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1

Stróżyński, Mateusz. "The Fall of the Soul in Book Two of Augustine’s Confessions." Vigiliae Christianae 70, no. 1 (January 7, 2016): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341248.

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The purpose of the paper is to show a mutual interaction of Platonic and Christian ideas in the pear theft narrative from Book Two of the Confessions. Augustine is provocatively questioning the Platonic theory of good, evil, and love by suggesting that in the theft he loved evil itself. He is considering three possible explanations, but is not fully content with any of them. Not having any better theory than the Platonic one, Augustine is suggesting that moral evil is completely beyond understanding. What is new in Augustine’s provocative analysis is placing the irrationality and incomprehensibility of moral evil in the context of the “I-Thou” relationship of the soul with God.
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2

Terka, Mariusz. "Źli chrześcijanie w Kościele w świetle nauczania św. Augustyna." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3999.

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The main perspective from which St. Augustine describes the Church, is the category of good and evil. It is included in the image of the heavenly Jerusalem understood as a community of saints in heaven, Zion as a symbol of the pilgrim Church and the metaphor of Babylon, which is the kingdom of evil and persecu­tor of the followers of Christ. The Church on earth exists between Jerusalem and Babylon, and for this reason there are both good and bad people. That confusion is an important feature of Augustine’s Church in its earthly dimension. Saints Christians are trying to improve the bad members of the Body of Christ, but they are also forced to tolerate the evil that they cannot change, and bad Christians can persecute the good ones. Augustine calls their mutual relationship the spiritual battle. The judgment of them, and their final separation belongs to God only, and it will be done during the Final Judgement.
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DOLBY MÚGICA, María Del C. "La libertad agustiniana." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 11 (January 1, 2004): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v11i.9221.

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Saint Augustine conception of freedom forges through his polemics with Manichees and Pelagians. Augustine defends the existence of freedom against the Manichees and he considerates it the real cause of evil or sin as well as capable of obteining merits. Face to Pelagians he affirms that liberum arbitrium needs God grace to do good arriving to a more perfect freedom, libertas, which consists in the need to do the good. The goal of freedom is God, man's highest good and happiness.
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Lamb, Michael. "Beyond Pessimism: A Structure of Encouragement in Augustine'sCity of God." Review of Politics 80, no. 4 (2018): 591–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670518000499.

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AbstractMany critics of Augustine target his “pessimism,” arguing that his fixation on evil denies the value of this-worldly goods. This article challenges this view by exposing a methodological assumption that often underwrites it—the idea that Augustine's texts can be abstracted from their rhetorical contexts. To illustrate, I offer a close reading ofCity of God22.22–24, a passage frequently cited as evidence of Augustine's pessimism. By analyzing how Augustine uses rhetoric to “instruct” and “encourage” his readers, I argue instead that this passage should be interpreted as an exercise of hope that helps readers resist temptations toward presumption and despair. This account complicates the common binary between optimism and pessimism and supplies a novel interpretation of key passages inCity of God.
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Henning Drecoll, Volker. "Impulse aus der Augustinforschung." Evangelische Theologie 79, no. 5 (September 1, 2019): 385–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2019-790510.

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AbstractResearch in Augustine is manifold. Recent scholarship in Germany focused upon Augustine‘s heresiology (esp. against Manichaeism, but also Pelagianism, Donatism, Priscillianism), the controversy with Neoplatonism, his exegesis (esp. in sermons and in de Genesi ad litteram), emotions (esp. for the description of sin and grace), and his widespread correspondence. As important impulses for modern theology, his concept of God may be of special interest. God establishes his will in time and history and cannot be urged against his will. This is the presupposition not only for Augustine’s christology and pneumatology, but also for his understanding of history and his doctrine of grace. The latter takes into consideration the social context of human beings, the emotional character of voluntary decisions and the ongoing development of individual identity. Furthermore, good and evil are not equal options, but the good is only possible if God enables the individual to act according to his insights and exerts a direct influence upon one's will. Insights or knowledge are not salvific by themselves, but belong to one’s development that leads to a better understanding of creation and revelation exactly when it is orientated towards God’s salvific operations.
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PÉREZ-ESTÉVEZ, Antonio. "Ciencia y docencia en Agustín y Tomás de Aquino (del maestro agustiniano al maestro tomista)." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 4 (October 1, 1997): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v4i.9705.

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Science and teaching in Augustine and Thomas Aquinas. The author tries to make a comparative analisis of the notions science, teacher and disciple such as they appear in St. Augustine's De Magistro and in question 11th, «De Magistro», of the Disputatio De Veritate of Saint Thomas Aquinas. Augustinian science of intelligible and eternal truths is adquired by a mental view of intellect and reason; it supposes the good will of knowing subject. Thomist science consists of a number of intelligent forms adquired from a deductive logic-necessary process that begins with the first obvious principles and axioms. For Augustin, there is only one teacher of intelligible truths that hides himself in the deepest of every rational soul and shows the Truth only to the interior man, that is, the one dominated by the good will. For Thomas Aquinas, there exist two different teachers: the main and interior one that is God, and another external and human, with perfect and actual knowledge, who helps the disciple to get the ability and the habit of deducing notions and truths from the first obvious principles and axioms. For Augustin, we all are disciples of the unique teacher of Truth, Christ, and we will be good or bad disciples according to our good or evil will. For Thomas Aquinas, every disciple has from the very beginning all the notions and truths that he is going to learn, but in potency or in their seminal reasons -the first obvious principles and axioms-; but he will. try, with the important help of the teacher, to get the ability and the habit of deducing and developing all notions and truths enclosed within the first evident principles and axioms.
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7

Reno, R. R. "Pride and Idolatry." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 60, no. 2 (April 2006): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430606000204.

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Which is the primal sin, pride or idolatry? The Augustinian tradition highlights pride, an emphasis reinforced by theological critiques of modernity. However, the Old Testament and Romans 1 point to idolatry as the fundamental form of sin. Analysis of Augustine's account of human acts, the nature of evil, and the structure of sinful love frames a close reading of one of the most famous episodes in his Confessions, the youthful theft of pears. In this autobiographical reflection, Augustine illuminates the paradox of pride. Self-love is unstable, and it resolves into the pursuit of finite goods that we wrap in the false tinsel of imagined divinity. In this way, Augustine's phenomenology of pride is consistent with the biblical consensus that idolatry is the primal expression of sin.
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8

Bejczy, István P. "The sacra infantia in Medieval Hagiography." Studies in Church History 31 (1994): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012845.

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In his De civitate Dei, Augustine stated that anyone who wants to lead a good and Christian life must necessarily have lived in sin in his life up to then. It is quite conceivable that Augustine had his own course of life in mind when writing these words; he never made a secret of his own sinful youth, as is clear from the Confessiones. None the less, his statement is expressed in the form of a general rule.Many medieval saints’ lives seem to accord with Augustine’s statement. The saint repents after a life of sin and henceforth leads a model Christian life until the day of his death. Thus the eventual victory of Christianity over the forces of evil was demonstrated.However, there are also many vitae that follow a different pattern. The saint is sometimes supposed to have been perfect in every respect from childhood onward. He was born a saint rather than becoming one through a process of ‘spiritual maturation’. Stories about such precocious saints have not escaped notice in modern scholarship. Following E. R. Curtius, the phrase puer senex is sometimes used to denote the topos; in hagiography, expressions such as as quasi senex and cor gerens senile are used.
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Macallan, Brian C. "Getting off the Omnibus: Rejecting Free Will and Soul-Making Responses to the Problem of Evil." Open Theology 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0005.

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AbstractThe nature of suffering and the problem of evil have been perennial issues for many of the world’s religious traditions. Each in their own way has sought to address this problem, whether driven by the all too present reality of suffering or from philosophical and religious curiosities. The Christian tradition has offered numerous and diverse responses to the problem of evil. The free-will response to the problem of evil, with its roots in Augustine, has dominated the landscape in its attempt to justify evil and suffering as a result of the greater good of having free will. John Hick offers a ‘soul-making’ response to the problem of evil as an alternative to the free will response. Neither is effective in dealing with two key issues that underpin both responses – omnipotence and omniscience. In what follows I will contrast a process theological response to the problem of evil and suffering, and how it is better placed in dealing with both omnipotence and omniscience. By refashioning God as neither all-knowing nor all-powerful, process theodicy moves beyond the dead ends of both the free will and soul-making theodicy. Indeed, a process theodicy enables us to dismount the omnibus in search of a more holistic, and realistic, alternative to dealing with the problem of evil and suffering.
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Costa, Marcos Nunes. "O problema da relação entre o livre-arbítrio humano e a graça/predestinação em Agostinho em diálogo com a Modernidade/Contemporaneidade." Civitas Augustiniana 8, no. 1 (2019): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/civitas/8a7.

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One of the most complex issues in St. Augustine's philosophical-religious doctrine is that of the relationship between human free will and divine grace / predestination. This problem has its main expression in the controversy with the Pelagians / semi-Pelagians, who, each in their own way, believed that there is an incompatibility between the two terms. They sought to annul one of the poles of the question, arguing that the human being is free. In addition, they state thatoriginal sin in no way damaged human free will, and that, consequently, the latter can achieve perfection / salvation by his own merits, without the help of divine grace. Augustine, on the contrary, says that with original sin the “first nature” of man was damaged. Thus, human beingneeds the help of divine grace to be able to perform good actions (merits), but Augustine claimed, there is no incompatibility there, conversely, for him, what the human being has lost was the full freedom he enjoyed before sin. Now human being has only free will thatgrace will restore, giving him back his full freedom. Likewise, he argues, predestination does not nullify free will, determining man's destiny. Thus, first, man is a being created by God for himself, with no determinants for evil,and, second, as much as damaged he may be, he is keeps something of his first condition, even the tiniest one. Thus, human being is capable of say no to God's call. These questions will reverberate in the philosophical-religious discourses about the problem in Modernity / Contemporaneity, mainly in Protestant circles, which have intertwined themselves, each in their own way, between the so-called incompatibilities and compatibilities. Both seeking to substantiate their positions, often in St. Augustine. Something that he would not always agree with. Here's what we'll look at in this paper.
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11

Warchał, Robert. "Animus et conscientia – gnozeologiczne przesłanki Augustyńskiej aksjologii." Humaniora. Czasopismo Internetowe 30, no. 2 (June 15, 2020): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/h.2020.2.4.

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It all points to the evidence that experience in the onto-gnoseological approach was defined by the thinker from Tagasty as a joint functioning of cognitive and intellectual acts, which is not without significance when it comes to the abovementioned relationship of axiology and gnoseology. The phenomenon of conscience demonstrates the true value of humanity, in which experience seen from onto-gnoseological point of view is a condition for the realization of good and love. It seems clear that the reflections of the Christian thinker convey an extremely complex introspection structure, in which we can capture several interpretations of internal conscience, such as experience that results from co-action of intellectual and volitional functions. For the Augustine, a man who wants to live in accordance with his nature, i.e. pursues happiness and wants to be truly authentic, must constitute a harmonious whole, whose basic elements, such as the psyche, the spiritual sphere (in the biblical sense) and the flesh, create a coherent system called a person. It is clear from Augustin’s ontology that human is good by nature, and hence if he sins, it is because he acts against his nature. This great philosopher strongly emphasizes that evil is a deviation and distortion of the creation and thus of the law established by God.
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12

Oscar Salinas. "The Psychological Roots of St. Augustine's Theories of Good and Evil." Biography 15, no. 4 (1992): 348–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2010.0883.

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13

Morozov, A. Y. "MORAL AND RELIGIOUS MOTIVES IN THE WORKS OF J.R.R. TOLKIEN: CULTURAL CONTEXT." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 1 (2017): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2017.1.13.

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The main moral and religious themes of J. Tolkien`s novels “The Lord of rings” and “The Silmarillion” are observed in the article. It is analyzed that Tolkien followed Christian tradition, sharing st. Augustine`s conception of evil as the absence of good. It is clarified Tolkien`s anti-Nietzschean position where evil is equal to the will to power, while the good is associated with humility and serving. It is shown an author`s interpretation of Socratic classic inquiry: would people live virtuous life if they achieve omnipotence and why moral life is preferable than immoral one. According to Tolkien, human moral obligations are closely connected with the awareness of freedom and mortality which are regarded as a giftto a man, enabling to escape from senseless “badinfinity” (Hegel) of material determinant existence. In its turn, a notion of “gift” refersto metaphysical model of world that assumes divine being and his providential intervention in the course of earthly history. One of this divine providence`s manifestation is so called “eucatastrophe”, unexpected salvation from tragedy, therapeutic consolation that returns to a man the feeling of meaningfulness and joy of being. It is suggested thatsalvation can be interpreted in romantic way as coincidence point of trajectories of art and nature, where fairy tale embodies in life, and life starts to be built according to the laws of fairy tale.
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14

CHIGNELL, ANDREW. "The problem of infant suffering." Religious Studies 34, no. 2 (May 1998): 205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003441259800434x.

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The problem of infant suffering and death is one of the most difficult versions of the problem of evil, especially when we consider how God can be thought good to the infant victims by the infant victims. In the first portion of this paper, I examine two theodicies that aim to solve this problem but fail. In the final section, I argue that the problem can be better dealt with by maintaining not that God must redeem the suffering of such children, but that such children are not the sort of beings whose suffering God can or must redeem.God is good, God is just, God is almighty: only a madman doubts this… Doubtless when their elders suffer these afflictions we are wont to say either that their goodness is being tested…or that their sins are being punished. But these are older people. Tell me what we are to answer about children!St Augustine, in a letter to Jerome
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15

Russell, Frederick H. "“Only Something Good Can Be Evil”: The Genesis of Augustine's Secular Ambivalence." Theological Studies 51, no. 4 (December 1990): 698–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399005100407.

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16

Hong, Joon-Kee. "A Metaphysical, Politico-Theological, Psychoanalytical Study on the Evil and Violence - The Theodicy of Augustine and His Theory of Good and Evil : A Critical Discussion From the Perspective of Ricoeur, Rousseau, Kant and Klein." Journal of Lacan & Contemporary Psychoanalysis 19, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.18873/jlcp.2017.02.19.1.135.

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Mazuryk, Mariya. "Analysis of ideas of the good and the evil by Augustine the Blessed by Russian religious philosophers (the end of the 19th century - beginning of the 20th century)." Humanitarian vision 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2016.02.087.

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18

Manfred, Schulze. "Marsilius von Inghen. Christliche Ethik für das Leben in der Welt." Studia Antyczne i Mediewistyczne 17, no. 51 (December 31, 2019): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37240/saim.2019.17.52.5.

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Marsilius of Inghen develops his concept of Christian ethics in his Commentary on the Sentences. He bases his teaching on the fundament of Aristotle’s philosophy: all human beings are able to act rationally, and therefore they are able to act morally. Against contemporary philosophical rationalisms Marsilius contends that criterion of what is good was settled by God in such an infallible way that any competitive concepts of the good and evil would be vane speculations of no real value for theology. God wants virtues so decisively that they are obligatory and natural for all humans. In accordance with the spirit of his times Marsilius distinguishes common virtues from the theological ones. Faith, hope and love differ from common virtues as they refer directly to God but they cooperate with them in that they direct man’s natural life. Marsilius focuses on the question of how love to God determines the true goodness of virtues as contrasted to the goodness of the natural virtues that can be seen in actions of Pagans; those were perceived by St Augustine as seeming virtues. Marsilius choses the middle way and he acknowledges that virtues of men who do not know and love God, are virtues with God’s aid. All that can be classified as moral depends on God. Nonetheless, those and only those natural actions that provide us with authentic knowledge of God and love to Him, can be called salutary. Marsilius was a disciple of John Buridan and knew his thesis that the will and reason, without God’s influence, can produce moral actions. Marsilius did not mention Buridan but he, though evaluating his thoughts as profound and acceptable, rejected his principal thesis: nature is not able to self-realization because sins have not left it untouched. True morality requires relation to God and it becomes actual by the love of God. The space, in which this realization takes place, is natural human life. Marsilius upholds St Augustine’s notion of ordo caritatis – its direct source is probably Peter Lombard. The love of God develops in society. Marsilius defends his concept of God’s love acting within the world against the variety of objections. Christian ethics realizes within particular social structures and necessary compromises. Ordo caritatis does not pass by the world, by contrast it establishes its order. Marsilius is not a monk like theologian, instead he is a secular theologian; and this can be perceived above all in his concept of Christian ethics that is worldly biased.
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Connellan, Colm. "Augustine on Evil." Philosophical Studies 32 (1988): 308–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philstudies1988325.

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20

Grumett, David. "Arendt, Augustine And Evil." Heythrop Journal 41, no. 2 (April 2000): 154–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2265.00128.

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21

Nash-Marshall, Siobhan. "Free Will, Evil, and Saint Augustine." Quaestiones Disputatae 6, no. 1 (2015): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/qd20156127.

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22

van Ness, Peter H. "Augustine on Evil. G. R. Evans." Journal of Religion 65, no. 4 (October 1985): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/487313.

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23

Calcagno, Antonio. "Hannah Arendt and Augustine of Hippo : On the Pleasure of and Desire for Evil*." Articles spéciaux 66, no. 2 (November 2, 2010): 371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044846ar.

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Hannah Arendt wrote two volumes on thinking and willing in The Life of the Mind, but due to her untimely death her work devoted to judgement, especially political judgement, was never completed. We do, however, have a significant amount of writings on this theme as evidenced by her lectures on Kant’s Third Critique. Judgement and thinking are critical in order to prevent what Arendt calls the “banality of evil”. Drawing on Augustine and Arendt’s work on Augustine, this paper seeks to argue that another form of serious evil has its root in what Augustine calls the libido habendi and the libido dominandi, the desire or drive to dominate and possess. It will be argued that Arendt’s solution to the problem of evil as banal can also be applied to the very human desire and pleasure to cause or inflict evil.
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Silva, Maurizio Filippo Di. "Plotinus and Augustine on evil and matter." Revista Archai, no. 23 (2018): 205–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_23_7.

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WILLOWS, ADAM M. "Augustine, the origin of evil, and the mystery of free will." Religious Studies 50, no. 2 (November 4, 2013): 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412513000401.

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AbstractThe question of why humanity first chose to sin is an extension to the problem of evil to which the free-will defence does not easily apply. In De libero arbitrio and elsewhere Augustine argues that as an instance of evil, the fall is necessarily inexplicable. In this article, I identify the problems with this response and attempt to construct an alternative based on Peter van Inwagen's free will ‘mysterianism’. I will argue that the origin of evil is inexplicable not because it is an instance of evil, but because it is an instance of free will.
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Matthews, Gareth B. "Augustine and Plantinga on the Problem of Evil." Quaestio 6 (January 2006): 457–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.quaestio.1.100075.

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Lagerlund, Henrik. "Willing Evil." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 94, no. 2 (2020): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq2020312201.

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In this article, I present two virtually unknown sixteenth-century views of human freedom, that is, the views of Bartolomaeus de Usingen (1465–1532) and Jodocus Trutfetter (1460–1519) on the one hand and John Mair (1470–1550) on the other. Their views serve as a natural context and partial background to the more famous debate on human freedom between Martin Luther (1483–1556) and Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466–1536) from 1524–1526. Usingen and Trutfetter were Luther’s philosophy teachers in Erfurt. In a passage from Book III of John Mair’s commentary on Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics from 1530, he seems to defend a view of human freedom by which we can will evil for the sake of evil. Very few thinkers in the history of philosophy have defended such a view. The most famous medieval thinker to do so is William Ockham (1288–1347). To illustrate how radical this view is, I place him in the historical context of such thinkers as Plato, Augustine, Buridan, and Descartes.
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Shaeffer, H. Benjamin. "Review of Good and Evil, by Good and Evil." Essays in Philosophy 4, no. 1 (2003): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eip20034126.

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REHBOCK, THEDA. "Don’t Lie! . . . Why Not?" Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 21, no. 2 (February 29, 2012): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180111000685.

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You have lied! You are a liar! This is one of the most serious moral offences one can be blamed for. Augustine even regards lying as the fundamental moral offence and identifies it with sin and evil in general. For Augustine and Kant, lying is in itself morally reprehensible and not justifiable at all.
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Musiał - Kidawa, Aldona. "REASON. GOOD. EVIL." Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization and Management Series 2019, no. 141 (2019): 277–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.29119/1641-3466.2019.141.21.

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31

Vahapzade, Bahtiyar, and Talat Sait Halman. ""Good and Evil"." World Literature Today 70, no. 3 (1996): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40042033.

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Janet Roberts. "Good and Evil." Antipodes 27, no. 1 (2013): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/antipodes.27.1.0070.

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33

Kovalev, A. A. "Sextus Empiricus and Aurelius Augustinus: on the genesis of the medieval concept of the nature of evil." Ekonomicheskie i sotsial’no-gumanitarnye issledovaniya, no. 2(30) (June 2021): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24151/2409-1073-2021-2-175-184.

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The purpose of the article is to study the genesis of the medieval concept of evil, for which the analysis and comparison of the views of Augustine the Blessed as one of the founders and the greatest representative of scholasticism and Sextus Empiricus as a prominent representative of skepticism, whose views have been fruitfully used by Christian theologians as a set of ideas subject to reasonable criticism, have been carried out. Augustine substantiated his understanding of the phenomenon of evil and his own theodicy, refuting the views of Sextus Empiricus and thinkers who had worked in similar intellectual traditions. The skeptics’ arguments deserve attention to this day, providing the foundation for the intellectual justification of deism and atheism.
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Alford, C. Fred. "Augustine, Arendt, and Melanie Klein: The (De)Privation of Evil." Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society 10, no. 1 (March 22, 2005): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.pcs.2100037.

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35

Mastroianni, George R. "Augustine Brannigan: Beyond the Banality of Evil: Criminology and Genocide." Critical Criminology 22, no. 4 (January 16, 2014): 595–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-014-9232-9.

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36

Kovelman, Arkady, and Uri Gershowitz. "Time and Evil in the Confessions of Augustine and the Talmud." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 21, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 225–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341344.

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Abstract To solve the aporia of suffering and evil, the framers of Bavli Berakhot as well as Augustine combined the idea of love for God with the notion of making the moment linger. According to Augustine, evil prevents man from praising God. Evil derives from perverted human will and poisons a soul. Instead of being distended between the past and the future, a soul should forget the past, concentrate on the present, and extend the present as much as possible. By concentration, the present can be extended to approximate eternity, which is the messianic future. The idea of making a moment linger is salient in Bavli Berkahot as well. The close correlation between redemption and ritual presumes the lingering of time, achieved by prolonging the recitation, concentrating on the text, and merging the blessings. Prolonging halakhic time at any cost hastens the coming of the ultimate meta-historical event. Thus Aqiba’s protracting of the word ehad brings him into a meta-historical context, into the future world. The moment of reading the word ehad lingers amidst torture, spasm, and ecstasy. That ecstasy is the consummation of love with God.
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37

Deavel, Catherine Jack. "Relational Evil, Relational Good." International Philosophical Quarterly 47, no. 3 (2007): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200747323.

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Ostriker, Alicia, and Betty De Shong Meador. "Beyond Good and Evil." Women's Review of Books 18, no. 10/11 (July 2001): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4023757.

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Baggini, Julian. "Beyond good and evil." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 24 (2003): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20032411.

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Chattopadhyay, Santi Nath. "Good, Evil, and Freedom." Social Philosophy Today 9 (1993): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday1993917.

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JANSSENS, Louis. "Ontic Good and Evil." Louvain Studies 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ls.12.1.2013988.

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,, Romanus, and Justin Marie Brophy. "Good and Evil Actions." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 85, no. 3 (2011): 499–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq201185333.

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Williams, C. J. F. "Knowing Good and Evil." Philosophy 66, no. 256 (April 1991): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819100053092.

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Koturbash, Thérèse. "Evil and Unexpected Good." Chesterton Review 33, no. 3 (2007): 815. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton2007333/465.

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Martin, Alia, and Kristina R. Olson. "Beyond Good and Evil." Perspectives on Psychological Science 10, no. 2 (March 2015): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691615568998.

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Fassin, Didier. "Beyond good and evil?" Anthropological Theory 8, no. 4 (December 2008): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499608096642.

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Lennerfors, Thomas Taro. "Beneath good and evil?" Business Ethics: A European Review 22, no. 4 (September 16, 2013): 380–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/beer.12030.

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48

Fincham, J. R. S. "Beyond good and evil." Nature 356, no. 6366 (March 1992): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/356203a0.

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Dolven, Jeff. "Besides Good and Evil." SEL Studies in English Literature 1500-1900 57, no. 1 (2017): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sel.2017.0000.

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VILLA, DANA R. "Beyond Good and Evil." Political Theory 20, no. 2 (May 1992): 274–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591792020002004.

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