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1

Smither, Edward. "Principles of mentoring spiritual leaders in the pastoral ministry of Augustine of Hippo." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683370.

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2

Kilby, Maria Lucy. "Augustine of Hippo on episcopal authority and honour." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610473.

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3

Thomas, Adam Michael. "The Eternal Law in Augustine's Early Investigation of Justice." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107191.

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Thesis advisor: Robert C. Bartlett<br>In my dissertation I seek to contribute to the revival of interest in Augustine’s political thought by attempting to uncover his doctrine of eternal law. While absent from his mature writings, including the City of God, this doctrine is central to the investigation of justice in Augustine’s early writings. After considering Augustine’s summary of this early investigation in the Confessions, the most surprising feature of which is Augustine’s insistence on the importance of specifically political questions to his mature understanding of justice, I take up the two treatments of eternal law. In the dialogue On Free Choice, the eternal law is contrasted with the temporal law and is understood in terms of the fundamental command to “order,” which means in the first place wisdom, but also “right and honorable” action. In the anti-Manichean polemic Contra Faustum, the eternal law is presented as the will of God that commands the preservation of the natural order, which means that actions are truly just insofar as they conduce to “mortal health.” I argue that these two discussions of eternal law indicate the limitations of any kind of “higher law” doctrine. On Free Choice demonstrates the difficulty of breaking free of the guidance of temporal law and its harmonization of the demands of eternal and temporal law depends on an understanding of moral virtue whose independence is rather assumed than proven. Contra Faustum shows that the natural ends of self-preservation, procreation, and civic peace are only the beginning points of moral reasoning, since the pursuit of those ends is governed by further moral criteria that cannot easily be understood in terms of nature. In the end, then, I argue that the doctrine of eternal law, while illuminating a great deal about the problems of politics and morality as Augustine encountered them, points to the crucial importance of the question of human virtue and of acquiring the prudence that provides for this virtue in light of the necessary limitations of political life. It is probably for this reason that Augustine does not return to the doctrine in his later writings and does not rely on it in his reconciliation of the two cities in the City of God<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science
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Beddoe, Paul Victor. "Augustine's use of medical imagery in his polemical theology." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7103.

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In his three major polemical campaigns, that is, against the Manichees, Donatists and Pelagians, Augustine used imagery derived from medicine and was, in tum influenced by the language he used. While much of the language of sickness and disease remained conventional, some usages came to bear significant theological weight, notably infirmitas and contagio. The former became a designation for the culpable weakness affecting each member of the human race since the Fall. The latter became a technical term for the transmission of original sin associated with concupiscentia. Sickness imagery assumes the analogy of the soul and body, advancing his project to integrate the two parts of the human person. It also enabled him to discuss humanity's fallen nature without slipping into Manichaean determinism or Pelagian autonomy. Finally, sickness imagery enabled Augustine to suspend the tension between the inherited guilt and free-will in readily accessible metaphor. Images of health and healing also helped Augustine sustain tensions in his thought. But even more significantly, the image of Christ the Physician proved critical throughout his polemical career. Against the Manichees it is the Divine Physician who lays out the stages of sacred history according to a great therapeutic strategy for the human race. Against the Donatists it is the wisdom of the Physician who prescribes painful means of cure which is urged against Donatist complaints of persecution. Finally, against the Pelagians, Christus Medicus becomes a technical soteriological term. This family of metaphors, drawn from the Scriptures, classical literature, pagan religion and common experience appear time and time again. While they may have become commonplace in the writings of other Christian authors, in Augustine's polemical theology they came to shape and inform key aspects of his thought.
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Du, Plessis A. F. J. (Anna Francina Johanna). "n Literêr-inhoudelike analise van Boek 7 van Augustinus se Confessiones : Augustinus se begrip van die bestaanswyse van God en die kwaad." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52360.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augusine's search for the nature of God's exisistence as well as the origin of evil, reaches a climax in Book 7 of his Confessions. This study assumes the position that Augustine strives to find answers to the above mentioned two questions in the first six books of the Confessions. The answers to both these questions were vitally important to Augustine, since it would then convince him to convert to the Christian faith. Augustine repeatedly thought he grasped the true answer to the existence of God and the origin and the nature of evil but he was disillusioned time and again. His quest for an answer started with his reading of Cicero's Hortentius (Conf. 3.4.7), a book that urged Augustine to search for Truth. Augustine then joined the Manicheans, a sect claiming that their doctrine was based on reason and contained the Truth (Conf. 3.6.10). Augustine believed that the Manicheans could resolve his quest for answers to the existence and nature of both God and evil. The Manichean intellectual and scientific exposition of the cosmos allowed Augustine to imagine God and evil as opposing substances. Eventually, promted by his own intellect, Augustine discovered weaknesses in their theories (Conf. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Augustine's final break with the Manicheans, after nine years as an adherent, came when he heard the sermons of Ambrose of Milan. Not only was Augustine impressed by Ambrose's eloquence but his sermons also embodied an interpretation of Platonism in Christian terms. Augustine's reading of the Neoplatonic books in a Latin translation urged him to turn into himself (Conf. 7.10.16) and search for God there. Once Augustine could pronounce upon the intelligible existence of God, his inquiry into the origin of evil resolved itself (7.12.18).<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus se soeke na die bestaanswyse van God en die aard en onstaan van die kwaad bereik 'n klimaks in Boek 7 van die Confessiones. In hierdie studie word daar van die standpunt uitgegaan dat Augustinus onder andere in die eerste ses boeke van die Confessiones poog om antwoorde te kry op bogenoemde twee vraagstukke. Antwoorde op beide hierdie vrae was van kardinale belang, aangesien dit Augustinus sou oortuig om hom tot die Christelike geloof te bekeer. Augustinus het herhaaldelik gepoog om die ware antwoorde op die vraag na bestaanwyse van God sowel as die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad te vind. Hy was egter telke male ontnugter. Augustinus se soeke het begin toe hy in aanraking gekom het met Cicero se Hortensius (Conf. 3.4.7), 'n boek wat Augustinus aangemoedig het om die Waarheid na te jaag. Gevolglik het Augustinus by die Manicheërs aangesluit, aangesien dié sekte geglo het dat hulle leerstellinge gebaseer is op die rede en sodoende die volle waarheid bevat (Cant. 3.6.10). Augustinus het geglo dat die Manicheërs sy soektog na antwoorde op die vraag van God en die kwaad se bestaanswyse kon oplos. Die Manicheërs se intellektuele en wetenskaplike uiteensetting van die kosmos het Augustinus toegelaat om God en die kwaad as teenstrydige entiteite te beskou. Ongeveer nege jaar na sy aansluiting by die Manicheërs, aangemoedig deur sy eie intellek, het Augustinus die swak punte in die Manichese leerstellinge ontdek (Cant. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Die finale breek met die Manicheërs het gekom toe Augustinus die preke van Ambrosius in Milaan gehoor het. Nie alleen was Augustinus ingenome met Ambrosius se welsprekendheid nie, maar sy preke het ook die interpretasie van Platonisme in Christelike terme beliggaam. Die Neoplatoniese leerstellinge het Augustinus aangemoedig om na homself, in homself te draai (Conf. 7.10.16) en vir God daar te gaan soek. Sodra Augustinus kon verklaar dat God in die vorm van 'n kenbare wese bestaan, het sy soeke na die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad dit self opgelos (Cant. 7.12.18).
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6

Magee, Neal E. Hamner M. Gail. "Remembering to forget theological tropologies of confession and disavowal (Saint Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, Slavoj Zizek, Jacques Derrida) /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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7

Han, Sung-jin. "Augustine and Calvin : the use of Augustine in Calvin's writings." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49752.

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Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2003<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this research is neither to compare the theologies of Augustine and Calvin, nor to establish a theory that reveals Augustine's influence on Calvin's theology. This research, rather, endeavours to set up a bridge between two types of study on Calvin, namely studies on Calvin's use of Augustine and of Augustine's influence on Calvin's writings. In other words, our main purpose is to suggest a basic tool (or information) for further studies. Three related questions are asked: I. What comprises Augustine's uniqueness in Calvin's writings? 2. Who is Calvin's Augustine? 3. What is the relevance of this study to current research on Calvin? In Chapter 2, a brief history of earlier research regarding discussion on Calvin and Augustine from the beginning of the zo" century is presented. Then critical conversations follow. These conversations concerning our theme involve three important scholars, namely L Smits, R J Mooi and J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Finally, a need for a converging method which has the possibility of overcoming some methodological problems that arise in studies on Calvin and Augustine is expressed. In the third chapter, the use that Calvin makes of Augustine in his own works from the first period of his writing career to the last, fifth, period is thoroughly studied (1532- 1565). Chapter 4 deals with data analyses. In between the analysis of static data and the analysis of dynamic data, Smits's study of Augustinian citations in Calvin's writings is dealt with critically to provide a basic understanding of Augustinian citations. Finally, the answers to the three related questions that are suggested in the introduction are pursued: What comprises Augustine's uniqueness in Calvin's writings? Who is Calvin's Augustine? And what is the relevance of this study to current research on Calvin. The answers will function as a bridge between the two related studies of Calvin's use of Augustine and Augustine's influence on Calvin.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie navorsing is nie om die teologie van Augustinus en die van Calvyn te vergelyk nie en ook nie om 'n teorie daar te stel wat die invloed wat Augustinus op Calvyn se teologie uitgeoefen het, sal ontbloot nie. Die navorsing poog eerder om 'n brug op te rig tussen twee soorte studies oor Calvyn, naamlik studies oor Calvyn se gebruik van Augustinus en oor Augustinus se invloed op die skryfwerk van Calvyn. Ons hoof doel is met ander woorde om 'n basiese werktuig (of inligting) vir verdere studie voor te stel. Drie fundamentele vrae word gevra: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se geskrifte? 2. Wie is Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten opsigte van huidige navorsing oor Calvyn? In Hoofstuk 2 word 'n kort geskiedenis van vroeer navorsmg aangaande bespreking oor Calvyn en Augustinus, vanaf die begin van die 20ste eeu, aangebied. Dan volg kritiese gesprekke. Hierdie gesprekke ten opsigte van ons tema betrek drie belangrike geleerdes, naamlik L Smits, R J Mooi en J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Aan die einde word 'n behoefte uitgespreek vir 'n samevloeiende metode wat moontlik sommige metodologiese probleme wat in die bestudering van Calvyn en Augustinus na yore kom, sal oorbrug. In die derde hoofstuk word Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus in sy eie werk vanaf die eerste tydperk van sy skryfloopbaan tot die laaste, vyfde, deeglik bestudeer (1532-1565). Hoofstuk 4 behandel data-analise. Tussen die analise van statiese data en die analise van dinamiese data word Smits se studie van Augustiniaanse aanhalings in Calvyn se geskrifte krities behandel om 'n basiese begrip van Augustiniaanse aanhalings te verskaf. Uiteindelik word die antwoorde op die drie verwante vrae wat in die inleiding voorgestel word, nagespeur: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se geskrifte? 2. Wie is Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten opsigte van huidige navorsing oor Calvyn? Die antwoorde sal as 'n brug tussen die twee verwante studies oor Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus en Augustinus se invloed op Calvyn dien.
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Collins, Joshua. "The concept of love in Saint Augustine's Confessions /." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99363.

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In the present study, through a close reading of the Confessions , the author explores the concept of love in Saint Augustine as it pertains to the two possibilities of man, being towards the creation and being towards the Creator. He distinguishes two kinds of love corresponding to each one of these possibilities, love of the world (cupiditas) and love of God (caritas), and proceeds to analyze these loves. The main argument of the thesis is that these loves disclose the world to man in two opposed manners. The author argues that cupiditas seeks to find satisfaction in the creation and discloses it as an end in itself, whereas caritas loves the world for the sake of God and discloses it as a means to attaining God.
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White, Christopher H. "Hannah Arendt and her Augustinian inheritance : love, temporality, and judgement." Title page, abstract and contents only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw583.pdf.

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10

Thomas, Clare Pat. "Saint Augustine's concept of will as a basis of teaching." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22502.

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St. Augustine believed that we are created to aspire to a perfection that aligns our relationships in such a way that we function out of a sense of respect for ourselves and the universe in which we live. In so doing we explore the possibilities of creativity and happiness. His thinking moved from the context of classical Greek thought into a Christian one. By living and recording the dilemma of being unable to act as his intellect mandated, he developed an innovative concept of will. He believed that we are motivated to act through our loves but we have a divided will that can only move towards integration if we love correctly. This necessitates an inward journey.<br>The thesis of this paper is that if one subscribes to Augustine's beliefs there are serious implications for education. The following authors are cited to develop these implications in a modern philosophical and educational setting: Charles Taylor, Iris Murdoch, Israel Scheffler and Bob Samples. Finally, a brief resume of relevant teaching approaches and materials is offered.
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Daniels, Amy Lydia. "Justice in Augustine's City of God." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71609.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis outlines Augustine’s thought on justice as articulated in The City of God: against the Pagans. The purpose of the study was to investigate the place and role of his convictions about justice in his apologetic project. To this end, Books 19-22 of The City of God were read within the historical, religious and ideological contexts of Augustine’s day. Aspects deemed relevant to the stated goals of the thesis and which were therefore surveyed, were pagan-Christian relations and Neo-Platonism in the fifth century; the sacking of Rome in AD 410, a perceived injustice which occasioned rampant calumnies against the Christians and questions regarding the justice of God; secular jurisprudence and legal practice, with a focus on the role of bishops in dispensing justice; biblical perspectives on justice. A reading of Books 19-22 of the City of God was then done, in which it was found that justice was viewed by Augustine as subordinate to, but straining toward the Supreme Good, identified as peace. Moreover, it was shown that Augustine’s perspective on justice is inextricably linked with his eschatological convictions. These are that God is set to establish an eternal City, composed of those who, throughout history, have pledged allegiance to Him. That city is characterised by peace and justice, as determined by God. Any peace or manifestation of justice in the present age was shown to flow from humankind’s predisposition toward self-love (egotism). As such, they are presented by Augustine as a poor reflection of the perfect peace and justice that will be established by God. With regard to Augustine’s defence of the Christian faith, it was found that he employs a model of argumentation which takes as its point of departure the worldviews of his opponents, showing up cracks in their thinking. He then presents his own perspective as the better alternative. The juxtaposition of the current age, fraught with injustice and chaos, against the eternal peace and justice to be established by God, were shown to be important selling-points for Augustine. For him, life in the eternal City of God was an irresistible offer, which he sought to hold out to his opponents.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis skets Augustinus se denke oor geregtigheid soos geartikuleer in Die Stad van God: teen die Heidene. Die doel van die studie was om die plek en die rol van sy oortuigings oor geregtigheid in sy apologetiese projek te ondersoek. Met hierdie doel is Boeke 19-22 uit Die Stad van God gelees binne die historiese, godsdienstige en ideologiese kontekste van Augustinus se tyd. Aspekte wat as relevant beskou is tot die vermelde doelwitte van die tesis en wat dus ondersoek is, is verhoudings tussen heidene en Christene asook Neo-Platonisme in die vyfde eeu; die plundering van Rome in 410 n.C., ’n vermeende onreg wat aanleiding gegee het tot onbeteuelde laster teenoor die Christene en vrae oor die geregtigheid van God; sekulêre wetsgeleerdheid en regspraktyk, met die fokus op die rol van biskoppe in die beoefening van regspraak; bybelse perspektiewe op geregtigheid. ’n Vertolking van Boeke 19-22 uit Die Stad van God is daarna gedoen, waarin daar bevind is Augustinus het gemeen dat geregtigheid ondergeskik is aan, maar wel streef na, die Hoogste Goed, wat naamlik as vrede geïdentifiseer word. Verder is daar getoon dat Augustinus se perspektief op geregtigheid onlosmaaklik verbind is aan sy eskatologiese oortuigings. Hierdie oortuigings is dat God ’n Ewige Stad sal vestig wat saamgestel is uit dié wat deur die geskiedenis heen trou aan Hom gesweer het. Daardie stad word deur vrede en geregtigheid gekenmerk, soos dit deur God bepaal is. Daar word gewys daarop dat enige vrede of manifestasie van geregtigheid in daardie tyd bloot voortgevloei het uit die mens se geneigdheid tot selfliefde (egotisme). Dít word deur Augustinus voorgehou as ’n swak weerspieëling van die volmaakte vrede en geregtigheid wat deur God ingestel sal word. Wat betref Augustinus se verdediging van die Christelike geloof, is daar bevind dat hy ’n redeneringsmodel gebruik wat die wêreldbeskouings van sy opponente as uitgangspunt gebruik, en só die foute in hul denke uitwys. Hy bied dan sy eie perspektief as die beste alternatief aan. Die naasmekaarstelling van die huidige era, vol ongeregtigheid en chaos, teenoor die ewige vrede en geregtigheid wat deur God ingestel sal word, is uitgewys as belangrike verkoopspunte vir Augustinus. Vir hom was die lewe in die Ewige Stad van God ’n onweerstaanbare aanbod wat hy aan sy opponente wou voorhou.
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Roos, Andre. "St Augustine's Confessiones : the role of the imago Dei in his conversion to Catholic Christianity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6505.

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Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although St Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.) was raised as a Christian, he refuted Catholicism as a youth in his search for divine wisdom and truth. Like the biblical prodigal son, he first had to realise the error of his aversion (turning away from the Catholic Church) before he could experience conversion (returning to the Catholic faith). Augustine narrates certain central events of his life in the Confessiones as a series of conversions, leading him from his native Roman North Africa to his conversion to Catholic Christianity in the Imperial City of Milan. Philosophy, especially Neo-Platonic thought, played a crucial role in his conversion process, as did the influence of St Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and other Neo-Platonic intellectuals in Milan. Neo- Platonism also influenced Augustine's conception of the imago Dei (image of God). Although Augustine’s teaching of the concept of the imago Dei is found in all his works (but mainly in De Trinitate), a survey of the literature has shown that the way in which this concept is used to inform, structure and advance his conversion narrative in the Confessions, has not yet been investigated in a structured manner. In order to address this gap in scholarly knowledge, the thesis attempts to answer the following research question: How did the concept of the imago Dei inform and structure Augustine's conversion narrative, as recounted in his Confessiones, taking into account the theological and philosophical influences of Ambrose and the Neo-Platonists of Milan on his spiritual development? The investigation was conducted by an in-depth study and analysis of the Confessiones and relevant secondary literature within the historical, philosophical and religious framework of the work. An empirical approach, by means of textual analysis and hermeneutics, was used to answer the research question. The analysis of the Confessions is limited to its autobiographical part (Books 1 to 9). In order to carry out the analysis, a theoretical and conceptual framework was posited in Chapters 1 to 4, discussing the key concepts of conversion and of the imago Dei, as well as explaining the influence of Neo-Platonism and Ambrose on Augustine. In Chapter 5, this conceptual framework of the nature of the imago Dei is complemented by a literary framework for the Confessions to form a metaframework. The textual analysis was done within the meta-framework with reference to certain endowments (attributes) imprinted in the image, namely personality, spirituality, rationality, morality, authority, and creativity. The main conclusion is that Augustine's personal relationship with God had been harmed by the negative impact of sin on these endowments of the divine image in him. His gradual realisation that God is Spirit, his growth in faith, and his eventual acceptance of the authority of Scripture and of the Catholic Church, brought about the healing of the broken image of God in Augustine and also the restoration of God’s likeness in him. This enabled Augustine to be reconciled to God through Christ, who is the perfect Image of God, and helped to convert him to the Catholic Church, which is the Body of Christ.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die Heilige Augustinus, Biskop van Hippo (354–430 n.C.), as Christen grootgemaak is, het hy as jong man die Katolisisme verwerp in sy soektog na goddelike wysheid en waarheid. Soos die verlore seun van die Bybel, moes hy eers die fout van sy afkerigheid (wegdraai van die Katolieke Kerk) insien voordat hy tot bekering (terugkeer tot die Katolieke geloof) kon kom. Augustine vertel sekere kerngebeure van sy lewe in die Confessiones (Belydenisse) as ‘n reeks van bekeringe, wat hom gelei het van sy geboorteplek in Romeins-Noord-Afrika tot sy bekering tot die Katolieke Christendom in die Keiserstad Milaan. Filosofie, veral Neo-Platoniese denke, het ‘n deurslaggewende rol gespeel in sy bekeringsproses, soos ook die invloed van die Heilige Ambrosius, Biskop van Milaan, en ander Neo- Platoniese intellektuele in Milaan. Neo-Platonisme het ook Augustine se begrip van die imago Dei (Godsbeeld) beïnvloed. Alhoewel Augustinus se leer oor die begrip imago Dei in al sy werke aangetref word (maar veral in De Trinitate), het ‘n literatuurstudie uitgewys dat die manier waarop hierdie begrip gebruik word om sy bekeringsverhaal in die Confessions toe te lig, vorm te gee en te bevorder, nog nie op gestruktureerde wyse ondersoek is nie. Om hierdie leemte in vakkundige kennis te vul, poog hierdie tesis om die volgende navorsingsvraag te beantwoord: Hoe het die begrip imago Dei Augustinus se bekeringsverhaal toegelig en vorm gegee, soos vertel in sy Confessiones, met inagneming van die teologiese en filosofiese invloede van Ambrosius en die Neo-Platoniste van Milaan op sy geestelike ontwikkeling? Die ondersoek is uitgevoer deur middel van ‘n grondige studie en ontleding van die Confessiones en toepaslike sekondêre literatuur binne die historiese, filosofiese en godsdienste raamwerk van die werk. ’n Empiriese benadering, by wyse van teksontleding en hermeneutika, is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Die ontleding van die Confessiones is beperk tot die outobiografiese deel (Boeke 1 tot 9). Om die ontleding uit te voer, is ’n teoretiese en konseptuele raamwerk vooropgestel in Hoofstukke 1 tot 4, waar die sleutelbegrippe bekering en imago Dei bespreek is, asook die invloed van Neo-Platonisme en Ambrosius op Augustinus. In Hoofstuk 5 word hierdie konseptuele raamwerk vir die aard van die imago Dei aangevul deur ’n literêre raamwerk vir die Confessions om sodoende ‘n metaraamwerk te vorm. Die teksontleding is gedoen binne die metaraamwerk met verwysing na sekere geestesgawes (eienskappe) wat in die beeld neerslag vind, naamlik persoonlikheid, spiritualiteit, rasionaliteit, moraliteit, outoriteit, en kreatiwiteit. Die hoofgevoltrekking is dat Augustinus se persoonlike verhouding met God geskaad is deur die negatiewe impak van sonde op hierdie geestesgawes van die Godsbeeld in hom. Sy geleidelike besef dat God Gees is, sy groei in sy geloof, asook sy uiteindelike aanvaarding van die gesag van die Bybel en van die Katolieke Kerk, het meegebring dat Augustinus se gebroke Godsbeeld en -gelykenis herstel is. Daardeur is Augustinus met God versoen deur Christus, wat die volmaakte Godsbeeld is, en sodoende is hy bekeer tot die Katolieke Kerk, wat die Liggaam van Christus is.
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Smit, Christine. "Bakens op die weg : die bekeringsverhale van Augustinus en C.S. Lewis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50286.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Two literary conversion narratives with much historical detail, are compared in this thesis: the Confessiones written by the renowned fourth century church-father, St. Augustine, and Surprised by Joy written by the twentieth century writer and scholar, C.S. Lewis. In order to understand St. Augustine's conversion to the Christian faith, Christian religion as a social phenomenon in the Ancient World is discussed. As background for the discussion and comparison of the two conversion narratives, a brief biography is given of St. Augustine and of Lewis, as well as a description of each one's course of conversion. The research is structured In terms of beacons that St. Augustine identified during the course of his conversion: people who played a significant role, events that influenced his life, and inner conflict that spurred him on his way. By means of an analysis regarding theme and content, it is shown that there are clear similarities between the beacons identified by Augustine and Lewis in their conversion narratives.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie tesis word twee literêre bekeringsverhale waarin die historiese werklikheid deur die skrywers weergegee word, met mekaar vergelyk: die Confessiones van die vierde eeuse kerkvader Augustinus, en Surprised by Joy van die twintigste eeuse skrywer en geleerde C.S. Lewis. Om Augustinus se bekeringsverhaal histories te kan plaas teen die agtergrond waarin hy geleef en tot bekering gekom het, word 'n uiteensetting gegee van die Christelike godsdiens as 'n sosiale fenomeen in die Antieke Wêreld. 'n Kort lewensbeskrywing van Augustinus en Lewis en 'n oorsig van die weg wat elkeen se bekering gevolg het, dien as agtergrond vir die bespreking en vergelyking van die twee bekeringsverhale. Die navorsing word gestruktureer aan die hand van bakens wat Augustinus op sy bekeringsweg uitgelig het: persone wat 'n beduidende rol gespeel het, gebeure wat hom beïnvloed het, innerlike konflik wat hom voortgedryf het. Die tesis toon deur 'n analise op grond van inhoud en tematiek aan dat daar duidelike ooreenkomste is tussen die bakens op Augustinus se bekeringsweg en dié op Lewis se bekeringsweg.
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Johnson, Kristen Deede. "From tolerance to difference : the theological turn of political theory." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13231.

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Within recent political theory, political liberalism has answered the question of how to deal with pluralism in contemporary society largely in terms of tolerance. Prompted by the same question, agonistic political theory has been in search of a way to move beyond liberal invocations of tolerance to a deeper celebration of difference. This project tells the story of the move within political theory from tolerance to difference, and the concomitant move from epistemology to ontology, through an exposition of the work of liberal theorists John Rawls and Richard Rorty and of agonistic, or post-Nietzschean, political theorists Chantal Mouffe and William Connolly. From a theological perspective, the ontological turn within recent theory can be seen as a welcome development, as can the desire to expand our capacity to engage with difference and to augment our current political imagination given contemporary conditions of pluralism. Yet the sufficiency of the answers and ontology put forward by both political liberalism and post-Nietzschean political thought needs to be seriously questioned. Indeed, the ontological turn in political theory opens the way for a theological turn, for theology is equally concerned with questions of human being and 'what there is' more generally. To make this 'theological turn,' I look to Saint Augustine, and the ontology disclosed though his writings, to see what theological resources he offers for an engagement with difference. Through this discussion we re-discover Augustine's Heavenly City as the place in which unity and diversity, harmony and plurality can come together in ways that are not possible outside of participation in the Triune God. Yet this does not mean that the Heavenly City is to take over the earthly city. By putting Augustine into conversation with more recent theologians such as John Milbank, Karl Barth, and William Cavanaugh, we consider the relationship between the Heavenly City and the earthly city and we offer a picture in which renewed and expanded conceptions of 'public' and 'conversation' open the way for rich engagement between the many different particularities that constitute a pluralist society.
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Hastings, Jason Michael, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "Christian rebellion theories as delivered by St. Paul from Mars Hill by Augustine, Calvin and Adams." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2003, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/181.

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This thesis explicates teh rebellion theories of three reowned Christian political thinkers and evaluates the extent that each can communicate an intelligible rebellion theory to a non-Christian audience. Augustine of Hippo, at a dawn of the medieval ages, John Calvin of Geneva during the Reformation and John Adams of the USA in the midst of the Enlightenment are the three thinkers selected for consideration. These thinkers have produced ideas that have transcended time and geographical location. Rebellion is an issue of the utmost political importance as it reveals the limits, and the first principles of politics. The issues surrounding the involovement of religion in politics have created a place for confusion in minds of many people today. The issues surrounding religion and politics need further elucidation. The way these thinkers were able to translate the divine command from Romans 13:1, which decrees an absolute prohibition against rebellion, into an intelligible rebellion theory to non-Christians, is an important consideration in this thesis.<br>ix, 158 leaves ; 28 cm.
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Jordaan, Donovan. "Augustine’s use of Romans in the conversion narratives of the Confessions." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2551.

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Thesis (MA (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to investigate the use of the quotations of Paul’s Epistle to the Romans in the conversion narratives in Augustine’s Confessions. The Confessions is an account of Augustine’s conversion to Catholic Christianity. Within the Confessions there are many conversion narratives which form part of a greater narrative that culminates in Augustine’s final conversion in Book 8 of the Confessions. Within these conversion narratives, Augustine often quotes from Romans. In the first chapter, I discuss the use of Rom. 10:14‐15 in the opening paragraph of the Confessions, particularly Augustine’s sensitivity to the diatribe style. The opening paragraph is also significant within the context of the conversion narratives, as it features Augustine in his converted state and effectively represents the goal towards which the conversion narratives will strive. My second chapter deals with the “aversion” narrative in Conf. 5.3.5 and the use of Rom. 1:21‐25. Much attention is given to Augustine’s allusion to apologetic works, particularly the Wisdom of Solomon, which Rom. 1:21‐25 emulates. Chapter three is concerned with the significance of Rom. 1:21‐25 in the intellectual conversion of Augustine. While Augustine reuses a quotation in Conf. 7.9.13‐15, I focus on the unique use of this quotation and its specific significance to the intellectual conversion. The fourth chapter deals with the scriptural conversion and Augustine’s use of Rom. 7:22‐25. In the final chapter, I discuss the use of the references to Romans in Book 8 which Augustine has already quoted earlier in the Confessions. I then show how these quotations affect the interpretation of the spiritual conversion at the end of Book 8.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die gebruik van die verwysings na Paulus se Brief aan die Romeine in die bekeringsverhale in Augustinus se Confessiones te ondersoek. Die Confessiones is ’n berig van Augustinus se bekering tot die Katolieke Christendom. In die Confessiones is daar baie bekeringsverhale wat deel vorm van ’n groter verhaal wat sy voltooiing in die slotbekeringsverhaal in Boek 8 van die Confessiones vind. In hierdie bekeringsverhale haal Augustinus dikwels Romeine aan. In die eerste hoofstuk bespreek ek die gebruik van Rom. 10:14‐15 in die inleidende paragraaf van die Confessiones, met klem op Augustinus se aanwending van die diatribe styl. Die inleidende paragraaf is ook van belang met betrekking tot die bekeringsverhale, omdat dit Augustinus in ’n bekeerde toestand uitbeeld en effektief die doel verteenwoordig wat die bekeringsverhale nastreef. My tweede hoofstuk handel oor die “afkeer”‐toneel in Conf. 5.3.5 en die gebruik van Rom. 1:21‐25. Aandag word gegee aan Augustinus se toespeling op apologetiese werke, veral die Wysheid van Salomo, wat deur Rom. 1:21‐25 nageboots word. Hoofstuk drie handel oor die belang van Rom. 1:21‐25 in die intellektuele bekeringsverhaal van Augustinus. In Conf. 7.9.13‐15 gebruik Augustinus weer ’n keer dieselfde aanhaling, en hier is die fokus op die unieke gebruik van hierdie aanhaling en sy spesifieke konteks binne die intellektuele bekeringsverhaal. Die vierde hoofstuk handel oor Augustinus se bekering tot die Skrif en sy gebruik van Rom. 7:22‐25. In die laaste hoofstuk bespreek ek die gebruik van verwysings na Romeine wat Augustinus alreeds vroeër aangehaal het in Boek 8 van die Confessiones. Ten slotte toon ek aan hoe hierdie aanhalings die interpretasie van die geestelike bekeringsverhaal aan die einde van Boek 8 beïnvloed.
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Coombes, Michael James. "Augustine's Contra Fortunatum : perspectives from critical discourse analysis and argumentation theory." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86382.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augustine of Hippo remains one of the most prominent and influential figures in the world of Catholicism, famous for his many writings and sermons on Catholic Christianity as well as his ardent defence of it. His debate with Fortunatus, a member of the Manichaean faith presented Augustine with one of his defining moments as a member of the Catholic clergy. This is because Augustine had only been a presbyter in the Church at Hippo for a few months when this debate took place and therefore had much at stake against his wily opponent. To make matters even more complicated for Augustine, he himself had been a Manichee for at least nine years and knew Fortunatus as a skilled debater. But rhetoric, or the art of persuasion, was a field in which Augustine excelled, having both a natural proclivity for speaking as well as the formal education behind it. Chapter one begins with an introduction to the debate, the primary characters, and the religions involved. Chapter two continues with an exposition of Augustine and his association with Manichaeism and then goes on to describe Augustine‟s anti-Manichaean works. From this point, chapter two continues with a section on Manichaeism, its spread, its myth and its practice. From this contextual basis, chapter three deals with the methodology of Critical Discourse Analysis and the three most important characters in the form of Halliday, Fairclough and van Dijk. This chapter is followed by another chapter on theory: Argumentation Theory. Chapter four includes subsections on van Eemeren and his methodologies of Pragma-Dialectics and Strategic Maneuvering. The analysis chapters of this dissertation begin with chapter five which deals with concepts from Critical Discourse Analysis and Argumentation Theory. This chapter includes subsections on categories of enquiry, followed by a section on a number of recurring devices, namely: answering questions, changing the topic and quoting scripture. A Critical Discourse Analysis section follows with subsections that include difference, evaluation and knowledge as a common ground component of contexts. This in turn is followed by sections on Argumentation Theory and Strategic Maneuvering, which include subsections on economy, efficacy and coherence; realism and wellfoundedness; logical reasoning process and pragmatic inferences; reasonableness versus effectiveness; the rhetorical perspective; discussion strategies; dialectical aims versus rhetorical aims and deceptive manoeuvring. The final analysis chapter, the Contra Fortunatum in context, includes subsections on the opening of the debate, the structure of the debate and the topics of discussion. Within this last section subsections on the Nebridian conundrum, the origin of evil, and free will occur. The next subsection dicusses topics not mentioned in the debate: the Manichaean myth, Mani and the previous friendship between Fortunatus and Augustine. Following this there are sections on Manichaeism presenting itself as a form of Christianity, the debaters talking past each other and the issues of audience composition and power relations between the various role players. Chapter seven takes a concluding look at the issue of who should be designated the winner of the debate.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus van Hippo bly een van die mees prominente en invloedryke figure in die wêreld van die Katolisisme, bekend vir sy vele skrywes en preke oor die Katolieke Christendom sowel as sy ywerige verdediging daarvan. Sy debat met Fortunatus, ʼn lid van die Manichese geloof, het aan Augustinus een van die bepalende oomblikke in sy rol as Katolieke geestelike besorg. Die rede hiervoor is dat Augustinus ten tyde van die debat nog net ʼn paar maande ʼn presbiter in die kerk in Hippo was; daarom was daar baie op die spel in die debat teen hierdie gedugte opponent. Om dinge selfs nog meer ingewikkeld vir Augustinus te maak, was hy self vir ten minste nege jaar 'n Manicheër en was hy bekend met Fortunatus se retoriese vermoëns. Retoriek, of die kuns van oorreding, was egter 'n veld waarin Augustinus uitgeblink het. Hy het beide ʼn natuurlike aanvoeling vir redevoering sowel as ʼn formele opleiding gehad. Hoofstuk een van die proefskrif begin met ʼn inleiding tot die debat, die hoofkarakters en die gelowe wat betrokke is. Hoofstuk twee gaan voort met ʼn uiteensetting van Augustinus en sy assosiasie met die Manichese geloof en beskryf ook Augustinus se anti-Manichese werke. Van hier af gaan hoofstuk twee dan verder met 'n afdeling oor die Manichese geloof, die mitologie en lewenswyse, sowel as die verspreiding van die Manicheïsme. Met hierdie kontekstuele agtergrond as basis handel hoofstuk drie oor die metodologie van Kritiese Diskoersanalise en die drie belangrikste eksponente van hierdie teoretiese rigting, Halliday, Fairclough en Van Dijk. Hierdie hoofstuk word gevolg deur nog ʼn teoretiese hoofstuk wat handel oor Argumentasieteorie. Hoofstuk vier sluit onderafdelings in oor Van Eemeren en sy metodologieë van Pragma-Dialektiek en Strategiese Maneuvers. Die ontledingshoofstukke van hierdie proefskrif begin by hoofstuk vyf wat handel oor Kritiese Diskoersanalise en Argumentasieteorie. Hierdie hoofstuk sluit onderafdelings in oor kategorieë van ondersoek, opgevolg deur ʼn gedeelte oor 'n aantal herhalende tegnieke: die beantwoording van vrae, die verandering van die onderwerp en skrifaanhalings. ʼn Volgende afdeling oor Kritiese Diskoersanalise volg daarop met onderafdelings wat verskil, evaluasie en kennis as ʼn gemeenskaplike komponent op die terrein van konteks insluit. Hierop volg 'n afdeling oor Strategiese Maneuvers. Laasgenoemde sluit onderafdelings in oor ekonomie, doeltreffendheid en koherensie; realisme en gegrondheid; logiese denkprosesse en pragmatiese gevolgtrekkings; redelikheid versus effektiwiteit; die retoriese perspektief; besprekingstrategieë; dialektiese doelwitte versus retoriese doelwitte en maneuvers van misleiding. Die finale ontledingshoofstuk, getiteld die Contra Fortunatum in konteks, sluit onderafdelings in oor die openingsreëls van die debat, die struktuur van die debat en tematiek daarvan. In die laaste afdelings word die kwessies van die Nebridiese vraagstuk, die oorsprong van boosheid en die vrye wil ingesluit. Die volgende onderafdeling bevat onderwerpe wat nie in die debat behandel word nie: die Manichese mite, Mani en die vroeëre vriendskap tussen Fortunatus en Augustinus. Daarop volg die afdelings oor die Manichese strategie om hierdie godsdiens as Christelike godsdiens voor te stel, die deelnemers se taktiek om verby mekaar te praat asook oor die samestelling van die gehoor en kwessie van die magsverhoudinge tussen die onderskeie rolspelers. Die laaste hoofstuk sluit samevattend af met 'n kort bespreking van die kwessie van wie as die wenner van die debat beskou moet word.
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Humphrey, Christopher Wainwright. ""'There the Father is, and there is everything'" : elements of Plotinian pantheism in Augustine's thought." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65979.

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Moon, Joshua. "Restitutio ad integrum : an 'Augustinian' reading of Jeremiah 31:31-34 in dialogue with the Christian tradition." Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/419.

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Austin, Kathleen J. "Aristotle, Aquinas, and the history of quickening." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79819.

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This thesis examines a primary question raised by both Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas: What constitutes the beginning of a human being? Aristotle and Aquinas raise this question for very different reasons. Modern critical commentators revisit it for their own reasons, namely for the purposes of ethical debates surrounding conception and abortion. They frequently attribute the notions of delayed ensoulment and quickening to Aristotle. Through examination of the primary texts, I demonstrate that this attribution is erroneous. Aristotle contends that ensoulment is substantially complete at conception, though subject to gradual actualization throughout the lifespan of a human being; while Thomas suggests that conception is a process, requiring several substantial changes before a human soul is infused. I argue that Aquinas adapts Aristotle in accordance with his Christian theological commitments, and modern commentators follow him to develop their own notions of delayed ensoulment and quickening.
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Kotze, Annemare. "The protreptic-paraenetic purpose of Augustine's Confessions and its Manichean audience." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53665.

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Thesis (DLitt)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this dissertation I attempt to open up new perspectives on the literary qualities and the unity of Augustine's Confessions by reading the work in the light of the context within which it first functioned. Part 1, Prolegomena, consists of a survey of secondary literature (in chapter 1) that focuses on research on the literary characteristics of the work, followed by a theoretical exploration of the two aspects that constitute the focus of this study, the genre and the audience of the Confessions. Chapter 2.1 examines how the literary practices and generic conventions of late Antiquity should inform our reading of the work. This is achieved through a discussion of the implications of genre analysis in general (2.1.1), followed by an examination of the conventions of the ancient protreptic genre (2.1.2), a look at the parallels between the Confessions and three of its literary antecedents and between the Confessions and Augustine's Contra Academicos (2.1.3), and an evaluation of the perspectives offered on the unity of the work by this procedure (2.1.4). Chapter 2.2 starts with a discussion of the concept of intended audience (2.2.1) and proceeds to provide the background needed to follow the arguments on the specific segment of Augustine's audience that I consider here, the Manicheans (2.2.2). Part 2 of the dissertation consists of the analyses of selected passages but attempts at the same time to give an accurate account of how genre and intended audience are embodied in the text as a whole. In chapter 3 I show that Augustine's meditation on Ps 4 in the central section of the Confessions (9.4.8-11) is a protreptic that targets a Manichean audience (3.1) through Augustine's identification with this audience (3.2) and the prevalent use of Manichean terminology and categories (3.3). In chapter 4 I analyse in a more systematic way the expression of protreptic purpose through various devices throughout the Confessions: foreshadowing in the opening paragraph (4.1), the use of a shifting persona (4.2), allusion to Matt 7:7 (4.3), and the theme of the protreptic power of reading and listening (4.5). I evaluate how pervasive the expression of protreptic intent is (4.4) and end with an examination of the protreptic-paraenetic purpose of the first section of the allegorical exposition of the creation story in book 13 (4.6). Chapter 5 examines the degree to which the Manicheans are targeted by the text as a whole as an important segment of its intended audience. I examine the use of the theme of friendship to evoke Augustine's erstwhile Manichean friendships and the history of failed communication with this group (5.1), the role Augustine intends curiositas to play in coaxing the Manicheans into reading yet another attempt to convert them (5.2), and once again how pervasive the concerns with a Manichean audience is (5.3). I conclude this chapter, like the previous one, with an analysis of the last section of the allegory in book 13, where I discern towards the end an intensification of indications that Augustine is preoccupied with his Manichean audience (5.4).<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif probeer om nuwe perspektief te bied op die literêre eienskappe en die eenheid van Augustinus se Confessiones deur die werk te lees in die lig van die konteks waarbinne dit aanvanklik gefunksioneer het. Deel 1, Prolegomena, is In oorsig oor die sekondêre literatuur (in hoofstuk 1) wat fokus op studies van die literêre tegnieke in die werk, gevolg deur In teoretiese verkenning van die twee aspekte wat die fokuspunt van die studie vorm, naamlik die genre en die gehoor van die Confessiones. Hoofstuk 2 ondersoek hoe literêre praktyke en genre-verwante konvensies van die laat Antieke die lees van die werk behoort te beïnvloed. Dit word gedoen aan die hand van In bespreking van die implikasies van genre-analise in die algemeen (2.1.1), gevolg deur In oorsig oor die konvensies van die antieke protreptiese genre (2.1.2), In bespreking van die paraIIele tussen die Confessiones en drie literêre voorlopers daarvan asook tussen die Confessiones en Augustinus se Contra Academicos (2.1.3) en In evaluering van die perspektiewe wat hierdie werkwyse bied op die eenheid van die werk (2.1.4). Hoofstuk 2.2 behels In bespreking van die konsep teikengehoor (2.2.1), gevolg deur In opsomming van die agtergrondinligting wat nodig is om die argumente oor die spesifieke segment van Augustinus se gehoor wat hier oorweeg word (die Manicheërs), te volg (2.2.2). Deel 2 van die proefskrif bestaan uit die analises van geselekteerde passasies maar probeer terselfdertyd om In getroue weergawe te bied van hoe genre en gehoor in die teks as geheel beliggaam word. Hoofstuk 3 toon dat Augustinus se oordenking van Ps 4 in die sentrale gedeelte van die Confessiones (9.4.8-11) In protreptiese werk gerig op In Manichese gehoor is (3.1). Augustinus vereenslewig hom met sy teikengehoor (3.2) en gebruik deurgaans Manichese terminologie en kategorieë (3.3). Hoofstuk 4 ondersoek hoe die protreptiese doelwit in die Confessiones uitgedruk word deur die gebruik van verskeie tegnieke: voorafskaduing in die aanvangsparagraaf (4.1), die gebruik van In verskuiwende persona (4.2), verwysing na Matt 7:7 (4.3) en die tema van die protreptiese uitwerking van lees en luister (4.5). Ek evalueer hoe verteenwoordigend ten opsigte van die geheel die uitdrukking van die protreptiese doelwit is (4.4) en sluit met In analise van die protrepties-paranetiese funksie van die eerste deel van die allegoriese interpretasie van die skeppingsverhaal in boek 13 (4.6). Hoofstuk 5 ondersoek die mate waarin die teks as geheel die Manicheërs as die teikengehoor van die werk aandui. Dit toon hoe Augustinus die tema van vriendskap gebruik om sy vroeëre Manichese vriendskappe op te roep en verwys na die geskiedenis van onsuksesvolle kommunikasie met hierdie groep (5.1); dit toon hoe curiositas 'n rol speel om die Manicheërs oor te haalom nog 'n poging om hulle te bekeer te lees (5.2) asook hoe verteenwoordigend ten opsigte van die geheel die bemoeienis met 'n Manichese gehoor is (5.3). Die hoofstuk sluit af, soos die vorige een, met 'n analise (nou van die tweede deel) van die allegorie in boek 13, met klem op die sterker wordende aanduidings dat Augustinus hier 'n Manichese gehoor in die oog het (5.4).
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Schinagl, Rosa Kassandra Coco. ""Dieser Satz traf mich mitten ins Hers, also darf ich ihn doch haben" : Liebe als philosophisch-theologisches Konzept in Hannah Arendts Denken. Eine Betrachtung ihrer Dissertation Der Liebesbegriff bei Augustin. Versuch einer philosphischen Interpretation im Lichte ihres Gesamtwerkes." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71742.

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Fogarty, Margaret Elizabeth. "Egyptian Christianity : an historical examination of the belief systems prevalent in Alexandria c.100 B.C.E. - 400 C.E. and their role in the shaping of early Christianity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49941.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis sets out to examine, as far as possible within the constraints of a limited study, the nature of the Christianity professed in the first centuries of the Common Era, by means of an historical examination of Egyptian Christianity. The thesis contends that the believers in Christ's teachings, in the first century, were predominantly Jewish, that "Christianity" did not exist as a developed separate religion until its first formal systematizations commenced in the second century, through the prolific writings of the Alexandrians, Clement and Origen. It is noted that the name "Christianity" itself was coined for the first time in the second century by Ignatius of Antioch; and that until the fourth century it is more accurate to speak of many Christianities in view of regional-cultural and interpretative differences where the religion took root. The study examines the main religions of the world in which the new religion began to establish itself, and against which it had to contend for its very survival. Many elements of these religions influenced the rituals and formulation of the new religion and are traced through ancient Egyptian religion, the Isis and Serapis cults, Judaism, Gnosticism and Hermeticism. Alexandria, as the intellectual matrix of the Graeco-Roman world, was the key centre in which the new religion was formally developed. The thesis argues, therefore, that despite the obscurity of earliest Christianity in view of the dearth of extant sources, the emergent religion was significantly Egyptian in formulation, legacy and influence in the world of Late Antiquity. It is argued, in conclusion, that the politics of the West in making Christianity the official religion of the empire, thus centring it henceforth in Rome, effectively effaced the Egyptian roots. In line with current major research into the earliest centuries of Christianity, the thesis contends that while Jerusalem was the spring of the new religion Alexandria, and Egypt as a whole, formed a vital tributary of the river of Christianity which was to flow through the whole world. It is argued that without the Egyptian branch, Christianity would have been a different phenomenon to what it later became. The legacy of Egyptian Christianity is not only of singular importance in the development of Christianity but, attracting as it does the continued interest of current researchers in the historical, papyrological and archaeological fields, it holds also considerable significance for the study of the history of religions in general, and Christianity in particular.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die proefskrif poog om, insover moontlik binne beperkte skopus, die aard van die vroeë Christendom gedurende die eerste eeue V.C. te ondersoek, deur middel van 'n historiese ondersoek van die Egiptiese Christendom. Die tesis voer aan dat die vroegste Christelike gelowiges in die eerste eeu N.C. grootendeels Joods was, en dat die Christendom as afsonderlike godsdiens nie ontstaan het nie voor die formele sistematiseringe wat deur die Aleksandryne Clemens en Origines aangebring is nie. Selfs die term Christendom is vir die eerste keer in die tweede eeu n.C. deur Ignatius van Antiochië versin; daar word verder opgemerk dat voor die vierde eeu dit meer akkuraat is om van veelvuldige Christelike groepe te praat. Die studie ondersoek die vernaamste godsdienste van die milieu waarin die nuwe godsdiens wortel geskied het, en waarteen dit om sy oorlewing moes stry. Baie invloede van die godsdienste is uitgeoefen op die rites en die daarstelling van die nuwe godsdiens, en kan herlei word na die antieke Egiptiese godsdiens, die kultusse van Isis en Serapis, Judaïsme, Gnostisisme en Hermetisme. Aleksandrië, die intellektuele matriks van die Grieks-Romeinse wêreld, was die hoof-sentrum waarin die nuwe godsdiens formeelontwikkel het. Die tesis toon daarom aan dat ten spyte van die onbekendheid van die vroegste Christendom, wat te wyte is aan die tekort aan bronne, die opkomende godsdiens in die Laat Antieke wêreld opvallend Egipties van aard was in formulering, invloed en erfenis. Ten slotte word daar aangevoer dat die politiek van die Weste wat die Christendom as amptelike godsdiens van die ryk gemaak het, en wat dit vervolgens dus in Rome laat konsentreer het, die Egiptiese oorspronge van die godsdiens feitlik uitgewis het. In samehang met kontemporêre belangrike navorsing op die gebied van die Christendom se vroegste eeue, argumenteer die tesis dat terwyl Jerusalem wel die bron van die nuwe godsdiens was, Aleksandrië, en Egipte as geheel, 'n deurslaggewende sytak was van die rivier van die Christendom wat uiteindelik deur die ganse wêreld sou vloei. Daar word aangetoon dat sonder die Egiptiese tak, die Christendom 'n heel ander verskynsel sou gewees het in vergelyking met sy latere formaat. Die erfenis van die Egiptiese Christendom is nie alleen van die grootste belang vir die ontwikkeling van die Christendom nie, maar 'n nalatenskap wat die voortgesette aandag van navorsers op historiese, papirologiese en argeologiese gebiede vra, en is daarom van groot belang vir die studie van die geskiedenis van godsdienste in die algemeen, en die Christendom in die besonder.
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24

Morgan, David Edward Charles. "The theology of language of Augustine of Hippo." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613105.

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25

Griffith, Susan Blackburn. "Medical imagery in the sermons of Augustine of Hippo." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523099.

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26

Keech, Dominic. "The anti-pelagian Christology of Augustine of Hippo, 396-430." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527334.

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27

Thomas, Anthony J. IV. "BEAUTY SPEAKING: BEAUTY AND LANGUAGE IN PLOTINUS AND AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/mcllc_etds/3.

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Much has been said about the influence of Plotinus, the Platonist philosopher, on the ideas of Augustine of Hippo, the Western Church Father whose writings had the largest impact on Western Europe in the Middle Ages. This thesis considers both writers’ ideas concerning matter, evil, and language. It then considers the way in which these writers’ ideas influenced their style of writing in the Enneads and the Confessions. Plotinus’ more straightforward negative attitude towards the material word and its relationship to the One ultimately makes his writing more academic and less emotionally powerful. Augustine’s more complicated understanding of the material world and its relationship to God results in a more mystical and more emotionally powerful style, which derives its effectiveness especially from its use of antithesis and the first and second person.
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Cvetković, Carmen Angela. "Seeking the Face of God : a study on Augustine's reception in the mystical thought of Bernard of Clairvaux and William of St. Thierry." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1213.

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The present thesis examines the way in which two twelfth century authors, the Cistercian monks, Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) and William of St. Thierry (c. 1080-1148), used Augustine (354-430) in the articulation of their mystical thought. The approach to this subject takes into account the fact that in the works of all these medieval authors the “mystical” element is inescapably entangled with their theological discourse and that an accurate understanding of their views on the soul’s direct encounter with God cannot be achieved without a discussion of their theology. This thesis posits that the cohesion of Bernard’s and William’s mystical thought lies in their appropriation of the guiding principle of Augustine’s mystical theology: “You made us for yourself and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (conf. 1.1.1), reflected in the subtle interplay of three main themes, namely (1) the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God, which provides the grounds for the understanding of the soul’s search for direct contact with God; (2) love as a longing innate in every human being, which explores the means to attain immediacy with God; and (3) the soul’s direct encounter with God, which discusses the nature of the soul’s immediate experience of the divine presence that can only be achieved in lasting fullness at the end of time. This examination of Bernard’s and William’s use of Augustine is structured on the basis of these three core themes which form the scaffolding of their mystical thought. Investigating the specific methods of their reception of Augustine will highlight the originality and uniqueness of each of the two Cistercian authors, who while drawing on the same patristic source use it nevertheless in various ways, by focussing on different aspects of Augustine’s immense oeuvre and by arriving at distinct mystical programmes.
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Bauerschmidt, John Crawford. "Sexual difference and the relation of the sexes in the theology of Saint Augustine." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260122.

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Schuler, Stephen J. Russell Richard Rankin. "Augustinian Auden the influence of Augustine of Hippo on W. H. Auden /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5248.

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31

Harrison, Simon James. "De libero arbitrio : Augustine's way in to the will." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273059.

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Mösch, Sophia Cornelia. "Augustine of Hippo and the art of ruling in the Carolingian imperial period." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/augustine-of-hippo-and-the-art-of-ruling-in-the-carolingian-imperial-period(e0cb2f90-b0ac-43b6-a3fe-bf4bb298c74a).html.

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This thesis investigates how the political thought of Augustine of Hippo was understood and modified by Carolingian-era writers to serve their own distinctive purposes. The research concentrates on Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Reims, advisers to Charlemagne and Charles the Bald, respectively. The analysis focuses on Alcuin's and Hincmar's discussions of empire, rulership and the moral conduct of political agents, in the course of which both made extensive use of Augustine's De civitate Dei, though each came away with a substantially different understanding of its message. By applying a philological-historical approach, this thesis offers a deeper reading that views their texts as political discourses defined by content and language; it also explains why Augustine, despite being understood in such different ways, remained an author that Carolingian writers found useful to think with. Methodological problems are outlined in the Introduction. Chapter One contains an analysis of selected concepts of Augustinian thought, chosen both for their prominence in the De civitate Dei and relevance to the Carolingian material. Chapter Two explores the range of Augustinian influences in Alcuin's Epistolae, with emphasis on political thought. Chapter Three studies the impact of Augustine on Hincmar's Epistolae, Expositiones ad Carolum Regem and De regis persona, with a focus on political ethics. The Conclusion contextualises the findings on Augustinian influence from the previous chapters and attempts to show more clearly why Alcuin's and Hincmar's versions of Augustinian thought are so different. In particular, it considers the differences between Augustine's, Alcuin's and Hincmar's understandings of 'church' and 'state' and the distinctive ways in which each of them interpreted the relationship between religion and political power. A comparison of Alcuin's and Hincmar's uses of Augustine sheds light on the differences between Charlemagne's reign and that of his grandson.
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Pinto, Luciano C. G. 1979. "A escritura não é o nada : comentários bíblicos de Jerônimo e Agostinho ao Gênesis e o efeito-texto." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/271112.

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Orientador: Patrícia Prata<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T02:15:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinto_LucianoC.G._D.pdf: 4178422 bytes, checksum: 235593dd702ea15aed68d8ae9ce24913 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: Este trabalho analisa, numa perspectiva discursiva, os efeitos produzidos pelo ato de comentar a Bíblia levado a cabo por duas figuras-chave dos primórdios do cristianismo: Jerônimo de Estridão (347-420 d.C.) e Agostinho de Hipona (354-430 d.C.). Investiga-se o impacto dessa empresa comentarista tanto no modo como o texto bíblico foi materialmente transmitido (ortografia, léxico, fraseologia, ordem dos textos) como na história de sua recepção (tópicos e temas preferidos em detrimento de outros tantos possíveis). O propósito é demonstrar quão poderosa é a intervenção dos comentários não apenas na formação do cânone bíblico, mas também na constituição da própria noção de que o conjunto de textos reunidos sob a rubrica de Bíblia ou Sagrada Escritura forma, afinal - e apesar de uma superfície textual que apresenta disparidades e, eventualmente, grandes contradições de caráter linguístico, narrativo ou mesmo teológico -, um texto, que expressa um único e mesmo plano deliberativo autoral<br>Abstract: This study examines from a discourse-analytical perspective the effects arisen from the practice of commenting the Bible that was followed by two early Christian key figures: Jerome of Stridon (c. 370-420 AD) and Augustine of Hippo (354-430 AD). The impact of these commentatorial works is investigated both with regarding to the way in which the very biblical text was materially (orthography, lexicon, phraseology, chapter order) handed down and to the history of its hermeneutical reception (the topics and themes which have been favored at the expense of all other possibilities). The purpose therefore is to demonstrate how powerful such commentatorial interventions are in the forming of the biblical canon and also in underpinning assumptions that the set of texts brought together under the rubric of Bible or Sacred Scriptures forms ultimately - in spite of a textual surface presenting disparities and sometimes great contradictions of linguistic, narrative or even theological character - a text which expresses just one and the same authorial design<br>Doutorado<br>Linguistica<br>Doutor em Linguística
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34

Hudson, Julia Alexandrovna. "St Augustine on the history of the Roman state in the De ciuitate Dei." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547761.

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35

Weslowski, John L. "The ecclesial mysticism of Augustine of Hippo as rooted and focused in his monastic ideal." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.

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36

Clavier, Mark Forbes Moreton. "Eloquent wisdom : the role of rhetoric and delight in the theology of Saint Augustine of Hippo." Thesis, Durham University, 2011. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/601/.

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This study examines Augustine’s conception of the role of delight (delectatio) in the divine acts of creation and redemption. In the first part of the dissertation, I argue that Augustine, who was trained as a rhetor and taught rhetoric before his conversion, came to conceive of theology as the fulfilment of Cicero’s conviction that wisdom and eloquence ought to be united. His approach to Cicero’s rhetorical theory as found in De inventione, De oratore, and Orator shares many similarities with that of Late Antique rhetors (especially Marius Victorinus) in whose works the orator functions less as a statesman than as a physician of the soul. Accordingly, an orator’s role is not to sway the senate or deliberate in law courts (as in Cicero’s thought) but to inform and persuade people towards a fruitful return to the divine. In the second part of the dissertation, I demonstrate how this approach influenced Augustine’s understanding of redemption. He conceives of God as Cicero’s ideal orator, in whom wisdom and eloquence are perfectly united. God engages in a rhetorical contest with the devil whom Augustine portrays in terms of the false orators in Cicero’s De inventione. The devil’s rhetoric comprises an illicit delight in actual sin and an inordinate delight in created goods, both of which exert their power over the human will through suggestion, delight and persuasion and result in a bondage to sin and death. By contrast, God ‘utters’ creation as a delightful song and opposes death’s nihilistic rhetoric by pouring his own delight into the hearts of the faithful; this delight persuades the will to move towards a joyful participation in the divine that is the happy life for which all people long. Ultimately, Augustine identifies this spiritual delight most closely with the Holy Spirit who functions as God’s eternal eloquence.
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Pignot, Matthieu. "The catechumenate in late antique Africa : Augustine of Hippo, his contemporaries and early reception (ca. 360-530 AD)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:52282a58-7163-40a2-ba9b-632d582debeb.

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In the late antique West, every individual becoming Christian first entered the community as a catechumen (catechumenus). Many spent several years in this status called the catechumenate, only ending with baptism and the acquisition of the membership of the faithful (fideles). This thesis considers the catechumenate not only as an initiation but as a peculiar way of being Christian. It demonstrates the fluid nature of Christian membership and shows how clerics strove to develop their authority over catechumens to build a cohesive community in a context of rivalry between churches and polemical controversies. The catechumenate both enabled converts to adhere progressively to the community and constituted an opportunity for clerics to set a standard path of progression, enforce discipline and define what it meant to be a Christian. This thesis opens up new avenues to study the process of Christianisation by stressing the continuous significance of the catechumenate for the formation of Christian communities in late antiquity. After an introduction, Chapter Two focuses on Augustine's recollections of his time as a catechumen. Chapter Three looks at Augustine to investigate more broadly the practices of catechumeni, shedding light on the pervasive polemical context in which they are discussed. Chapter Four provides case studies on the cross put on the forehead to manifest Christian membership and the treatise De fide et operibus, exploring how Augustine aimed at shaping practices and ideas. Chapter Five investigates contemporary evidence: first an African canon regulating the ritual participation of catechumeni, then sermons describing unique rituals of the baptismal preparation and demonstrating that practices often varied locally. Chapter Six compares the sixth-century letter exchanges between Ferrandus and Fulgentius with John the Deacon's letter to Senarius, showing the enduring importance of the catechumenate in the West and the creative reception of earlier African sources addressing recurrent pastoral problems.
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Jordan, Caroline Sophy Amanda. "Gender, spirit and soul : the differences in attitude of Plato and Augustine of Hippo towards women and slaves." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4068/.

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This thesis will look at the changes brought about in the perception of women's role in society by the advent of Christianity. The early chapters will discuss the actual status of women in ancient Graeco-Roman and Jewish society, so far as that can be discovered; followed by St Paul's views on women, which heavily influenced St Augustine. I shall then examine the status assigned to women and slaves by Plato in his two outlines for ideal societies, the Republic and the Laws, and shall finish with an examination of Augustine's attitudes to women and slavery. Plato believed that intelligent women were just as capable as men of achieving the philosophical ideal, and he believed that there would be many intelligent women in any given society. Many of Augustine's Letters are addressed to 'holy women", though he was reluctant to accept that these women were not exceptional. Augustine had many female correspondents, most but not all of whom were consecrated virgins or chaste widows. It is quite clear that Augustine believed that these women could achieve salvation on their own account, and also that he respected the intellect of some of them. However, even these women were to live subdued, enclosed lives. In the City of God he follows Paul in circumscribing the actions of women, but his estimation of their intellect is consistently higher than Paul's. The major difference between Plato and the Christians on this issue was that for Plato, sex was a part of normal life, and indeed essential to the continuation of the State; whereas for Christians it had become a problem and a hindrance to salvation. Neither Paul nor Augustine considered it necessary to combat slavery, probably because they were more concerned with securing the afterlife than with correcting conditions in this life.
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McGinnis, Jon D. (Jon David). "Luther the Augustinian: Augustine, Pelagianism and Luther's Philosophy of Man." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500782/.

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Augustine has had a large influence on the development of western theology, and nowhere is this more obvious that in Martin Luther's understanding of God, humankind and grace. Yet at the same time there are also significant differences in the two churchmen's thought. Sometimes these differences are subtle, such as their views of the state; other times they are not so subtle, such as their positions on free will or their praise of philosophy and its usefulness in sounding the depth of Christianity. In order to best explain these varying views, one must look at Augustine's and Luther's diverging opinions of man's nature where one will see that the dissimilarities are best understood in light of Luther's pessimistic view of humanity.
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40

Monroe, Ty Paul. "The Development of Augustine's Early Soteriology." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108005.

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Thesis advisor: Boyd Coolman<br>This study considers the development of Augustine's early soteriology in the years leading up to and including his writing of Confessions. Central to that inquiry is a treatment of his increasing use of the term humilitas. Yet that inquiry necessitates a broader account of the fallen soul and its healing by the Incarnate Savior. The result is a mostly chronological survey that shows Augustine developing clearer connections between his soteriology, Christology, and sacramental theology<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Theology
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Gowans, Coleen Hoffman. "The identity of the true believer in the sermons of Augustine of Hippo : a dimension of his christian anthropology /." Lewiston (N.Y.) ; Queenston (Ont.) ; Lampeter (GB) : The Edwin Mellen press, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371908117.

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42

Cristofoletti, Fabricio Klain. "A noção de eloqüência no De doctrina christiana de Agostinho de Hipona." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-04082010-142008/.

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Trata-se de uma dissertação sobre o pensamento filosófico de Agostinho de Hipona em relação à beleza do discurso e à utilidade da retórica e da eloqüência, temas que aparecem no livro IV do De doctrina christiana (Da instrução cristã) e, por isso, dentro da reflexão sobre o ideal de uma educação tipicamente cristã. Na Antigüidade, embora a eloqüência estivesse intrinsecamente ligada à arte retórica, esta questão, para Agostinho, deve ser tratada em conexão com algumas orientações da filosofia moral e da teologia cristãs, situadas para além da técnica. Em comparação com o antigo ideal oratório romano, sobretudo o ciceroniano, a maior importância conferida por Agostinho à Bíblia cristã, isto é, à sabedoria e à moral dos autores bíblicos, traz novos significados para o termo \'eloqüência\'. Além disso, o aprendizado oratório, que se alicerçava na doutrina e no hábito, é dessa vez resumido e transmitido por Agostinho segundo um método radical de imitação, cujos modelos passam a ser os escritores bíblicos e eclesiásticos, aqueles inspirados por Deus e gratificados com a união da eloqüência à sabedoria.<br>This dissertation is about the philosophical thinking of Augustine of Hippo in relation to the beauty of speech and the usefulness of rhetoric and eloquence, themes that appear in Book IV of De doctrina christiana (On Christian Teaching) and therefore within the reflection on the ideal of education typically Christian. In Antiquity, although the eloquence was intrinsically linked to the rhetorical art, this issue, for Augustine, it must be treated in connection with some directions of Christian moral philosophy and theology, located beyond the technique. In comparison to the antique ideal of Roman oratory, especially the Ciceronian, the greater importance given by Augustine to the Christian Bible, that is, to the wisdom and morality of the biblical authors, bring new meaning to the term \'eloquence\'. Moreover, the learning of oratory, which was based on the doctrine and habit, this time is summed up by Augustine and transmitted according to a radical method of imitation, whose models have to be the biblical and ecclesiastical writers, those inspired by God and rewarded with union between eloquence and wisdom.
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43

Clancy, Finbarr G. "St Augustine of Hippo on Christ, His Church and the Holy Spirit : a study of De baptismo and the Tractatus in Iohannis evangelium." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.332955.

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44

Taurisano, Ricardo Reali. "O \'De libero arbitrio\' de Agostinho de Hipona." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8143/tde-05102007-144037/.

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Este trabalho tem por objetivos, além de apresentar uma tradução da primeira parte do De libero arbitrio libri tres, de Agostinho de Hipona, empreender um estudo, dos três livros, em seus diferentes aspectos, retóricos e filosóficos. O De libero arbitrio, apesar de seu sentido de unidade, tem características específicas em cada uma de suas três partes. O livro I, de forte influência estóica, apresenta-se um diálogo; o livro II, se mantém a mesma estrutura dialógica, apresenta, porém, evidentes características neoplatônicas. Se as duas primeiras partes podem dizer-se dialéticas, a terceira, no entanto, sofre grave transformação, tanto em sua dispositio, quando Agostinho abdica da forma dialogal para empreender um longo discurso contínuo, como em sua elocutio, ao lançar mão de uma linguagem que, de modo inequívoco, evidencia uma mudança não só de auditório como de pensamento. O De libero arbitrio, em seu livro III, torna-se, a certa altura, uma obra de teologia, em que a concepção platônicosocrática de mundo, do Agostinho dos primeiros dois livros, cede espaço a uma visão mais cristã, influenciada sobremodo pela teologia do apóstolo Paulo, uma visão menos otimista do ser humano como ser autônomo e capaz de soerguer-se, por sua livre iniciativa. Essa mudança conceitual considerável, em seus aspectos discursivo e filosófico, evidencia uma alteração muito mais profunda, uma espécie de turning point, não apenas na obra e na vida do próprio homem, então não mais o filósofo e sim o presbítero de Hipona; não mais o pensador neoplatônico, e sim o doutor eclesiástico; mas também um turning point para a época, demarcando, de certo modo, o fim de toda uma civilização, o fim do mundo antigo, com a derrocada da visão clássica do homem, e o conseqüente princípio da era medieval.<br>This work has as main objectives, besides offering a translation of the first part of the De libero arbitrio libri tres of Augustine of Hippo, undertake a study of the three books, in its different aspects, rhetorical and philosophical. The De libero arbitrio, in spite of its sense of unity, has specific characteristics in each of its three parts. Book I, predominantly influenced by Stoicism, shows itself a dialog; book II, although maintaining the same dialogical structure, shows, nevertheless, evident Neoplatonic characteristics. If the two first parts may be called dialectical, the third, however, is the object of a severe metamorphosis, as in its dispositio, when Augustine resigns the cross-examination form to undertake a long uninterrupted discourse; as in its elocutio, when he adopts a style that undoubtedly makes clear a change not only in his auditory, but in his thought as well. The De libero arbitrio, then, in its third book becomes at a certain point a theological work, in which the Platonic-Socratic comprehension of the world of the young Augustine (of the first two books) yields to a more Christianized view, much influenced by the theology of the apostle Paul, which sustains a less optimistic image of man as a autonomous being, capable of raising himself through his free choice of the will. This remarkable conceptual change, in its discursive and philosophical aspects, shows a still deeper mutation, a kind of \"turning point\", not only in the works and life of the man, no longer the philosopher, but the presbyter of Hippo; no longer the Neoplatonic thinker, but the Doctor of the Church; but also a \"turning point\" to the epoch, delimiting, to a certain extent, the end of a civilization, the end of Antiquity, with the overthrow of the classical view of man and the consequential beginning of the mediaeval era.
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Cristofoletti, Fabricio Klain. "História e profecia como fundamento filosófico-religioso na pregação de Agostinho, presbítero de Hipona." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-17092015-122425/.

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Uma vez verificada certa dificuldade interpretativa quanto à proposta do De uera religione (vii, 13) de fundamentar a religião pela história e pela profecia, já que não se encontra nesse tratado uma lista bem definida e abrangente dos fatos e das profecias que, concatenados numa argumentação cerrada, formariam o fundamento da religião católica em oposição às heresias e aos cismas, a questão naturalmente consiste em saber se essa lacuna é suprida nos escritos subsequentes, ou seja, nos escritos do presbiterado de Agostinho. Seguindo a hipótese de que o fundamento histórico-profético da religião, a qual está intimamente unida à filosofia (De uera religione, v, 8), surge na pregação presbiteral, seja em sermões, seja em ensinamentos orais como as Enarrationes in Psalmos 1-32, pode-se descobrir que tal fundamentação aparece nos sermões que tratam do credo católico, o Sermão 214 e o De fide et symbolo, mas também nas interpretações histórico-proféticas da Enarratio in Psalmo 1 e da Enarratio in Psalmo 7. Quanto à contraparte moral dessa fundamentação da religião, isso pode ser visto no Sermão 252, já que ali a reflexão sobre os fatos e as profecias acerca de Cristo e da Igreja, bem como sobre as profecias escatológicas, são utilizadas para uma exortação moral: os fiéis devem se abster de todo interesse temporal e carnal na Igreja e buscar, por conseguinte, o que é eterno e espiritual, para que assim possam entrar no Reino dos Céus, que é mais excelso do que qualquer bem terreno.<br>Once verified certain interpretative difficulty in the proposal of De uera religione (vii, 13) to found religion on history and prophecy, since there is not in this treatise a clear and comprehensive list of facts and prophecies that, concatenated in a tight argumentation, could form the foundation of Catholic religion in opposition to the heresies and schisms, the natural question is whether this gap is supplied in subsequent writings, that is, in the writings of Augustine\'s priesthood. Following the hypothesis that the historical and prophetic foundation of religion, which is closely linked to philosophy (De uera religione, v, 8), appears in the priestly preaching, whether in sermons, whether in oral teachings as Enarrationes in Psalmos 1-32, this can be seen in the sermons dealing with the Catholic creed, Sermon 214 and De fide et symbolo, but also in the historical and prophetic interpretations of Enarratio in Psalmo 1 and Enarratio in Psalmo 7. Concerning the moral counterpart of the foundation of religion, we can see it in Sermon 252, because the meditation on eschatological prophecies and on facts and prophecies about Christ and the Church is used for a moral exhortation: the faithful must abstain from all temporal and carnal interest in the Church and seek, therefore, what is eternal and spiritual, so that they may enter the Kingdom of Heaven, that is higher than any earthly good.
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46

Littlejohn, Murray Edward. "Contemporary Confessions: Philosophical Engagements With Saint Augustine’s Confessions." Thesis, Boston College, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108584.

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Thesis advisor: Richard Kearney<br>By the 20th century the Confessions had become a “classic” of western civilization, yet it seems to elude any easy explanation and categorization. While scholars of Late Antiquity puzzled over the nature, structure, and meaning of the work, a parallel reception was occurring by some of the most original thinkers across both traditions of Contemporary philosophy, including Ludwig Wittgenstein, Martin Heidegger, Hannah Arendt, Hans Jonas, Karl Jaspers, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Francois Lyotard, Jacques Derrida, Jean-Luc Marion, Jean Louis Chrétien and Stanley Cavell. This study will focus on four of these thinkers, Wittgenstein, Gadamer, Ricoeur and Marion, and the ways that the Confessions has influenced their attempts to address fundamental questions on subjects ranging from time and memory to history and hermeneutics, evil and the will, the self and personal identity, language and narrative, conversion, skepticism and materialism, God and onto- theology, and ultimately the very practice of philosophy itself, its autobiographical and especially its confessional character. In turn, this study also asks whether the engagements of these highly original contemporary philosophers can uncover new dimensions of this highly original work that has been read and interpreted throughout a centuries-long history of reception. The hermeneutic wager is that the past illumines the present philosophical terrain, but also that present insights allow us to read a classic text of the past with new understanding. This study will benefit from the interconnected nature of the problems that these writers confront, in their “family resemblance” of shared affinities and marked differences. Chapter One, “Scholarly Engagements: A Problematic Classic,” introduces some of the key interpretive problems which arose in the course of a century of scholarly engagements, including occasion, veracity, composition, and sources of Saint Augustine’s Confessions. Chapter Two “The Early Wittgenstein: Tractatus, Testimony and Confession” discusses the confessional philosophy of Ludwig Wittgenstein, and the deep affinities he shared with Saint Augustine in his life and his first major work, the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1922), despite its reception and use as a foundational for Logical Empiricism and its spirited offspring. Chapter Three: “The Later Wittgenstein: Philosophical Investigations as Philosophical Confession” discusses the influence of Saint Augustine on Wittgenstein’s second major work, the Philosophical Investigations (1953), which uses a quotation from the Confessions as a point of departure for his own philosophical confession of errors and temptations. Chapter Four “Saint Augustine and Gadamer: Hermeneutic Anticipations and Affinities” discusses the hermeneutical insights of Saint Augustine, through the ways he encountered or struggled with texts in the Confessions, as well as through his idea of the “inner word” which would be for Gadamer the foundation of a philosophical hermeneutics. Chapter Five, “Ricoeur: Sin, Time, Memory, and Narrative” discusses Ricoeur’s engagement with Saint Augustine on the question of evil as well as his appropriation of the Augustinian aporia of time from the Confessions as pivotal for his narrative turn. Chapter Six, “Jean-Luc Marion’s Confessions” lays out Marion’s phenomenological unfolding of the Confessions beyond and before metaphysics, offering his reading of six dimensions of the inaccessibility of the self explored by Saint Augustine in the Confessions. This study will conclude by highlighting the themes that have suggested themselves across the many readings of this classic text<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2019<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Philosophy
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47

Freitas, Lucas Jorge de. "Estudo da construção do Ethos retórico Donatista e suas implicações no cristianismo africano do século IV e V." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-30012014-100134/.

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O donatismo, uma dissidência religiosa cristã, ocupou um lugar de destaque na cristandade africana entre os séculos IV e V, dividindo-a e polarizando-a em duas vertentes, sendo o foco da atenção de importantes pensadores do período, como Agostinho de Hipona e Optato de Milevo. Sua singularidade advém de se tratar, em sua gênese, de uma querela quanto à conduta moral do clero. Em uma época de dissidências doutrinárias principalmente trinitárias, o donatismo foi considerado como um desdobramento das perseguições perpetradas por Diocleciano; estas teriam deixado vestígios indeléveis, sementes para novos desentendimentos geradores de cismas e divisões. O presente estudo busca explorar as noções básicas de retórica, ou retórica cristã (conforme esta era entendida por Agostinho), e a delimitação do ethos constituído para a vertente donatista pelo bispo de Hipona, seu adversário. A partir da premissa de que o que estava realmente em jogo na querela era a definição de qual das vertentes era verdadeiramente a portadora do legado de Cristo, a presente pesquisa procura abordar duas questões fundamentais na gênese da mesma: a concepção de via salvífica e o batismo. Almeja-se, portanto, investigar o ethos retórico imputado aos donatistas por Agostinho por meio de uma consideração da representação e das justificativas da dissidência presentes nos tratados anti-donatistas desse tão célebre autor.<br>Donatism was a particularly significant Christian dissidence within African Christianity between the 4th and 5th centuries AD, one that split Christians into two highly polarized factions and became an object of study for important thinkers of the period, such as Augustine of Hippo and Optatus of Milevis. Its uniqueness comes from the fact that it originally consisted of a quarrel concerning the moral conduct of members of the clergy. At a time of doctrinarian disagreements that were mostly of a Trinitarian nature, Donatism was regarded as having unfolded from the religious persecutions perpetrated by Diocletian; the latter were seen as having left an indelible mark upon Christianity, and as having sowed the seeds for future discord and schisms. It is the intention of the present study to investigate the basic notions of rhetoric, particularly as applied to Christian values, present in the thought of Augustine, as well as the characteristics of the ethos said author gradually built for his adversaries, the Donatists. Starting from the premise that what was really at stake in the controversy was determining which of the two factions was the true bearer of the legacy of Christ, the investigation seeks to approach two issues at the heart of the quarrel: namely, the notion of a true path to salvation and the sacrament of baptism. Its aim is, therefore, to analyze the rhetorical ethos Augustine characterized the Donatists with by means of a consideration of the way this particular dissidence was portrayed in the anti-Donatist treatises produced by the celebrated bishop of Hippo.
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48

Snyder, Joshua Randolph. "Love Promoting Justice: An Augustinian Approach to Transitional Justice from the Context of Guatemala." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104375.

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Thesis advisor: Stephen J. Pope<br>Transitional justice responds to injustices and violations of human rights following a period of repressive rule or civil war. This dissertation argues that the needs of post-conflict societies are best served by local, participatory approaches to transitional justice. In the case of Guatemala, it was essential for the nation to embrace its common religious narrative as a resource for rebuilding the republic. The Guatemalan Catholic Church worked to build peace out of the ashes of state sponsored terror. It demonstrated the prophetic role of the Church by offering a collective voice condemning those in positions of authority for their neglect of the basic human rights of the majority of Guatemalans. The CEG also highlighted the reconciliatory function of the Church by promoting forgiveness and reconciliation within the public square. This experience calls for theological ethical reflection on how the Catholic Church could best serve the needs of civil society in the wake of nearly forty years of political violence. Responding to the need for critical theological reflection, this dissertation proposes a transformationalist understanding of the relation of love to justice for transitional justice. It draws its inspiration from a selective reading of Augustine and Augustinian scholarship. An Augustinian approach to transitional justice brings together the high moral ideas of love, justice, forgiveness, and peace while at the same time acknowledging the ever-present reality of sin and human weakness. It attempts to transform a post-conflict society into a moral community whose citizens are on a journey toward the destination of temporal peace. It realizes that we may never reach our destination of temporal peace, but we can glimpse it from afar. This dissertation offers the following ten Augustinian insights as a framework for a theological approach to transitional justice. 1) Charity is the motivating force for transitional justice and the pursuit of socio-political reconciliation; 2) Charity transforms our understanding of justice from noninterference and retribution to rehabilitating and reconciling; 3) Transitional justice ought to be contextual, paying attention to the unique concerns of a given post-conflict society; 4) Distinguishing, without bifurcating, the ends of the temporal and celestial commonwealths offers a positive, but not naïve, evaluation of the Church’s potential to be an instrument of social transformation; 5) Post-conflict societies need to foster conditions that allow for pluralism and social cohesion through civic friendship; 6) Post-conflict societies must develop social practices to train citizens in the civic virtues of love, justice, and friendship; 7) Transitional justice requires an ethical retrieval of the truth through the healing of memory; 8) Transitional justice upholds the moral obligation to admonish and correct sinful social behavior; 9) Transitional justice ought to foster the just and prudential protection of society through the use of coercive force on behalf of society’s most vulnerable citizens; and 10) Post-conflict societies need to cultivate and sustain an ethos of active hope that, far from inducing political passivity, promotes civic engagement<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Theology
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49

Román, Ortiz Angel Damián. "La huella de San Agustín en la ética de los valores de Scheler." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/81556.

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Los “valores” son percibidos emocionalmente en virtud de un acto de amor. Íntimamente relacionado con el concepto de “valor” está el de “persona”, como “valor de los valores”. Ésta es inobjetivable; no se le entiende sino que se le “comprende”; no se la conoce en virtud de un acto intelectual sino que se le ama y, en virtud del amor, se intuye moralmente su esencia, su ordo amoris. A lo largo de esta tesis se repasan los elementos de la ética de los valores de Scheler y la influencia que sobre la misma ejerció San Agustín de Hipona. Eso me lleva a calificar el periodo central del filósofo alemán como “periodo agustiniano”, y a abrir una nueva línea de investigación que corrija los problemas a que dio lugar la pretendida fundamentación axiológica de la ética, con base en el concepto de amor, para construir una “ética del amor”.<br>The “values” are perceived emotionally by an act of love. Related to the concept of “value” is the concept of “person” as “value of values”. The person is inobjetivable; we can not understand them but can be sympathetic. They are not known under an intellectual act but a loving act. Because of love, it is given a moral intuition of their essence: the “ordo amoris”. Throughout this work we review the elements of Scheler´s ethics and the influence exerted on it by Saint Augustine of Hippo. Thus, I qualify the central period of the German philosopher as “Augustinian period”, and open a new line of researching to correct the problems from the doubtful axiological foundations of the ethics of the values. This can be intended, based on the concept of love, to build a “Love Ethic” which does not lose sight of the real material object of ethics: the Good.
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50

Rodrigues, Rafael Alves de Sousa Barberino. "O episódio do furto das peras no livro segundo das Confissões de Agostinho de Hipona: (Confissões II, IV-X, 9-18)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-16052013-111430/.

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Nas Confissões de Agostinho de Hipona, o episódio do furto das peras, localizado no livro segundo, é possivelmente um dos dois momentos mais importantes no percurso dos seus seis primeiros livros. No entanto, tem boa parte de seu potencial filosófico desprezado. Os comentários são numerosos, mas os melhores tratam-no do ponto de vista de sua composição. Já os trabalhos filosóficos sobre o episódio não têm nem a mesma frequência, nem o mesmo fôlego. O que é de se lamentar bastante, visto o potencial que o episódio tem de fazer pensar. A fim de mudar um pouco este cenário, o que se pretende com essa dissertação é uma leitura mais atenta deste episódio. Planeja-se, em dois capítulos, cumprir dois estudos a seu respeito. Um primeiro, e mais introdutório, visa reunir os resultados daqueles estudos literários sobre o episódio. Estes importam, na medida em que preparam a leitura mesma do texto. Seus símbolos não são simples de compreender, e, além do mais, dão o que pensar. O segundo capítulo se dedica ao estudo filosófico do ato imoral, tal como ele se apresenta no feito no episódio. Por fim, para, entre outras razões, se solucionar algumas dificuldades de ordem teórica que aparecem na leitura do episódio, o terceiro capítulo pretende pensar o episódio dentro da estrutura confessional que o sustenta. Ver-seá que o livro segundo é um ótimo laboratório para o estudo do conceito de confissão em Agostinho.<br>In the Confessions of Augustine of Hippo, the episode of the theft of pears, located on the second book, is possibly one of the two most important moments in the course of its first six books. However, most of its philosophical potential is ignored. There are numerous comments, but the most elaborated ones deal with it from the point of view of its composition. The philosophical works on the episode are not as numerous and are not as extensive. Which is unfortunate, because of the potential that the episode has to induce to deeper thinking. In order to change a little this scenario, this thesis has been developed to propose a more attentive reading of this episode. It has been planned to introduce two studies, in two chapters. A first, and more introductory, aims to bring together the results of those literary studies about the episode. They are important to prepare the reader, so that they will be able to truly understand te text. Its symbols are not something simple to understand, and, moreover, they require deeper thinking. The second chapter is dedicated to the study of philosophical immoral act, the way it happens in the episode.
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