Academic literature on the topic 'Augustine (Fla.)'

Abstract Breeding low-chilling peach and nectarine cultivars began in Florida in 1953. Objectives were to produce low-chilling, early-ripening peach cultivars with fruit qualities equal to temperate-zone cultivars. Low chilling was essential for local adaptation (4). Early ripening was essential to allow production of the earliest-season peaches on the domestic market with little competition from other states and to allow harvest of the crop during the relatively dry period of late April and May. Feral selections descended from Spanish seed introductions through St. Augustine, Fla., seed importations from Okinawa, and ‘Hawaiian’, a South China clone, served as the main sources of low chilling (18). These sources were hybridized with high-chilling U.S. clones having commercial fruit qualities. Resultant seedlings were selected for best adaptation and improvement in fruit qualities above that of the low-chilling parents. Chilling requirements of progeny were near midparent values; chilling requirements of the F2 seedlings ranged from equal to the low parent to equal to the high parent (14), indicating that many genes are involved in chilling. Selections were intermated, and low-chilling progeny were hybridized with other high-chilling U.S. clones, resulting in more progenies for further selection. Commercial fruit size and satisfactory horticultural qualities were obtained after six generations of crosses and backcrosses. Clonal selections made during these six generations and in subsequent generations serve as the basis for most low-chilling cultivars currently grown in Florida, southern Texas, and southern California. Selections from this program are either grown commercially or being evaluated in many tropical and tropical highland areas of the world (11, 16, 19, 24).

DE ORIGINE ET PROGRESSU ORDINIS FRATRUM HEREMITARUM: GUARIENTO E GLI EREMITANI IN PADOVAIn un tentativo di apparire come il più antico ordine, gli eremiti agostiniani di Padova commissionarono un ciclo di affreschi nella loro cappella maggiore, che rappresentava una riscrittura visiva della loro storia. Questo saggio colloca gli affreschi del coro degli Eremitani, universalmente attribuiti a Guariento d'Arpo, nell'ambito del loro contesto agostiniano, il quale rispecchia gli interessi retrospettivi dell'ordine durante il quattor-dicesimo secolo ed in particolare la loro rivendicazione di essere i veri e giusti figli di Agostino. Le Confessioni di Agostino rappresentano la fonte naturale per le quattro scene narrative della fila inferiore, ma l'autore (o gli autori) del programma seguono da vicino anche la nuova storia dell'ordine, ed in particolare l'anonimo Initium sive processus Ordinis heremitarum sancti Augustini (1322–9), il Sermo de beato Augustino di Nicola d'Alessandria (1332) ed il meglio conosciuto Tractatus de origine et progressu ordinis fratrum heremitarum et vero ac proprio titulo eiusdem di Enrico di Friemar (1334). Viene sostenuto che il ciclo padovano segue questi testi del-l'inizio del quattordicesimo secolo e non il più tardo Liber Vitasfratrum (circa 1357) di Giordano di Quedlinburg, che sostituì la narrativa di Friemar e probabilmente arrivò a Padova nel 1368.

<div class="page" title="Page 42"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Neste trabalho expor-se-á uma análise das influências clássicas presentes na proposta de formação oratória agostiniana, a ser desenvolvida paralelamente ao estudo das concepções de retórica no seio do cristianismo. Buscando-se observar que a apresentação elaborada por Agostinho de Hipona à eloquência clássica reflete simultaneamente a repulsa por seu passado e as concepções herdadas pela formação cristã. Desta forma, perceber-se-á que o antigo retor propõe bases para uma eloquência não artificiosa, cujas bases espelham as concepções paulinas </span><span>– </span><span>profundamente influenciadas pelo platonismo </span><span>– </span><span>e a herança retórica latina, representada principalmente por Cícero. Proposta desenvolvida no decorrer do quarto livro do tratado <em>De doctrina christiana</em>, foco deste estudo, onde se vê Agostinho refletir e embasar o ideal de orador simples, de fala sábia e não artificiosa. </span></p><div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><strong>AVGVSTINVS HIPONENSIS, VIR CHRISTIANUS, DICENDI PERITUS: Analysis of classical influences in the proposal of Augustinian oratorical training</strong></p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><span>This work will expose an analysis of classical influences present in the proposal of Augustinian oratorical training, being developed in parallel with the study of concepts of rhetoric within Christianity. Aiming to note that the presentation prepared by Augustine of Hippo to the classical eloquence simultaneously reflects the rejection to his past and the ideas inherited by the Christian formation. Thus, it will realize that the old rhetorician proposes bases for a non artificial eloquence, whose bases reflect the Pauline conceptions </span><span>– </span><span>strongly influenced by Platonism </span><span>– </span><span>and the Latin rhetorical heritage, represented mainly by Cicero. Proposal developed during the fourth book of the treatise De doctrina Christiana, the focus of this study, where we see Augustine to reflect and to base the ideal of simple orator, with wise speech and non artificial. </span></p><p><span><strong>Keywords:</strong> Christianity; Latin Patristics; Augustine of Hippo; Rhetoric. </span></p></div></div></div><p><span><br /></span></p></div></div></div>

Composición clásica y cristiana del Canzoniere. Los De musica libri VI de Agustín. La ‘voluntad de acabar’ en el cierre cifrado por el 17 de Parte prima y Parte seconda de los Rerum vulgarium fragmenta (Rvf). El decisivo año 17 y el sonetto CXVIII. Las fechas de redacción del Secretum, el augurio de Agustín sobre la muerte de Laura y la dispositio final de las rime sparse. El hombre como meraviglia del sonetto CCIX, el ‘grupo central’, la ratio sesquiteria del Vat. lat. 3195 y la transcripción autógrafa del fascículo VI P¹. El crecimiento de la esperanza y la aspiración a la visión beatífica apoyados por la composición textual: las peticiones a la Muerte de la sestina doppia CCCXXXII, la forma impetrare y el sonetto CCCXLIX. La experiencia de la contextualización. Dos notas numéricas sobre la poesía de fray Luis de León. Posiciones marcadas, le fila benedette, red modular, recurrencia e imbricación narrativas. Inicios y finales. Textos para la identidad simbólica de Laura: el sonetto IV como propositio inicial y el sonetto CCXI como chiave de entrada al laberinto. La pietà de Laura. Amor uccellatore, la galassia ornitologica en los Rvf y su incidencia en el Quijote de 1615. Observaciones sobre el doble final del Canzoniere.The Canzoniere’s classical and christian composition. Augustine’s De musica libri VI. The 'will to end' in the encrypted closing by the 17 of Parte prima and Parte seconda of Rerum vulgarium fragmenta (RvF). The decisive year 17 and the sonetto CXVIII. The drafting dates of the Secretum, the Augustine’s omen on the death of Laura and the final dispositio of the rime sparse. Man as meraviglia of sonetto CCIX, the 'core group', the ratio sesquiteria of Vat lat. 3195 and the autographic transcription of the issue VI P¹. The growth of hope and the aspiration to the beatific vision supported by textual composition: Death requests of the sestina doppia CCCXXXII, the form impetrare and sonetto CCCXLIX. The experience of contextualization. Two numerical notes on the poetry of fray Luis de León. Marked positions, le fila benedette, modular network, recurrence and narrative interweaving. Beginnings and endings. Texts for Laura’s symbolic identity: the sonetto IV as initial propositio and the sonetto CCXI as chiave to entrance to the labyrinth. The pietà of Laura. Amor uccellatore, the galassia ornitologica in the RvF. and Don Quixote reader of Petrarca. Observations on the double ending of the Canzoniere.

Quintiliano, em diversas passagens da sua Institutio oratoria (4.1.77; 10.1.88-9; 10.1.93), categoriza Ovídio e as suas obras de serem excessivamente lascivi. Diferentemente de Horácio, contudo, que exercia a crítica literária enquanto ocupava também o lugar social de poeta no principado augustano, Quintiliano a exerce em posição exclusiva de orador, em nome de uma instituição retórica sólida e voltada majoritariamente para o fórum público. Assim, não crendo ser lascivus apenas um vocábulo cujo significado é facilmente localizável num dicionário de língua latina, investigamos no presente trabalho o valor objetivamente retórico subjacente ao termo, e se é adequado ou não à obra ovidiana, analisando a variatio ou a variação genérica trabalhada por Ovídio, sobretudo, no mito de Eco e Narciso, presente no canto 3 das Metamorfoses. Para tal, aparelhamo-nos com estudos de Barchiesi (2006), Farrell (2009), Fedeli (2010), Fonseca (2015), Feldherr (2006), Harrison (2006), Hutchinson (2013), Keith (2002), Oliva Neto (2013), Pavlock (2009) Perutelli (2010), Vansan (2016) entre outros sobre o uso dos gêneros poéticos em Ovídio, e com estudos de Feldherr (2006) e Fox (2007) sobre a relação entre retórica e literatura, a posição de Quintiliano e sob que instância de poder fala quando rotula Ovídio de lascivus.

Na epistemologia escolástica havia não somente a preocupação de aplicar a doutrina aristotélica da abstração, considerando o funcionamento dos sentidos externos e internos, mas também de garantir a possibilidade do conhecimento direto ou intuitivo, que se daria sem a mediação de representações mentais. Tal possibilidade baseava-se no fato de haver um conhecimento que aconteceria pela força própria do objeto de dar-se a conhecer, que permitiria conhecer algo excedente à experiência sensorial humana, visto que os sentidos somente podem perceber o que é comensurável a eles. O componente interno que permite tal conhecimento intuitivo na tradição agostiniana era o verbum intus prolatum, que seria palavra anterior a toda fala humana e diferente do discurso da racionalidade humana. Na refinada teologia de Vieira no sermão da Madrugada da Ressurreição pregado na Igreja de Nossa Senhora da Graça, em Belém do Pará, aparecem claros elementos da Teologia Negativa, de Mariologia e da doutrina do conhecimento intuitivo.ABSTRACT: In the scholastic epistemology there was not only the attempt to apply the Aristotelian doctrine of abstraction, taking into account the external and internal senses, but also the attempt to preserve the possibility of knowing something directly or intuitively, i.e., without any mediation of a mental representation. This was the guarantee that there could be a kind of knowledge derived from the object’s own force of revealing itself, which makes possible the knowledge of something that exceeds the human sensorial capacities, since the senses can only perceive something commensurate to them. The internal component responsible for this intuitive knowledge for Augustine was the verbum intus prolatum, which is the word before any human speech and distinct from the discursive human rationality. In Vieira’s sophisticated theology of the sermon of Madrugada da Ressurreição, preached in the church of Nossa Senhora da Graça, in Belém do Pará, there are clear elements of Negative Theology, of Mariology and of the doctrine of intuitive knowledge.

Abstract In our earlier work with arsenic trioxide (ATO) resistance in acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL), we observed that ATO resistant cells reprogrammed their metabolism from glycolysis to oxidative phosphorylation (OXPHOS) as a mechanism of resistance. We further demonstrated that it could be overcome by targeting this metabolic switch using FCCP (mitocan) in combination with ATO (Balasundaram N et al. Biorxiv 2020). There is increasing evidence that acute myeloid leukemia (AML) cells have a greater metabolic plasticity unlike ATO resistant APL cells and most cancers that rely on glycolysis. AML leukemic stem cells preferentially utilize OXPHOS for their survival (Lagadinou ED et al. Cell stem cell 2013). Mitocans like venetoclax used in combination with hypo-methylating agents are already well established in the management of AML (Pollyea D, et al. Nat Med 2021). ATO is also an effective glycolytic inhibitor (Zhang H, et al. PNAS 2015) hence we hypothesized that a combination of ATO and mitocans could potentially target the metabolic plasticity of AML cells. As the combination of ATO and FCCP was found to be non-specific we performed a small-scale screening on an AML cell line (U937) using FDA-approved compounds that are reported to target mitochondria (Gohil V et al. Nature Biotechnology, 2010). Though most of the mitocans showed predicted synergy with ATO. We focused on artesunate (ART) as a candidate for further evaluation due to its specificity for malignant cells, high therapeutic index, bioavailability, route of administration, cost-effectiveness, and global usage as an antimalarial. The combination of ATO+ART significantly reduced the viability of different subtypes of AML cell lines (THP-1, MV4:11, and Kasumi-1) and acute lymphoblastic leukemia cell lines (Jurkat E6.1, SUP B15, and MOLT-4) with minimal effect on the normal cells (CD34 and peripheral blood mononuclear cells; n=10; 48hours) (figure 1a). We noted that the selective specificity of the combination was primarily due to the iron metabolism of the leukemic cells and a requirement of iron for the activity of ART. When an iron chelator deferoxamine (DFO) was used in combination with ATO+ART there was a significant reduction in the activity of the combination on the AML cells (Figure 1b, U937; n=10; 48hours). Seahorse extracellular flux analysis validated that ART (5uM) as a single agent promoted uncoupled mitochondrial respiration and the addition of ATO resulted in a metabolic catastrophe (figure 1c and d). Chemical drug proteomic analysis using biotinylated artesunate and pull down from the leukemic cells revealed that the top interacting partners were localized in the mitochondria. We also noted that ART treatment significantly affected the mitochondrial dynamics of leukemic cells, where ART and ATO+ART treated cells had fragmented mitochondria in comparison to the control and ATO alone treated cells where the mitochondria were more elongated (figure 1e, U937 cells; n=3). We evaluated the effect of ATO+ART and their combination with azacytidine (triplet) in-vitro. Dual and triple combinations showed greater toxicity on AML cell lines and primary AML cells (Figure 1f, n=50) in comparison to the normal peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMNCs) and normal CD34+ cells. Taken together, these findings highlight the selective specificity of these combinations and its clinical potential in AML. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures Augustin: Christian Medical College: Patents & Royalties: US 2020/0345770 A1 - Pub.Date Nov.5, 2020; AML: Other: Co-Inventor. Krishna: Christian Medical College: Patents & Royalties: US 2020/0345770 A1 - Pub.Date Nov.5, 2020; KCM Vellore: Patents & Royalties; SGUL: Patents & Royalties; AML: Other: Co-Inventor. Mathews: Christian Medical College: Patents & Royalties: US 2020/0345770 A1 - Pub.Date Nov.5, 2020; AML: Other: Co-Inventor.

Pode o mestre ensinar algo através da fala? Uma análise sobre as obras De Magistro de Santo Agostinho e Tomás de Aquino Resumo: O presente artigo tem como objetivo investigar nas obras De Magistro de Santo Agostinho e Tomás de Aquino a possibilidade do ensino através da figura do mestre e/ou de um agente externo ao discípulo ou indivíduo. Agostinho defende a tese da qual só Deus ensina e a figura do mestre torna-se apenas como um auxiliador no processo de aprendizagem para a verdade interior do discípulo, tese essa formulada através da sua Teoria da Iluminação. Tomás de Aquino não contradiz completamente Agostinho, mas defende o papel e a importância do mestre sobre o tipo de conhecimento que o mesmo pode fornecer ao discípulo, tendo papel substancial para o processo de aprendizagem para adquirir conhecimento. Ambos se preocupam em que medida o mestre pode ensinar, o que ensina e como ensina, visando compreender como se dá o processo de conhecimento do ser humano o relacionando-o com a verdade das coisas. Palavras-chave: Santo Agostinho; Tomás de Aquino; De Magistro; Ensino; Aprendizagem. Can the master teach something through speech? An analysis of the works De Magistro of Saint Augustine and Thomas Aquinas Abstract: This article aims to investigate in the works De Magistro of Saint Augustine and Thomas Aquinas the possibility of teaching through the figure of the master and / or an external agent to the disciple or individual. Augustine defends the thesis that only God teaches and the figure of the master becomes only as a helper in the learning process for the disciple's inner truth, a thesis formulated through his Theory of Enlightenment. Thomas Aquinas does not completely contradict Augustine, but he defends the role and the importance of the master on the type of knowledge that he can provide to the disciple, having a substantial role in the learning process to acquire knowledge. Both are concerned with the extent to which the master can teach, what he teaches and how he teaches with a view to understanding how the human being's knowledge process takes place, relating it to the truth of things. Keywords: Saint Augustine; Thomas Aquinas; De Magistro; Teaching; Learning. ¿Puede el maestro enseñar algo a través del habla? Un análisis de las obras De Magistro de San Agustín y Tomás de Aquino Resumen: Este artículo tiene como objetivo investigar en las obras De Magistro de Santo Agostinho y Tomás de Aquino la posibilidad de enseñar a través de la figura del maestro y / o de un agente externo al discípulo o individuo. Agustín defiende la tesis de que sólo Dios enseña y la figura del maestro se convierte sólo en un ayudante en el proceso de aprendizaje de la verdad interior del discípulo, tesis formulada a través de su Teoría de la Ilustración. Tomás de Aquino no contradice completamente a Agustín, pero defiende el papel y la importancia del maestro sobre el tipo de conocimientos que puede aportar al discípulo, teniendo un papel sustancial en el proceso de aprendizaje para adquirir conocimientos. Ambos se preocupan por la medida en que el maestro puede enseñar, lo que enseña y cómo enseña, con el objetivo de comprender cómo se produce el proceso de conocimiento del ser humano, relacionándolo con la verdad de las cosas. Palabras-clave: San Agustín; Tomás de Aquino; De Magistro; Enseñando; Aprendizaje. Data de registro: 16/08/2020 Data de aceite: 16/12/2020

Photo by Hush Naidoo Jade Photography on Unsplash INTRODUCTION In this collection of narratives, the authors describe their own experiences with and reflections on healthcare worker vaccine hesitancy. The narratives explore each author’s engagement with different communities experiencing vaccine hesitancy, touching on reasons for hesitancy, proposed solutions, and legal aspects. Author’s names appear above their narratives. l. Johanna T. Crane Vaccine hesitancy, defined as “a delay of acceptance or refusal of vaccination despite the availability of vaccination services,”[1] is a worldwide but locally shaped phenomenon that pre-dates the COVID-19 pandemic.[2] Contrary to some portrayals, vaccine hesitancy is not the same as the more absolute antivaccination stance, or what some call “anti-vax.” Many people who are hesitant are not ideologically opposed to vaccines. Hesitancy is also sometimes framed as anti-science, yet reluctance to vaccinate is often about managing risk, trustworthiness, and doubt in the context of uncertainty; it represents an effort to “talk back to science” about unaddressed needs and concerns.[3] In the US, the newness of the vaccines, the unprecedented speed at which they were developed, and their remaining under emergency use authorization at first complicated public confidence. Political polarization and racial and social inequality shape vaccine acceptance and public distrust as well. While vaccine acceptance has increased in the months since the vaccines first became available, many eligible individuals have not yet been vaccinated, including a significant number of healthcare workers.[4] Vaccine hesitancy among healthcare workers may seem surprising, especially given their frontline experience – I confess that it surprised me at first. But when I began interviewing health care workers for a study on COVID vaccine roll-out at community health centers, I learned to take a more complex view. Although the study was focused on patient vaccine access,[5] many of the frontline health care workers we spoke with also described hesitancy among some of their colleagues (and, in a few cases, themselves). From these conversations, I learned that these “healthcare heroes” are also regular people and members of communities. Their concerns about COVID vaccination often reflect the prevailing concerns advanced in their communities, such as worries about vaccine side effects and safety. Like other workers, some fear missing work and losing income, as not all healthcare employers offer paid time off for vaccination or recovery. (Importantly, reluctance to vaccinate is highest among healthcare workers in lower-paid positions with little job security, such as clerks, housekeepers, patient care assistants, and home health aides.)[6] For some healthcare workers of color, the protection offered by the vaccine sits in tension with both current and historical experiences of medical abuse and neglect. Some interviewees, fully vaccinated themselves, rejected the framework of “hesitancy” entirely, arguing that Black and Brown reluctance to be vaccinated first should be understood through the lens of “self-protection”. Due to the nature of their work, healthcare workers have faced great social pressure to vaccinate and vaccinate first. This is understandable, given that vaccination against COVID-19 protects not only workers themselves but aligns with the ethical duty to prevent harm to patients by reducing the risk of transmission in healthcare settings. When the FDA approved COVID-19 vaccines under emergency use authorization in December 2020, many healthcare workers were extremely grateful to be designated “1a” – the first group prioritized to receive the shots.[7] For many bioethicists, prioritization of healthcare workers represented a recognition of the extreme risks that many front-line workers had endured since the onset of the pandemic, including critical shortages in PPE. But it is important to remember that for some workers, going first may have felt like serving as guinea pigs for new vaccines that had yet to be granted full FDA approval. For these individuals, the expectation that they would vaccinate first may have felt like an additional risk rather than a reward. Healthcare workers who are hesitant to vaccinate may feel ashamed or be subject to shaming by others;[8] this may make it difficult to discuss their concerns in the workplace. Throughout the pandemic, healthcare workers have been lauded as “heroes”, and some healthcare employers have promoted vaccination among their workforce as a “heroic” action. This messaging implies that waiting to vaccinate is shameful or cowardly and is echoed in opinion pieces and op-eds describing unvaccinated people as “selfish” or “free riders.”[9] By fostering the proper dialogue, we can respond respectfully to hesitancy among healthcare workers while still working towards the goal of increased vaccination. We in the bioethics and medical community should be willing to listen to our colleagues’ concerns with respect. Top-down approaches aimed at “correcting” hesitancy cannot address the more fundamental issues of trust that are often at stake. Instead, there must be dialogue over time. Conversations with a trusted healthcare provider have a crucial role.[10] Blaming and shaming rhetoric, whether explicit or implicit, gets us nowhere – in fact, it likely moves us backward by likely exacerbating any existing distrust or resentment that workers may hold toward their employers.[11] Lastly, the onus of trust must be with institutions, not individuals. There is a lot of talk about getting communities of color, and Black people, particularly, to "trust" healthcare institutions and the COVID vaccines. This racializes trust and puts the burden on harmed communities rather than on institutions acting in trustworthy ways.[12] Dialogue, respect, and trustworthiness must guide us even in the new era of workplace mandates. Mandates make these strategies even more important as we look toward an uncertain future. As Heidi Larson, founder of the Vaccine Confidence Project, recently said, “We should not forget that we are making people's future history now. Are people going to remember that they were treated respectfully and engaged?”[13] ll. Kara Simpson Since the release of the vaccine for COVID-19 in late 2020, there have been robust discussions within the medical community, the media, and political arenas about vaccine hesitancy among healthcare workers. The public became aware that healthcare workers, the first group to become eligible for the vaccine, were not rushing to “take the shot.” Many people’s opinions were aligned by race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and political affiliation. People of color were one of the first groups to be labeled vaccine hesitant as our experiences of distrust of the medical community and the politicization of the vaccine explained the low turnout.[14] It was not uncommon to hear, “this vaccine just came out; let’s wait and see if there are side effects.” Interestingly, many people in the healthcare community and in the public did not understand why healthcare workers of color remained hesitant. Trust is a vital component of any viable relationship, especially in the clinical realm. To have successful health outcomes, it is essential for clinicians to build trusting relationships with their patients and peers. Many people of color are distrustful towards the medical institution due to the years of systemic racism and abuses that they have experienced, witnessed, or learned about. Healthcare workers of color are not excluded from the experiences of their communities outside of work. In fact, I assert that healthcare of color may have an additional burden of hesitation because of their lived experiences of distrust in receiving care and inequality within their professional environment. These dual traumas can work in tandem to strengthen hesitancy. I assert that building trusting clinical relationships will address hesitancy over time. Currently, many healthcare workers are worried about vaccine mandates. For a group of people that have experienced intergenerational enslavement and marginalization, mandates feel coercive and serve as a reminder of how “lesser” bodies are considered unworthy of voice, fundamental human rights, independent decision making. To call the vaccine mandate paternalistic would be an understatement. An unintended result of vaccine mandates will be the reinforcement of hesitancy and distrust of the medical institution as trust and coercion cannot coexist. This mandate will give more power to the conspiracy theories and harm those who already do not seek or receive adequate health care because of systemic inequalities. Furthermore, mandates can also dissuade people of color from becoming healthcare workers, and others may leave the field. In essence, vaccine hesitancy is a symptom of a much larger problem: the distrust of the medical establishment. As bioethicists, our mission should be to support interventions that foster “trustworthiness” of the institutions rather than those that cause trauma. Several organizations have proposed mask mandates and weekly testing as a measure to protect the population at large and still respect the autonomy of the unvaccinated.[15] lll. Jennifer Breznay I work in a very large community teaching hospital in Brooklyn, and we were extremely hard hit by COVID in March 2020. I worked on inpatient medical units and witnessed a lot of suffering. And after nine months of fear and despair about COVID’s toll, I felt tremendous frustration in December when I heard that many healthcare workers would reject the vaccine. As the co-chair of the Bioethics Committee, I drafted a statement recommending vaccination for all employees. When the draft was revised and approved by the Bioethics Committee, I began to discuss it with employees, and I appreciated different perspectives I had not heard before. In the end, rather than releasing the statement, we directed our efforts at creating a dialogue. I also volunteer at a not-for-profit which operates seven early childhood education centers in Northern Brooklyn. The Executive Director invited me to collaborate on strategies to encourage staff vaccination, and we decided to offer a Zoom conference to 20 members of the staff. I was extremely nervous about how the audience would perceive me, a white doctor whom they did not know. I felt awkward about coming to them with an agenda. And there was also the question of whether I was an appropriate messenger compared to a person of color. Yet, I felt like I shouldn't back away from this. So, I chose to simply disclose my discomfort at the beginning of the Zoom. I said, “Thanks for having me. You know, as a white physician, I understand you might have concerns about trusting what I say. Four hundred years of inequity and abuse by the healthcare system can create a lot of mistrust, but I’m here to try to answer your questions.” Ultimately the Executive Director reported that the Zoom was successful in stimulating a lot of conversation among the staff about the vaccine. I think the critical piece is the intimate but open conversation, where you can elicit values. lV. Ashley L. Stewart In the rural areas of our state, healthcare institutions are inextricably tied to their communities. Rural hospitals hire from, serve, and function in the community where they are located. Successful implementation of a vaccine roll-out in such rural areas requires explicit recognition of the role and influence of the community. After identifying issues common to the area, rural institutions can address them. Even when rural institutions find that healthcare worker concerns seem to be unique or personal, they are often related to the larger concerns of the community.[16] Community-based increased vaccine hesitancy may coincide with an underlying issue, such as lack of information rather than principled or experience-based resistance.[17] When the vaccines became available, rural vaccination coordinators encountered a wealth of misinformation that left many people initially undecided. Compounding this lack of information, workers expressed a sense of fear about the professional consequences of voicing concerns, especially in tight-knit communities. Many workers expressed concern about being judged merely for sharing their questions or decisions.[18] They also felt that saying or doing something to promote the value of vaccination might change their relationship with members of the community where they live and work.[19] As there was a fear of engaging in productive conversations, it was difficult for them to find valuable information, and the lack of information discouraged them from being vaccinated. Vaccine coordinators wanted to get information to the entire community based on the most current research and release unbiased, consistent, and timely information from sources all people in the community could trust, including from multiple sources at once. Communication must focus on answering many types of questions, which must often be done in private or anonymously. Where poorly supported or incorrect information is widely available, sharing objective information is crucial to turning the tide of distrust. If the healthcare community dismisses concerns or assumes that answering questions based on misinformation is a waste of time, the community-based institutions will further the distrust. Some may feel that vaccine coordinators should not address misinformation directly, yet avoidance has been widely unsuccessful.[20] Being respectful and non-judgmental in answering questions posed by people who do not know what is true can be hard, but in rural communities, answering completely and honestly without judgment is a critical component of any effort to inform people. Telling people to get vaccinated “for the greater good” can sound the same as being told not to get a vaccine because it is “bad” if both sources of information fail to back up their claims. Ultimately rural institutions are respected because they are a resource to their communities, a priority we must preserve. It is also critical to treat everyone respectfully regardless of vaccine status.[21] People may perceive mandates, divisive policies, or disrespectful treatment of people based on vaccination status as discriminatory or coercive, weakening the appeal of vaccination. Such practices may make people less trusting and more anchored to their position as they come to see vaccination proponents as untrustworthy or authoritarian. We must work to maintain respect for human autonomy. Using unethical means to achieve even a just end will not lead to a “greater good” but rather to the perception that people in positions of authority would achieve a result “by any means necessary.” V. David N. Hoffman The central moral quandary that arises whenever vaccine hesitancy among healthcare workers is discussed is whether workers who refuse to get vaccinated should or could be fired. We should clarify that we are applying a definition of mandate in the employment context for private employers, the violation of which results in loss of employment. Government-controlled provider organizations are just now weighing in on this topic and are generally pursuing strategies that impose periodic, usually weekly, testing requirements for those workers who decline to get vaccinated. In the private sector, employers can require their employees to do a great many things as a condition of employment, and one of them is to get vaccinated against COVID -19. In the most prominent case to date, just such a mandate gave rise to a lawsuit in Texas involving Houston Methodist Hospital. In that case, 170 employees asserted that an employer should not be allowed to force them to get vaccinated. The judge held that, while no employer can force an employee to get vaccinated, no employer is obligated to continue the employment of any employee who declines to follow rules established by that employer, including the obligation to get vaccinated.[22] In Texas, what the judge said is you are not being forced to get vaccinated, but your employer is allowed to set limits and conditions on employment, including vaccination. Employees do not have an obligation to get vaccinated, but they also have no right to their jobs. That is because of a widely misunderstood legal concept: “employment at will.” Employment at will sounds like a rule that employees can do what they want at work, but in fact, employment at will means only that you can quit your job whenever you want (we do not permit indentured servitude). At the same time, your employer can fire you at any time, for any reason or no reason, unless the reason is a pretext and involves one of the protected statuses (race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, and in some jurisdictions gender orientation, gender identity). Generally, any employers, including hospitals, can decide that if someone is not willing to get a vaccination, or if they are not willing to complete sexual harassment training or participate in the hospital’s infection control program, that is the employee’s right, but it will mean that an employer can similarly decline to continue providing employment. The evolution of this hesitancy discussion will be influenced by the narrower debate playing out in the court of public opinion, and the courts of law, over the enforceability of New York’s recently enacted vaccine mandate. Regardless of whether that mandate survives, with or without medical and religious exemptions, healthcare employers will be left with a profound ethical dilemma. At the end of all the litigation, if there is a religious exemption, employers will always be burdened with the responsibility to determine whether an individual employee has asserted a genuine and sincere religious objection to vaccination and whether the employer is able to provide an accommodation that is safe and effective in protecting the interests of co-workers and patients. The anticipated federal mandate, which reportedly will have a test/mask alternative, will only make this ethical task more challenging. This leads to the final point in this analysis, which is that while private employers, including hospitals, can deprive an individual of their employment if those individuals refuse to get vaccinated, just because an employer can do so does not mean it should do so.[23] - [1] MacDonald NE. Vaccine hesitancy: Definition, scope and determinants. Vaccine. 2015;33(34):4161-4164. doi:10.1016/j.vaccine.2015.04.036 [2] Larson HJ, de Figueiredo A, Xiahong Z, et al. The State of Vaccine Confidence 2016: Global Insights Through a 67-Country Survey. EBioMedicine. 2016;12:295-301. doi:10.1016/j.ebiom.2016.08.042 [3] Larson H. Stuck: How Vaccine Rumors Start - and Why They Don’t Go Away. Oxford University Press; 2020; Benjamin R. Informed Refusal: Toward a Justice-based Bioethics. Sci Technol Hum Values. 2016;41(6):967-990. doi:10.1177/0162243916656059 [4] Deepa Shivaram, In The Fight Against COVID, Health Workers Aren't Immune To Vaccine Misinformation September 18, 2021. NPR Special Series: The Coronavirus. https://www.npr.org/2021/09/18/1037975289/unvaccinated-covid-19-vaccine-refuse-nurses-heath-care-workers [5] Crane JT, Pacia D, Fabi R, Neuhaus C, and Berlinger N. Advancing Covid vaccination equity at Federally Qualified Health Centers: A rapid qualitative review. Accepted and awaiting publication at JGIM. [6] Ashley Kirzinger. “KFF/The Washington Post Frontline Health Care Workers Survey - Vaccine Intentions.” KFF, 22 Apr. 2021, https://www.kff.org/report-section/kff-washington-post-frontline-health-care-workers-survey-vaccine-intentions/. [7] Johanna Crane, Samuel Reis-Dennis and Megan Applewhite. “Prioritizing the ‘1a’: Ethically Allocating Scarce Covid Vaccines to Health Care Workers.” The Hastings Center, 21 Dec. 2020, https://www.thehastingscenter.org/prioritizing-the-1a-ethically-allocating-covid-vaccines-to-health-care-workers/. [8] “'I'm Not an Anti-Vaxxer, but...' US Health Workers' Vaccine Hesitancy Raises Alarm.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 10 Jan. 2021, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jan/10/coronavirus-covid-19-vaccine-hesitancy-us-health-workers. [9] Gerson M. If you are healthy and refuse to take the vaccine, you are a free-rider. Washington Post. April 15, 2021. [10] Crane JT, Pacia D, Fabi R, Neuhaus C, and Berlinger N. Advancing Covid vaccination equity at Federally Qualified Health Centers: A rapid qualitative review. Accepted and awaiting publication at JGIM. [11] Larson H. Stuck : How Vaccine Rumors Start - and Why They Don’t Go Away. Oxford University Press; 2020. [12] Benjamin R. Race for Cures: Rethinking the Racial Logics of ‘Trust’ in Biomedicine. Sociology Compass. 2014;8(6):755-769. doi:10.1111/soc4.12167; Warren RC, Forrow L, David Augustin Hodge S, Truog RD. Trustworthiness before Trust — Covid-19 Vaccine Trials and the Black Community. N Engl J Med. Published online October 16, 2020. doi:10.1056/NEJMp2030033 [13] Offri D. Heidi Larson, Vaccine Anthropologist. New Yorker. Published online June 12, 2021. Accessed August 11, 2021. https://www.newyorker.com/science/annals-of-medicine/heidi-larson-vaccine-anthropologist [14] Razai M S, Osama T, McKechnie D G J, Majeed A. Covid-19 Vaccine Hesitancy Among Ethnic Minority Groups. BMJ 2021; 372 :n513 doi:10.1136/bmj.n513 [15] Dasgupta, Sharoda, et al. “Differences in Rapid Increases in County-Level COVID-19 Incidence by Implementation of Statewide Closures and Mask Mandates — United States, June 1–September 30, 2020.” Annals of Epidemiology, vol. 57, Sept. 2021, pp. 46–53., https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annepidem.2021.02.006. [16] Do, Tuong Vi C et al. “COVID-19 Vaccine Acceptance Among Rural Appalachian Healthcare Workers (Eastern Kentucky/West Virginia): A Cross-Sectional Study.” Cureus vol. 13,8 e16842. 2 Aug. 2021, doi:10.7759/cureus.16842; Danabal, K.G.M., Magesh, S.S., Saravanan, S. et al. Attitude towards COVID 19 vaccines and vaccine hesitancy in urban and rural communities in Tamil Nadu, India – a community-based survey. BMC Health Serv Res 21, 994 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-021-07037-4 [17] Scott C. Ratzan MD, MPA, MA, Lawrence O. Gostin JD, Najmedin Meshkati PhD, CPE, Kenneth Rabin PhD & Ruth M. Parker MD (2020) COVID-19: An Urgent Call for Coordinated, Trusted Sources to Tell Everyone What They Need to Know and Do, Journal of Health Communication, 25:10, 747-749, DOI: 10.1080/10810730.2020.1894015 [18] Huang, Pien. “Some Health Care Workers Are Wary of Getting COVID-19 Vaccines.” NPR, NPR, 1 Dec. 2020, https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2020/12/01/940158684/some-health-care-workers-are-wary-of-getting-covid-19-vaccines. Portnoy, Jenna. “Several Hundred Virginia Health-Care Workers Have Been Suspended or Fired over Coronavirus Vaccine Mandates.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 4 Oct. 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/covid-vaccine-mandate-hospitals-virginia/2021/10/01/b7976d16-21ff-11ec-8200-5e3fd4c49f5e_story.html. [19] Jennifer A. Lueck & Alaina Spiers (2020) Which Beliefs Predict Intention to Get Vaccinated against COVID-19? A Mixed-Methods Reasoned Action Approach Applied to Health Communication, Journal of Health Communication, 25:10, 790-798, DOI: 10.1080/10810730.2020.1865488 [20] Lockyer, Bridget, et al. “Understanding Covid-19 Misinformation and Vaccine Hesitancy in Context: Findings from a Qualitative Study Involving Citizens in Bradford, UK.” Health Expectations, vol. 24, no. 4, 4 May 2021, pp. 1158–1167., https://doi.org/10.1101/2020.12.22.20248259. Scott C. Ratzan & Ruth M. Parker (2020) Vaccine Literacy—Helping Everyone Decide to Accept Vaccination, Journal of Health Communication, 25:10, 750-752, DOI: 10.1080/10810730.2021.1875083. [21] Zimmerman, Anne. Columbia Academic Commons, 2020, Toward a Civilized Vaccination Discussion: Abandoning the False Assumption That Scientific Goals Are Shared by All, https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/d8-rzh0-1f73. [22] Bridges, et al v. Houston Methodist Hospital et al, https://docs.justia.com/cases/federal/districtcourts/texas/txsdce/4:2021cv01774/1830373/18 [23] David N. Hoffman, “Vaccine Mandates for Health Care Workers Raise Several Ethical Dilemmas,” Hasting Center Bioethics Forum. August 2021. https://www.thehastingscenter.org/vaccine-mandates-for-health-care-workers-raise-several-ethical-dilemmas/

This is an historical study of an institution of higher education that existed in St. Augustine, Florida from 1942-1949. The name of the institution was The University Foundation, founded by George J. Apel, Jr. This institution had several higher education divisions functioning under its umbrella. These divisions were the St. Augustine Junior College, the Graduate Division, the American Theological Seminary and the University Extension College with evening courses and Home Study courses for vacation study. The information collected for this study was accomplished primarily by the process of studying archives and conducting personal interviews. Since this is a qualitative research study, the collected information was processed through the use of multiple data-collection methods, data sources and analyses which insured the validity of the findings of the study. This process is known as information triangulation. The results of this study provide answers to the circumstances and identities of the key players which led to the formation of The University Foundation. Issues relating to the mission, revenue streams, faculty, curricula, and the ultimate demise of The University Foundation were also addressed in this study. Recommendations are included for higher education administrators, faculty, researchers, fund-raisers, and others whose efforts may be directed toward the launching and operation of new Christian institutions of higher learning.

Following the Yamasee War of 1715, many of the Yamasee Indians rekindled alliances with the Spanish and returned to La Florida. San Antonio de Pocotalaca (1716 to 1752) was one of three initial Yamasee Indian towns to relocate from South Carolina and settle on the fringes of St. Augustine. In South Carolina, Pocotalaca (referred to there as Pocotaligo) served as the primary upper town of six Yamasee towns and was the political center for conferences and council meetings between Yamasees, their Indian allies, and South Carolina officials. When Pocotalaca relocated to St. Augustine after the Yamasee War, the town and its inhabitants retained their political significance. Having recognized the importance of the town’s Yamasees, their connections to Indian groups in Apalachicola, and how the alliance could be beneficial to the colony, the Spanish treated them accordingly. As a result, Pocotalaca’s Yamasees secured influence and continued to so by bolstering power through their relations with the Spanish. For these reasons, they were able to carve out their own space in St. Augustine where they retained a high level of autonomy, maintained their Yamasee identity, some traditional practices, and many aspects in their material choices.

This thesis intends to prove that Stephen V. Ash's model of occupation from his work, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, is applicable to St. Augustine's occupation experience in the Civil War. Three overarching themes in Ash's work are consistent with Civil War St. Augustine. First, that Union policy of conciliation towards southern civilians was abandoned after the first few months of occupation due to both non-violent and violent resistance from those civilians. Second, that Ash's "zones of occupation" of the occupied South, being garrisoned towns, no-man's-land, and the Confederate frontier apply to St. Augustine and the surrounding countryside. Finally, Ash's assertions that the southern community was changed by the war and Union occupation, is reflected in the massive demographic shifts that rocked St. Augustine from 1862 to 1865. This thesis will show that all three of Ash's themes apply to St. Augustine's Civil War occupation experience and confirms the author's generalizations about life in the occupied South.
ID: 030422998; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Error in paging: p. iii followed by an unnumbered page and then by p. ii-iii.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-116).
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities

In 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called St. Augustine, Florida, the most racist city in America. The resulting demonstrations and violence in the summer of 1964 only confirmed King’s characterization of the city. Yet, St. Augustine’s black history has its origins with the Spanish who founded the city in 1565. With little racial disturbance until the modern civil rights movement, why did St. Augustine erupt in the way it did? With the beginnings of Jim Crow in Florida around the turn of the century in 1900, St. Augustine’s black community began to resist the growing marginalization of their community. Within the confines of the predominantly black neighborhood known as Lincolnville, the black community carved out their own space with a culture, society and economy of its own. This paper explores how the African American community within St. Augustine developed a racial solidarity and identity facing a number of events within the state and nation. Two world wars placed the community’s sons on the front lines of battle but taught them to value of fighting for equality. The Great Depression forced African Americans across the South to rely upon one another in the face of rising racial violence. Florida’s racial violence cast a dark shadow over the history of the state and remained a formidable obstacle to overcome for African Americans in the fight for equal rights in the state. Although faced with few instances of violence against them, African Americans in St. Augustine remained fully aware of the violence others faced in Florida communities like Rosewood, Ocoee and Marianna. St. Augustine’s African American community faced these obstacles and learned to look inward for support and empowerment rather than outside. This paper examines the factors that vii encouraged this empowerment that translates into activism during the local civil rights movement of the 1960s.

The theme of this thesis is the construction of residential building with a café in Brno on the street Foustkova. The building has one underground floor and four aboveground floors. On the first floor is a cafe area and two separate entrances to apartment blocks with flats. Second, third and fourth floors are designed as flats of different categories. The underground floor there are a garage, utility room and cellar storage boxes. Construction system the building's skeleton. The core made of masonry Porotherm. Ceiling structures and staircases are monolithic reinforced concrete. The building is covered flat and terraced roof.

This chapter explores how ideas about honor and shame shaped how Civil War era Americans understood surrender. Robert Anderson was celebrated as a hero for his honorable surrender at Fort Sumter. By contrast, Union surrenders at San Antonio, San Augustin Springs, and Harpers Ferry, and Confederate surrenders at Fort Donelson and Fort Jackson, were seen as dishonorable.

The Roman aqueduct of Minturnae features an unusual distribution basin (castellum aquae) that was integrated into the central pier of the city gate over the Via Appia. Such a distribution basin is not only unique in the ancient world, but it also combines the economical with the elegant. There are, however, signs that this was not the only proposed position for the distribution basin. Pairs of bricks, inserted near the top of the aqueduct’s piers and indicating the slope of the channel (specus), show that an inclination of 0.7 percent was planned at some point for the final stretch of the aqueduct. As it is built, however, the aqueduct approaches the city with a flat slope of 0.0 percent in order to reach the city wall at a sufficient height to bridge the Via Appia and arrive at the castellum aquae on top of the gate. Various interpretations are proposed for the brick markers, but the most likely scenario is that they are the relics of a heated debate between different teams about the slope of the aqueduct in this crucial section and, consequently, the shape of the castellum aquae at its end.