Augustine, with his 'tainted past' found plenty of material with which to galvanise his shame. Unsurprisingly, Augustine's teaching on sex resonates with his predecessors and peers. Chapter 3 examines the influences of Augustine's Manichaean past. Avoiding procreation as a 'Manichaean Hearer' would inevitably have led to him practicing contraception in various forms. Drawing from historic abjurations and other ancient commentators on the sexual norms of the Manichees, I suggest that Augustine's teaching on unnatural sexual acts can be traced to this period of his life rather than his youth. Chapter 4 examines the Jovinian controversy where Augustine offers his 'three goods of marriage' (where sex is for procreation only) as a compromise between the liberal Jovinian and the anti-marital Jerome. Chapter 5 examines Augustine's reaction to the Pelagian suggestion that God intended sexual pleasure within marriage as part of His good creation. Augustine struggles to find pleasure in general, and sex in particular, as a God ordained good. The City of God (chapter 6) speculates on how procreation could have been possible before the Fall without sexual concupiscence or pleasure. Chapter 7 examines his exegeticaf methods and selectivity of scripture to negate the possibility of sexual pleasure being part of God's intention for marriage. Overall, the residual guilt of Augustine's sex life and Church politics have combined to bequeath a dark legacy on all sexuality,
30
Ruf-Fraissinet, Valérie. "L’illustration de La Cité de Dieu de saint Augustin, dans sa traduction française par Raoul de Presles, à Paris à la fin du Moyen Âge : les manuscrits attribués à Maître François." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100133.
Full textAbstract:
La Cité de Dieu, initiée par Charles V et réalisée vers 1375 par Raoul de Presles, est une référence importante à la fin du Moyen Âge. L’iconographie de trois manuscrits illustrés par l’enlumineur parisien Maître François, dans le dernier tiers du XVe siècle (Paris, BnF, fr. 18-19 ; Paris, Bibl. Sainte-Geneviève, ms 246 ; La Haye, Meermanno-Westreenianum Museum 10 A 11 et Nantes, Bibl. munic., ms 8), livre un éclairage particulièrement intéressant sur la manière dont ce texte pouvait être lu. Après un chapitre préliminaire rappelant la place du De civitate Dei dans la pensée médiévale, la première partie analyse comment la première mise en français, assortie de commentaires, infléchit le texte augustinien vers une dimension encyclopédique et politique. Toutefois, sa tradition illustrée, entre 1375 et 1370, révèle les modalités propres de son appropriation par les laïcs. La deuxième partie se focalise sur le corpus. Leur présentation historique et codicologique établie, l’étude s’attache à définir la cohérence du cycle commun aux trois témoins dans un rapport texte et images ; puis à établir le caractère unique du codex La Haye- Nantes dont l’exhaustivité permet d’approfondir la part respective de la traduction et des commentaires, mais aussi d’autres sources textuelles, dans la conception de l’illustration. La troisième partie aborde la question même des procédés mis en œuvre et des modèles utilisés par l’artiste pour réaliser cette imagerie complexe ; et cette analyse permet de déceler l’ascendant du commanditaire dans l’élaboration de l’unicum, ainsi que son appropriation du texte. La Cité de Dieu est alors devenue un emblème, un « miroir du prince » et, de ce fait, la série retenue annonce la fin de tradition illustrée du texteThe City of God, commissioned by Charles V and completed around 1375 by Raoul de Presles, is an important reference to the late Middle Ages. The iconography of three manuscripts illustrated by the Parisian illuminator Maître François, in the last third of the fifteenth century (Paris, BNF, fr 18-19;. Paris, Bibl Sainte-Geneviève, 246 ms;. The Hague, Meermanno-Westreenianum Museum 10 a 11 and Nantes, Biblio. munic., 8 ms), delivers a particularly interesting light on how this text could be read. After a preliminary chapter recalling the role of the De Civitate Dei in medieval thought, the first part analyzes how the first French translation with matching commentaries inflects the Augustinian text toward an encyclopaedic and political dimension. However its illustrated tradition, between 1375 and 1370, reveals the particular modalities of appropriation by the laity. The second part focuses on the corpus. Their historical and codicological presentation established, the study seeks to define the coherence of the common cycle to the three witnesses in a text and image rapport; and to establish the uniqueness of the codex The Hague-Nantes whose completeness deepens the respective share of the translation and commentaries, but also other textual sources in the design of the illustration .The third part addresses the issue of the processes involved and models used by the artist to realise this complex imaging; and this analysis can detect the influence of the sponsor in the development of the "unicum" and its appropriation of the text. The City of God then became an emblem, a "mirror of the prince" and therefore the chosen series heralds the end of tradition illustrated text
31
Román, Ortiz Angel Damián. "La huella de San Agustín en la ética de los valores de Scheler." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/81556.
Full textAbstract:
Los “valores” son percibidos emocionalmente en virtud de un acto de amor. Íntimamente relacionado con el concepto de “valor” está el de “persona”, como “valor de los valores”. Ésta es inobjetivable; no se le entiende sino que se le “comprende”; no se la conoce en virtud de un acto intelectual sino que se le ama y, en virtud del amor, se intuye moralmente su esencia, su ordo amoris. A lo largo de esta tesis se repasan los elementos de la ética de los valores de Scheler y la influencia que sobre la misma ejerció San Agustín de Hipona. Eso me lleva a calificar el periodo central del filósofo alemán como “periodo agustiniano”, y a abrir una nueva línea de investigación que corrija los problemas a que dio lugar la pretendida fundamentación axiológica de la ética, con base en el concepto de amor, para construir una “ética del amor”.The “values” are perceived emotionally by an act of love. Related to the concept of “value” is the concept of “person” as “value of values”. The person is inobjetivable; we can not understand them but can be sympathetic. They are not known under an intellectual act but a loving act. Because of love, it is given a moral intuition of their essence: the “ordo amoris”. Throughout this work we review the elements of Scheler´s ethics and the influence exerted on it by Saint Augustine of Hippo. Thus, I qualify the central period of the German philosopher as “Augustinian period”, and open a new line of researching to correct the problems from the doubtful axiological foundations of the ethics of the values. This can be intended, based on the concept of love, to build a “Love Ethic” which does not lose sight of the real material object of ethics: the Good.
32
Sakoutis, Stephanie Joan. "The Origins of Three Meroitic Bronze Oil Lamps in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/art_design_theses/47.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis discusses three bronze oil lamps found in the ancient city of Meroë, in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Scholars have considered the lamps to be imported from Hellenistic Egypt, but careful examination has revealed that the lamps were not imported. The lamps were locally made in Meroë; the materials and technology needed to create bronze lamps were available to Meroitic craftsmen.
33
Cvetković, Carmen Angela. "Seeking the Face of God : a study on Augustine's reception in the mystical thought of Bernard of Clairvaux and William of St. Thierry." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1213.
Full textAbstract:
The present thesis examines the way in which two twelfth century authors, the Cistercian monks, Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) and William of St. Thierry (c. 1080-1148), used Augustine (354-430) in the articulation of their mystical thought. The approach to this subject takes into account the fact that in the works of all these medieval authors the “mystical” element is inescapably entangled with their theological discourse and that an accurate understanding of their views on the soul’s direct encounter with God cannot be achieved without a discussion of their theology. This thesis posits that the cohesion of Bernard’s and William’s mystical thought lies in their appropriation of the guiding principle of Augustine’s mystical theology: “You made us for yourself and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (conf. 1.1.1), reflected in the subtle interplay of three main themes, namely (1) the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God, which provides the grounds for the understanding of the soul’s search for direct contact with God; (2) love as a longing innate in every human being, which explores the means to attain immediacy with God; and (3) the soul’s direct encounter with God, which discusses the nature of the soul’s immediate experience of the divine presence that can only be achieved in lasting fullness at the end of time. This examination of Bernard’s and William’s use of Augustine is structured on the basis of these three core themes which form the scaffolding of their mystical thought. Investigating the specific methods of their reception of Augustine will highlight the originality and uniqueness of each of the two Cistercian authors, who while drawing on the same patristic source use it nevertheless in various ways, by focussing on different aspects of Augustine’s immense oeuvre and by arriving at distinct mystical programmes.
34
Jacobsson, Martin. "De musica liber VI / Aurelius Augustinus : A critical edition with a translation and an introduction." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-75161.
Full textAbstract:
Around the time of his famous conversion in 386, Augustine planned to dedicate a treatise to each of the artes liberales. However, he finished only a work on grammar and the first part of the De musica (books I-VI), which deals with rhythmus\the second part, which was to treat melos, was never written, since Augustine became occupied with his ecclesiastical career. The present work is the first critical edition of the sixth book of the De musica; the Latin text is accompanied by an English translation. The introduction includes a full analysis of the manuscript tradition from the 8th to the 14th century and a selective analysis of the later manuscript tradition. Among the conclusions reached are that all extant manuscripts descend from a single archetype which is not identical with the original text, that most manuscripts can be divided into four families, and that the text can be established on the basis of six of the oldest manuscripts. The introduction also contains a discussion of the much-debated question concerning Augustine's own revision of the sixth book, a section where solutions are proposed to several textual problems that were confronted during the establishment of the text, and a selective commentary on the contents of the sixth book of the De musica.
35
Raveton, Elsa-Chirine. "L'idée de simplicité divine : une lecture de Bonaventure et Thomas d'Aquin." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040138/document.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude souhaite contribuer à une meilleure connaissance et compréhension de l’idée de simplicité divine, qui signifie l’absence en Dieu de toute composition. Pièce centrale de la pensée théologique médiévale, elle fut redécouverte il y a 35 ans par des philosophes de tendance analytique, qui en contestèrent la cohérence. Elle est depuis lors l’objet d’un débat philosophique fourni, mais le détour par l’histoire de la philosophie est nécessaire pour dégager le réseau de concepts, d’arguments et de problèmes qui lui donne sens. Après avoir étudié la première élaboration de cette idée dans les textes antiques et patristiques, puis son traitement par Pierre Lombard à la veille du IVe concile de Latran de 1215, qui intègre pour la première fois la simplicité divine dans une profession de foi authentique du magistère, nous nous concentrons sur les œuvres de Bonaventure de Bagnoregio et de Thomas d’Aquin, qui accordent à cet attribut divin un rôle fondateur dans leur étude du mystère de Dieu. L’idée de simplicité divine s’y trouve sans cesse prise dans la dialectique de la ressemblance et de la dissemblance entre Créateur et créature. Tandis que Thomas associe de façon unilatérale la simplicité absolue à la transcendance de l’incréé, Bonaventure propose également des similitudes créées de la simplicité divine qui en favorisent l’intuition. Loin d’apparaître comme incohérente, l’idée de simplicité divine est un outil puissant pour ouvrir notre intelligence à un plan de réalité supérieur, certes mystérieux, mais néanmoins lumineuxThis study seeks to contribute to a better understanding and comprehension of the idea of divine simplicity, which means the absence in God of any composition. Cornerstone of medieval theological thinking, divine simplicity was rediscovered 35 years ago by philosophers of analytical leanings, who challenged its coherence. It has since formed the subject of abundant philosophical debate, however, the detour via the history of philosophy is necessary in order to draw out the network of concepts, arguments and issues, from where divine simplicity derives its meaning. After the study of the first development of this idea in ancient and patristic texts, and its treatment by Peter Lombard on the eve of the 4th Council of Lateran in 1215, which integrates for the first time divine simplicity in a genuin profession of faith of the magisterium, we shall focus on the works of Bonaventure of Bagnoregio and Thomas Aquinas, who grant this divine attribute a founding role in the study of the mystery of God. The idea of divine simplicity keeps being comprised in the dialectics of similarity and dissimilarity between Creator and creature. While Aquinas associates in an unilateral way absolute simplicity and transcendence of the uncreated, Bonaventure offers also created resemblances of divine simplicity which favour its intuition. Far from appearing incoherent, the idea of divine simplicity is a powerful means to open our minds to a level of superior reality, indeed mysterious, but nevertheless radiant
36
Robinson, Arabella Mary Milbank. "Love and drede : religious fear in Middle English." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/280671.
Full textAbstract:
Several earlier generations of historians described the later Middle Ages as an 'age of fear'. This account was especially applied to accounts of the presumed mentality of the later medieval layperson, seen as at the mercy of the currents of plague, violence and dramatic social, economic and political change and, above all, a religiosity characterised as primitive or even pathological. This 'great fear theory' remains influential in public perception. However, recent scholarship has done much to restitute a more positive, affective, incarnational and even soteriologically optimistic late-medieval vernacular piety. Nevertheless, perhaps due to the positive and recuperative approach of this scholarship, it did not attend to the treatment of fear in devotional and literary texts of the period. This thesis responds to this gap in current scholarship, and the continued pull of this account of later-medieval piety, by building an account of fear's place in the rich vernacular theology available in the Middle English of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It takes as its starting point accounts of the role of fear in religious experience, devotion and practice within vernacular and lay contexts, as opposed to texts written by and for clerical audiences. The account of drede in Middle English strikingly integrates humbler aspects of fear into the relationship to God. The theological and indeed material circumstances of the later fourteenth century may have intensified fear's role: this thesis suggests that they also fostered an intensified engagement with the inherited tradition, generating fresh theological accounts of the place of fear. Chapter One begins with a triad of broadly pastoral texts which might be seen to disseminate a top-down agenda but which, this analysis discovers, articulate diverse ways in which the humble place of fear is elevated as part of a vernacular agenda. Here love and fear are always seen in a complex, varying dialectic or symbiosis. Chapter Two explores how this reaches a particular apex in the foundational and final place of fear in Julian of Norwich's Revelations, and is not incompatible even with her celebratedly 'optimistic' theology. Chapter Three turns to a more broadly accessed generic context, that of later medieval cycle drama, to engage in readings of Christ's Gethsemane fear in the 'Agony in the Garden' episodes. The N-Town, Chester, Towneley and York plays articulate complex and variant theological ideas about Christ's fearful affectivity as a site of imitation and participation for the medieval layperson. Chapter Four is a reading of Piers Plowman that argues a right fear is essential to Langland's espousal of a poetics of crisis and a crucial element in the questing corrective he applies to self and society. It executes new readings of key episodes in the poem, including the Prologue, Pardon, Crucifixion and the final apocalyptic passus, in the light of its theology of fear.
37
Gosselin, Maxime. "La conception de la philosophie dans les dialogues de jeunesse d'Augustin." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12032.
Full textAbstract:
Notre mémoire a pour but de mettre en lumière la conception de la philosophie développée dans les écrits de jeunesse d’Augustin (plus précisément, les écrits d’Augustin qui remontent à son séjour à Cassiciacum, entre 386 et 387). Il limitera son analyse aux œuvres d’Augustin que nous retrouvons dans les deux volumes du tome IV de la Bibliothèque augustinienne : le De beata uita et le De ordine. Ce travail reprendra la question posée par Jean-Luc Marion dans son œuvre Au lieu de soi : L’approche de Saint Augustin en examinant si Augustin fait ou non partie de la tradition métaphysique. Cette question sera en effet au centre de notre mémoire en orientant le développement des chapitres de notre étude sur la conception de la philosophie chez le jeune Augustin. L’objectif de notre mémoire sera donc de mieux saisir la conception augustinienne de la philosophie que nous retrouvons dans le De beata uita et le De ordine afin de vérifier si cette conception est cohérente avec la thèse marionienne selon laquelle Augustin ne fait pas partie de la tradition métaphysique.Our Master's thesis wishes to shed light on the conception of philosophy developed in the early writings of Augustine (more precisely, the ones that Augustine has written during his time spent at Cassiciacum, between 386 and 387). It will limit its investigation to the works of Augustine that we can find in the two volumes of the fourth volume of the Bibliothèque augustinienne: the De beata uita and the De ordine. This work will pursue the question asked by Jean-Luc Marion in his study Au lieu de soi : L’approche de Saint Augustin and will try to find out if Augustine is or is not part of the metaphysical tradition. This question will indeed be at the core of our Master's thesis by orienting the development of the chapters of our study of the conception of philosophy of the young Augustine. The purpose of our Master's thesis is thus to better understand the Augustinian conception of philosophy that we find in the De beata uita and the De ordine in order to see if this conception is coherent with the Marionian thesis which states that Augustine is not a part of the metaphysical tradition.
38
Raasch, Renato Carlos. "Der Gott des Friedens. Das paulinische Gotteszeugnis zur Zeit der Pax Augusta." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-002E-E5F6-4.
Full text
39
Havránek, Zdeněk. "Srovnání filosofie a etiky u Augustina a Tomáše Akvinského." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313429.
Full textAbstract:
This Thesis deals with the philosophy and ethics of St.Thomas Aquinas and of St. Augustine. At first I characterize the time period then I am focusing on each cathegory concerning moral life of human being in the world such as God, soul, will, goodness, evil and happiness as well. My goal is to show the real purpose of human existence and to show how both philosophers understand individual topics, what is the same and different in their opinion.
40
Chien, Jacob Yuh-Shuen, and 錢玉舜. "Church and State in Christianity: Six Perspectives of Church-State Relations Based on St. Augustine`s "City of God"." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/55483598773787819322.
Full textAbstract:
博士中國文化大學
哲學研究所
97
Church and State has been a vital issue in Western history, and the Christian church in Taiwan now has the same struggle. This thesis aims to provide a systematic analysis of six different related perspectives from St. Augustine, Medieval Catholicism, Martin Luther, John Calvin, Anabaptists and John Wesley. Through historical and textual research, the definitions, purposes and functions of the Church and the State, and their relations are provides a thorough understanding of the issue. The analytical criticism of the above perspectives leads to application guidelines and advice about current Church-State relations. Historically speaking, St. Augustine's City of God pioneered the study on the different natures of the City of God and the City of the earth, and begins the dual dialectics that lay the foundations of the perspectives of Medieval Catholicism, Martin Luther, John Calvin, Anabaptists and John Wesley. The thesis, also based on St. Augustine’s City of God comments on the six perspectives of Church-State Relations including the theoretical and pragmatic aspects. It reveals six forms of Church-State relations : separation of church and state, church guiding the state, church dependent to the state, church reforming the state, isolation of church and state and church transforming the state. Furthermore, they could be categorized to the three basic church-state types－"separation of church and state" , "checks and balances of church and state" and "union of church and state"”. These relations not only involve historical and philosophical reasons, but also involve the understanding of human nature and the Bible. The author recognizes that the viewpoints of John Wesley, whose stand on church transforming the state can provide a breakthrough for the Christianity in current challenges involving in Church-State relations.
41
TOMANDL, Antonín. "Zlo jako privace - Pojetí zla mezi sv. Augustinem a Plotínem." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-375702.
Full textAbstract:
The questions about the origin of evil in the world were often a secondary product of the great philosophical systems. One of the first thinkers to deal with that problem systematically was neoplatonic scholar Plotinus. He developed a theory which he considered to be only a continuation of Plato´s thinking. It became an original theory, which in its core, has influence to this day. This theory was, mostly thanks to St. Augustine, applied to christian theology and became the living doctrine. The goal of this thesis is to demonstrate in what Plotinus´ theory of evil was "christianized" through the hand of Augustin. In other words, how it trasformed from a pagan philosophy to a theological one and how it was preserved for rediscovery in the scholastic era and became a new-again topic of scholastic scholars.
42
Malý, Jakub. "Zlo jako privatio boni podle Augustina Aurelia a Carla Gustava Junga." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328856.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the question of evil as privatio boni according to the teachings of Augustine of Hippo and the conception of evil in the work of Carl Gustav Jung who denied this Augustine's teachings. In the thesis I analyze attitudes that adopt both thinkers to categories of good and evil in relation to impacts of their conceptions on understanding of God, self-understanding of man, of his life, death and salvation, further of the relation of God and man and the human moral responsibility before God and society. Augustine maintains that evil is an absence of good, but Jung thinks that the reality is put together from the balance of good and evil. Their attitudes I scarify with the aid of the secondary literature and the explanation of that biblical places that both thinkers refer to.
43
Schultze, David Kurt Hilmar. "Dein Reich komme : eine missionstheologische Arbeit über den Zusammenhang zwischen Reich-Gottes-Verständnis und missionarischer Gemeindepraxis am Beispiel August Hermann Francke." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22828.
Full textAbstract:
Text in German, English and German summariesDie Masterthesis zeigt auf, wie das Reich-Gottes-Verständnis die Theologie und die missionarische Praxis im hallischen Pietismus bei August Hermann Francke beeinflusst hat. Mittels einer Literaturarbeit wird in missionstheologischer Perspektive das hallische Gottesreich-Verständnis erforscht sowie aus missionsgeschichtlicher Sicht die Praxis der hallischen Pietisten dargestellt. Beide Blickwinkel werden miteinander in Verbindung gesetzt, so dass die Zusammenhänge zwischen Reich Gottes und Gemeindepraxis herausgearbeitet werden. Es zeigt sich, dass die Reich-Gottes-Rede die Rahmenbedingungen, den Bezugspunkt, die menschliche Partizipation, die Ganzheitlichkeit sowie die Reichweite des missionarischen Handelns in Halle maßgeblich beeinflusst hat. Auf Basis der Forschungsergebnisse werden Schlüsse und Praxisimplikationen für die heutige Diskussion um den Reich Gottes Begriff und die missionarische Praxis gegeben.
This study shows how the concept of the Kingdom of God has influenced the theology and missionary church practice of August Hermann Francke. By means of a literature study, the concept of the Kingdom of God in Halle Pietism is researched from a perspective of mission theology. In addition to that the church practice of Francke will be presented from a perspective of mission history. Both points of view are linked to each other so that the relations between the Kingdom of God and church practice are worked out. It is obvious that the view of the Kingdom of God has decisively influenced the framework, the point of reference, human participation, the holistic approach, as well as the range of missionary activity in Halle. On the basis of the research results, conclusions and practical implications for today’s discussion about the concept of the Kingdom of God and missionary practice are given.
Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
M. Th. (Missiology)
44
Varela, Bruno Afonso Alves. "A bondade do matrimónio segundo Santo Agostinho : leitura do tratado De bono coniugali." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/24121.
Full textAbstract:
Esta dissertação, redigida no âmbito do Mestrado Integrado em Teologia (MIT),
pretende trazer à atualidade a doutrina de Santo Agostinho relativa ao matrimónio tal como esta
se apresenta no tratado De bono coniugali, obra em que o hiponense apresenta uma síntese do
seu pensamento sobre a questão. Na referida obra, Agostinho faz uma apologia dos valores do
matrimónio, num contexto pessoal e sociocultural pouco favorável às núpcias. Resolvemos, por
isso, encontrar neste Padre da Igreja diretrizes sólidas para repropor, também nós hoje,
argumentos teológicos em defesa da bondade e excelência do matrimónio, num contexto em
que este volta a ser altamente contestado. Neste sentido, depois de uma necessária
contextualização do autor e da obra, centrámos o nosso olhar na análise do De bono coniugali
tentando perceber as ideias-força da teologia matrimonial agostiniana que tanto impacto terão
na posterior teologia e moral.The present dissertation, developed as part of the Integrated Masters degree in Theology (MIT), has the scope of bringing to nowadays the doctrine of Saint Augustin regarding matrimony, specifically in regards of his treatise De bono coniugali where the bishop of Hippo synthesizes his thought on the subject matter. In the referred work, Augustin gives us a defense of the values of matrimony in the midst of a personal and sociocultural environment not very welcoming to it. For this reason, we decided to find in this Church Father solid guidelines to propose anew for us today theological reasoning for the goodness and excellency of matrimony, which is again highly disregarded. In order to do so, after an essential contextual analysis of the author and his work, we focused in De bono coniugali trying to extract the fundamental ideas of Augustine’s theology regarding matrimony, which had such a great impact in the subsequent doctrines in moral and theology.
45
Gomes, Rafael da Costa. "Carne e espírito : a condição humana segundo o livro XIV do De civitate Dei de Santo Agostinho." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/23654.
Full textAbstract:
O presente trabalho, a partir do Livro XIV do De civitate Dei de Santo Agostinho, procura
fazer uma reflexão sobre o binómio carne/espírito na experiência humana. Percorremos o
caminho que nos orienta para uma antropologia tipicamente agostiniana, a qual nos abeira da
condição humana como unidade integral, sem negar a tensão entre carne e espírito. Na base de
toda esta questão está a vida concreta do homem, principalmente na orientação das suas
decisões e ações, as quis determinarão a que cidadania pertence cada indivíduo: se à cidade
celeste, se à cidade terrena. Neste percurso, abordamos a incontornável questão do pecado
original e suas consequências para a realidade concreta de toda a criatura, apresentado o seu
paradoxo, como modelo de exemplaridade para a vida que Deus desejou para a humanidade,
representada na condescendência e humildade do Verbo incarnado. Toda esta reflexão apontanos,
portanto, para um maior conhecimento da fragilidade e tendência para o pecado por parte
da criatura, procurando superar a fraqueza humana com uma vida radicalmente comprometida
com Cristo, estabelecendo-se assim a vida como peregrinação num contexto de espiritualidade
incarnada.This work, looking through the perspective of the Book XIV of the De civitate Dei of Saint Augustine, attempts to think about the binominal flesh/spirit in human experience. We follow a path that drives us to an augustinian anthropology, the same one that approaches us to the unity of the human condition, even though it does not deny the tension between flesh and spirit. On the basis of this whole question is man’s real life, mainly on his direction of his own decisions or actions, the ones that will determine which citizenship each individual will have: the one from the heavenly city, or the one of the earthly city. On this path, we address as well the issue of original sin and its consequences to the real life of humankind, presenting as its paradox, as a pattern of the life that God desired for men, the compliance and humility of the Word made flesh. Therefore, this reflection points us to a greater knowledge of humans’ fragility and tendency to sin, trying to overcome human weakness with a radically committed life with Christ, establishing it as a pilgrimage in a incarnate spirituality context.
46
Rodrigues, Filipe André de Sousa. "Os pobres e o uso dos bens na pregação de Santo Agostinho." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/27461.
Full textAbstract:
Com este trabalho sobre “Os pobres e o uso dos bens na pregação de S. Agostinho” temos por objetivo ver como a teologia, a pastoral e a práxis do bispo de Hipona concretizam no campo social a mensagem evangélica. Fazemo-lo também com o intuito de iluminar a atual doutrina e pastoral da Igreja que, como recorda o Papa Francisco, quer continuar a ser a “Igreja dos pobres”.
A partir de alguns Sermões seletos, mais atinentes com a matéria em questão, desenvolveremos o tema em três capítulos. No primeiro, descreveremos o contexto político, social, eclesial e da pregação de S. Agostinho; no segundo, desenvolveremos as temáticas que constituem as grandes linhas orientadoras da pregação social do mesmo, e no terceiro apresentaremos os princípios que nos parecem servir de base para as temáticas socias pregadas, terminando a exposição com o exemplo que Agostinho nos dá com a sua ação em Hipona.With this work about “the poor and the goods use in the preaching of S. Augustin” it`s us purpose, discovering how theology, apostolate, and Hippo Bishop praxis concretize in social area the evangelic message. We do, also, with the purpose to enlighten current doctrine and apostolate Church that, remind Pope Francis, it wants to continue to be “Church of the poor”. From a some select homilies, more relevant for ours subject, we will be advanced knowledge the ours subject into three chapters, starting at a first with a political, social, ecclesia and Agustin preaching contextualization, for, after, start the second chapter with a development of a thematics that they are the main guidelines of the social preaching. Finally, we will do the principles that we appeared serve as a basic for a social thematics preached and will finish with the example that Agustin give ours by her action in Hippo.
47
Kuenzel, Karl Edwin. "The doctrine of the church and its ministry according to the Evangelical Lutheran Synod of the USA." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1608.
Full textAbstract:
Nothing has influenced and affected the Lutheran Church in the U.S.A. in the past century more than the doctrine of the Church and its Ministry. When the first Norwegian immigrants entered the U.S. in the middle of the 19th century, there were not enough Lutheran pastors to minister to the spiritual needs of the people. Some of these immigrants resorted to a practice that had been used in Norway, that of using lay-preachers. This created problems because of a lack of proper theological training. The result was the teaching of false doctrine. Some thought more highly of the lay-preachers than they did of the ordained clergy. Consequently clergy were often viewed with a discerning eye and even despised. This was one of the earliest struggles within the Norwegian Synod. Further controversies involved whether the local congregation is the only form in which the church exists. Another facet of the controversy involves whether or not the ministry includes only the pastoral office; whether or not only ordained clergy do the ministry; whether teachers in the Lutheran schools are involved in the ministry; and whether or not any Christian can participate in the public ministry. Is a missionary, who serves on behalf of the entire church body, a pastor? If only the local congregation can call a pastor, then a missionary cannot be a pastor because he serves the entire church body in establishing new congregations. Is a seminary professor, who trains future pastors, a pastor? If only the local congregation can call a pastor, a seminary professor cannot be a pastor because he is called by the seminary board of control and not one particular congregation. In seeking to develop a statement that clearly defines the doctrine of the Church and its Ministry, a controversy exists within the church body known as the Evangelical Lutheran Synod (ELS), the successor synod to the Norwegian Synod. The reason for the controversy is that two different views of how to develop a doctrinal statement exist in the ELS. Some go directly to Scripture and set forth a position. Others follow an example found in C.F.W. Walther's theses on Church and Ministry. They misunderstand and misuse this approach that was developed only for use in a controversy against an erring Lutheran pastor, Johannes Grabau of the Buffalo Synod. Many of those who utilize this approach are former members of the Lutheran Church Missouri Synod (LCMS), of which Walther was one of the founders. As a result of the two distinct approaches, there has been an inability to unanimously agree on the wording of the statements on the doctrine of the Church and its Ministry. It is the conclusion of the author that it is this reliance on statements made by individuals in previous centuries regarding particular situations that has caused the struggle to develop and serves to prolong it.Systematic Theology and Theological Ethics
D. Th. (Systematic Theology)