Academic literature on the topic 'Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo Influence'
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Journal articles on the topic "Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo Influence"
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Rukhmakov, M. I. "Evgeny Trubetskoy as a Researcher of the Religious and Philosophical Heritage of St. Augustine." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2022.4.079-091.
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The article examines E.N. Trubetskoy’s reception of the religious and philosophical heritage of Aurelius Augustine, in the framework of his study of the formation of Western Christianity medieval religious and social ideal in the writings of the teachers Latin Church of the fifth century and Catholic authors of the eleventh century. The author determines the prin¬cipal problems that Trubetskoy wanted to highlight in his 1892 master's thesis on Saint Augustine. The philosopher intended to analyze the main life milestones of becoming Augustine as a great Christian apologist, to show the key mistakes of a dogmatic nature committed by foreign researchers of Augustine. Another original task of Trubetskoy was to show the continuity of special ideas of Augustine from the achieve¬ments of the Roman jurisprudence. Finally, with its explicit task, he was going to demon¬strate the significance of Au¬gustine's personality as the “father of medieval theocracy”. It is possible to conclude that the interest of the Russian philosopher in the legacy of the Bishop of Hippo was formed mainly under the influence of the figure of V.S. Solovyov and his project of “free theoc¬racy”. The paper also emphasizes contemporary assessments of the place of Trubetskoy's mono¬graph among domestic historical studies about the father of the Western Church. For the first time his correspondence of the 80-90s with Sergei N. Trubetskoy is revealed in the context of Evgeny Trubetskoy's work on the “Worldview of St. Augustine”. It refers to the new edition of the “Philosophical correspondence of the Trubetskoy brothers” prepared by K.B. Ermishina. This correspondence allows us not only to note important details about the goals and progress of Trubetskoy's re¬search, but also to find out his elder brother’s attitude towards him.
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Mayr-Harting, Henry. "Two Abbots in Politics: Wala of Corbie and Bernard of Clairvaux." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 40 (December 1990): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679169.
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ABBOTS in politics were surely a medieval commonplace, one might be tempted to say: what have these two egregious examples, Wala of Corbie (826–34, ob. 836) and Bernard of Clairvaux (1115–53), to say to us which countless others could not also say? If my two were not unique, however, they were comparative rarities, in that they became involved in politics (if that is the right word), not because of their feudal obligations, nor because they sought to propagate monastic reform on the basis of the observance of their own monastery, nor again because they associated the glory of their own house with a particular cause or royal line, but avowedly for the sake of moral principle, incurring enmities in the process, and, cloistered monks as they were, acting to some extent against the interests and wishes of their own flocks. The monk-bishop was a common enough figure, and the greatest men of this type, pre-eminently Augustine of Hippo and Pope Gregory the Great, have given us profound thoughts about how contemplation could and should be kept alive amidst the cares of the active and pastoral life. But neither Wala nor Bernard became a bishop, and paradoxically the latter's widespread and non-institutionalised influence might have been diminished had he done so. As one of Bernard's biographers felicitously but ingenuously put it in recounting that the saint had actually refused many bishoprics, ‘from under the bushel of his humility he gave a greater light to the church than others raised to the chandeliers’.
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Eguiarte, Enrique A. "Agustín y el ‘poculum obliuionem præstans’." Augustinus 56, no. 220 (2011): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201156220/2218.
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The article examines the expression ‘poculum tuum obliuionem’ in the writings of Saint Augustine, presenting the interpretation that the Bishop of Hippo makes of Psalm 23 (22) in his Enarrationes in Psalmos.
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Grossi, Vittorino. "La espiritualidad agustiniana de la vida conyugal." Augustinus 65, no. 1 (2020): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus202065256/25716.
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The article addresses the spirituality of marriage according to Saint Augustine and has three parts. In the first part, the context of the Roman family institution, in which the Christian vision of the family was born and matured, is presented. Secondly, the presentation of the Christian family in the time of Saint Augustine is made, highlighting the three heterodox currents of that time in relation to marriage, as well as the position of the Bishop of Hippo regarding the body. Subsequently, a presentation of the most significant texts of De Bono coniugali is made. Thirdly, some pastoral observations are presented, starting from the penitential practice of Saint Augustine in relation to the wounded families, to later make a comparison with the contents expressed by Pope Francis in the Apostolic Exhortation Amoris laetitia on the same topic.
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Eguiarte, Enrique A. "San Agustín y las migraciones." Augustinus 65, no. 3 (2020): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus202065258/2593.
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The article presents, in the first part, some socio-political phenomena from Saint Augustine’s time, which caused migrations, to discuss which was the reaction of the Bishop of Hippo to these events. The topic of migrations and refugees are dealt taking as point of departure the Favencio’s dossier (epp. 113-116), as well as the case of Fascio, as it is described in Saint Augustine’s ep. 268. As an example of economic migrants, the case of the family of Antonino of Fusala is analyzed, as described in ep. 20*. Starting from the migratory movements of Saint Augustine’s time, as well as the decline of the great institutions and the internal corruption of the Roman Empire itself, the article presents Saint Augustine’s spiritual idea of peregrinus and peregrinatio, highlighting the characteristics of this essential augustinian spiritual anthropological condition, making a diachronic research in the Works of the Bishop of Hippo to identify the presence and meaning of the word peregrinus. Finally, the article presents some practical conclusions to face the reality of migration in our days, taking inspiration from the ideas and the life of Saint Augustine.
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Raikas, Kauko. "Las dimensiones del 'Iudex' en el pensamiento y en la actividad episcopal de Agustín." Augustinus 65, no. 3 (2020): 447–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus202065258/2596.
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The article addresses two specific areas on the topic of the iudex in Augustine, namely: his thought and his episcopal activity. First, the article deals with the roots of the concept of iudex in the Greek and Latin legal tradition. Later the idea of iudex is approached within the New Testament, particularly in the Pauline writings. Next, the theological and eschatological dimension of iudex in Saint Augustine is presented, highlighting the common use that the Bishop of Hippo makes of the term iudex, underlining words such as Iudicium, or legal situations such as the iudex qui litem suam fecit, or the decision of the iudex, considered from a theological and legal point of view. In this theological dimension, the aspect of God as universal and cosmological iudex is not excluded. Subsequently, the Donatist dispute is analyzed from a legal perspective, highlighting the ecclesiastical law of the state, discussing the epp. 133, 151 and 134, stressing in the latter the legal value of the word necessitas. The importance of the episcopal intercessio is also underlined, analyzing epp. 152 and 153, as well as the terms of reus, supplicium and supplicatio, within the framework of the Pelagian polemic. The article also considers the issue of compelle intrare, in epp. 93, 173, as well as in the s. 112. The correspondence of Saint Augustine with Boniface and Dulcitius (ep. 185, De correctione donatistarum), ep. 204 is analyzed in this same context, as well as some texts from c. Gaud. The dimension of the iudex in the Pelagian controversy is also addressed, discussing particularly texts from Gest. Pel. and c. Iul. imp., highlighting in this last work the legal vocabulary, particularly the words that refer to the iudex. The epìscopalis Audientia is also addressed, presenting the imperial laws that framed it, both those of Constantine, as well as those of Honorius and Arcadius, to later stress the actions that Saint Augustine performed as a judge. As an example of the performance of Saint Augustine as judge, ep. 7 * is discussed, highlighting the actions of the Bishop of Hippo as a judge in matters related to property, as well as Saint Augustine’s knowledge of the legal terms and procedures, presenting the example of ep. 8*, and his technical use of terms such as actio in rem, uindicatio, causa, among others. Finally, ep. 24* is discussed, where the knowledge that Saint Augustine had of the ius uetus and of the ius nouum is revealed.
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Eguiarte Bendímez, Enrique A. "Ecology in Books XI, XII and XIII of Augustine’s Confessiones." Mayéutica 47, no. 103 (2021): 161–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2021471033.
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The last Books of Augustine’s Confessions (XI-XIII) have been studied from different points of view, particularly from a philosophical or exegetical perspective, but not, taken as a whole and with detail, from an ecological point of view. For that reason, the article deals with the ideas about Creation in the three last Books of Confessions, as a point of departure to talk about ecology. Then the article presents the ideas about Ecology that Saint Augustine develops within the three last Books of his Confessions, underlining the spiritual and ecological consequences of the insights of the Bishop of Hippo. The article also discusses the relationship of the Document Laudato Si’ with the ideas that St. Augustine develops in the last book of his Confessions (Books XI-XIII).
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Katreničová, Anabela. "Morálne zásady manželov v Augustínovom spise De bono coniugali." Kultúrne dejiny 13, no. 1 (2022): 84–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.1.84-108.
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The treatise of Saint Augustine, bishop of Hippo, intituled De bono coniugali presents the unique dogmatist and at the same time moralistic view on the topic of marriage, which did not have, at the time, the analogy in the patristic literature. In this paper we focus on the Saint Augustine’s apology of the marriage. In centre of our interest will be the moral principles of the married couples issued from the main characteristic rudiments of the marriage defined by our bishop of Hippo that are used in the catholic Church almost without any changes also in nowadays. The marriage as the union of man and woman was from the beginning viewed as the base of the human society of any religion. Also the pagan Rome esteemed a lot the family and the spouses procreating and raising the children for the fatherland. The Christianity brings to the marriage the new aspect by giving to it the character of the sanctity and inviolability. The marriages were united with the goal of the procreation of the legitimate offspring but its absence, according Saint Augustine, did not make the obstacle of the sanctity and the purpose of the marriage. The Church in the confrontation with the pagan customs and traditions, or the sinful concupiscence of the man, well maintained the observation of the sacrament of the marriage, which provides with the new content. That is why the marriage became the sacred union based on the norm of the inviolability, the equality of both spouses, the procreation of the offspring and mutual fidelity. By theses rules the Church helped the women to gain the more dignify position in the society than it given by the roman legislative.
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Román Ortiz, Ángel Damián. "El orden del amor. San Agustín y la ética de los valores de Scheler." Augustinus 58, no. 228 (2013): 119–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201358228/2295.
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One of the essential works to understand Max Scheler's thought is titled, with an augustinian expression, Ordo amoris. Is it a mere coincidence? Or may it exist a major relationship between both thinkers? The article demonstrates that a complete analysis of this question could lead us to conclude that there is a deep influence of Saint Augustine in Scheler. This is revealed in an explicit way on certain quotations of the saint of Hippo made by Scheler, and implicitly in main concepts of Sheler's thinking, as the Gesinnung, meaning ‘attitude of intention’.
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Grabau, Joseph L. "Cristología y exégesis en el Tratado XV In Iohannis Euangelium de Agustín de Hipona." Augustinus 64, no. 1 (2019): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201964252/2539.
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Augustine of Hippo was active in the period leading up to conciliar definitions of Christology, yet he displays remarkably distinct preferences in his treatment of Christ. Rather than repurposing his work to discover antecedent traces of the Chalcedonian definition –or the pervading influence of Nicene faith–one must remain open to Augustine’s own Christological method. For, in fact, as much as he held to a firm belief in the objective work of Christ and its proper role in the divine plan for human salvation, Augustine maintains a certain approach to biblical exegesis that reinvents our notions of Christology to include, primarily, exegetical praxis. A valuable example of this practice appears in the early ‘anti-Donatist’ homilies on John, in particular in the 9th and 15th where Augustine reads Christ into the whole of Scripture, beginning with Gen. 2:24-5. In so doing, the bishop of Hippo builds upon essentially Pauline interpretative strategies, even in his reading of the Fourth Gospel. The present contribution aims to identify those Pauline elements, chiefly among them the role of Eph. 5:31-2 and Rom. 5:14, the latter of which presents Adam as ‘forma futuri’ – that is, a prophet of Christ. In his reading of John 2 on the Wedding at Cana (homily 9) and John 4 (homily 15), Augustine develops a hermeneutic of recognising Christological prophecy in the ‘old testament’, and in so doing he develops the Pauline sentiment of Rom. 5:14 in new directions, applying it liberally to the successive Hebrew patriarchs. This new turn in studies of Romans, chapter 5, under the Christological programme of Augustine during his early anti-Donatist engagement, offers new light on possible early Christian interpretations of the Bible – especially welcome after so many reflections on Rom. 5:12 and its influence for the later Pelagian controversy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo Influence"
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Han, Sung-jin. "Augustine and Calvin : the use of Augustine in Calvin's writings." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49752.
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Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2003<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this research is neither to compare the theologies of Augustine and Calvin,
nor to establish a theory that reveals Augustine's influence on Calvin's theology. This
research, rather, endeavours to set up a bridge between two types of study on Calvin,
namely studies on Calvin's use of Augustine and of Augustine's influence on Calvin's
writings. In other words, our main purpose is to suggest a basic tool (or information) for
further studies. Three related questions are asked: I. What comprises Augustine's
uniqueness in Calvin's writings? 2. Who is Calvin's Augustine? 3. What is the relevance
of this study to current research on Calvin?
In Chapter 2, a brief history of earlier research regarding discussion on Calvin and
Augustine from the beginning of the zo" century is presented. Then critical conversations
follow. These conversations concerning our theme involve three important scholars,
namely L Smits, R J Mooi and J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Finally, a need for a
converging method which has the possibility of overcoming some methodological
problems that arise in studies on Calvin and Augustine is expressed.
In the third chapter, the use that Calvin makes of Augustine in his own works from the
first period of his writing career to the last, fifth, period is thoroughly studied (1532-
1565).
Chapter 4 deals with data analyses. In between the analysis of static data and the analysis
of dynamic data, Smits's study of Augustinian citations in Calvin's writings is dealt with
critically to provide a basic understanding of Augustinian citations.
Finally, the answers to the three related questions that are suggested in the introduction
are pursued: What comprises Augustine's uniqueness in Calvin's writings? Who is
Calvin's Augustine? And what is the relevance of this study to current research on Calvin.
The answers will function as a bridge between the two related studies of Calvin's use of
Augustine and Augustine's influence on Calvin.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie navorsing is nie om die teologie van Augustinus en die van Calvyn te
vergelyk nie en ook nie om 'n teorie daar te stel wat die invloed wat Augustinus op Calvyn se
teologie uitgeoefen het, sal ontbloot nie. Die navorsing poog eerder om 'n brug op te rig
tussen twee soorte studies oor Calvyn, naamlik studies oor Calvyn se gebruik van Augustinus
en oor Augustinus se invloed op die skryfwerk van Calvyn. Ons hoof doel is met ander
woorde om 'n basiese werktuig (of inligting) vir verdere studie voor te stel. Drie
fundamentele vrae word gevra: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se
geskrifte? 2. Wie is Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten
opsigte van huidige navorsing oor Calvyn?
In Hoofstuk 2 word 'n kort geskiedenis van vroeer navorsmg aangaande bespreking oor
Calvyn en Augustinus, vanaf die begin van die 20ste eeu, aangebied. Dan volg kritiese
gesprekke. Hierdie gesprekke ten opsigte van ons tema betrek drie belangrike geleerdes,
naamlik L Smits, R J Mooi en J M J Lange van Ravenswaay. Aan die einde word 'n behoefte
uitgespreek vir 'n samevloeiende metode wat moontlik sommige metodologiese probleme wat
in die bestudering van Calvyn en Augustinus na yore kom, sal oorbrug.
In die derde hoofstuk word Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus in sy eie werk vanaf
die eerste tydperk van sy skryfloopbaan tot die laaste, vyfde, deeglik bestudeer (1532-1565).
Hoofstuk 4 behandel data-analise. Tussen die analise van statiese data en die analise van
dinamiese data word Smits se studie van Augustiniaanse aanhalings in Calvyn se geskrifte
krities behandel om 'n basiese begrip van Augustiniaanse aanhalings te verskaf.
Uiteindelik word die antwoorde op die drie verwante vrae wat in die inleiding voorgestel
word, nagespeur: I. Waarin Ie die uniekheid van Augustinus in Calvin se geskrifte? 2. Wie is
Calvyn se Augustinus? 3. Op hoe 'n manier is hierdie studie relevant ten opsigte van huidige
navorsing oor Calvyn? Die antwoorde sal as 'n brug tussen die twee verwante studies oor
Calvyn se gebruikmaking van Augustinus en Augustinus se invloed op Calvyn dien.
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White, Christopher H. "Hannah Arendt and her Augustinian inheritance : love, temporality, and judgement." Title page, abstract and contents only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw583.pdf.
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Hastings, Jason Michael, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "Christian rebellion theories as delivered by St. Paul from Mars Hill by Augustine, Calvin and Adams." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2003, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/181.
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This thesis explicates teh rebellion theories of three reowned Christian political thinkers and evaluates the extent that each can communicate an intelligible rebellion theory to a non-Christian audience. Augustine of Hippo, at a dawn of the medieval ages, John Calvin of Geneva during the Reformation and John Adams of the USA in the midst of the Enlightenment are the three thinkers selected for consideration. These thinkers have produced ideas that have transcended time and geographical location. Rebellion is an issue of the utmost political importance as it reveals the limits, and the first principles of politics. The issues surrounding the involovement of religion in politics have created a place for confusion in minds of many people today. The issues surrounding religion and politics need further elucidation. The way these thinkers were able to translate the divine command from Romans 13:1, which decrees an absolute prohibition against rebellion, into an intelligible rebellion theory to non-Christians, is an important consideration in this thesis.<br>ix, 158 leaves ; 28 cm.
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Cvetković, Carmen Angela. "Seeking the Face of God : a study on Augustine's reception in the mystical thought of Bernard of Clairvaux and William of St. Thierry." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1213.
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The present thesis examines the way in which two twelfth century authors, the Cistercian monks, Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) and William of St. Thierry (c. 1080-1148), used Augustine (354-430) in the articulation of their mystical thought. The approach to this subject takes into account the fact that in the works of all these medieval authors the “mystical” element is inescapably entangled with their theological discourse and that an accurate understanding of their views on the soul’s direct encounter with God cannot be achieved without a discussion of their theology. This thesis posits that the cohesion of Bernard’s and William’s mystical thought lies in their appropriation of the guiding principle of Augustine’s mystical theology: “You made us for yourself and our heart is restless until it rests in you” (conf. 1.1.1), reflected in the subtle interplay of three main themes, namely (1) the creation of humanity in the image and likeness of God, which provides the grounds for the understanding of the soul’s search for direct contact with God; (2) love as a longing innate in every human being, which explores the means to attain immediacy with God; and (3) the soul’s direct encounter with God, which discusses the nature of the soul’s immediate experience of the divine presence that can only be achieved in lasting fullness at the end of time. This examination of Bernard’s and William’s use of Augustine is structured on the basis of these three core themes which form the scaffolding of their mystical thought. Investigating the specific methods of their reception of Augustine will highlight the originality and uniqueness of each of the two Cistercian authors, who while drawing on the same patristic source use it nevertheless in various ways, by focussing on different aspects of Augustine’s immense oeuvre and by arriving at distinct mystical programmes.
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Smither, Edward. "Principles of mentoring spiritual leaders in the pastoral ministry of Augustine of Hippo." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683370.
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Thomas, Adam Michael. "The Eternal Law in Augustine's Early Investigation of Justice." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107191.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. Bartlett<br>In my dissertation I seek to contribute to the revival of interest in Augustine’s political thought by attempting to uncover his doctrine of eternal law. While absent from his mature writings, including the City of God, this doctrine is central to the investigation of justice in Augustine’s early writings. After considering Augustine’s summary of this early investigation in the Confessions, the most surprising feature of which is Augustine’s insistence on the importance of specifically political questions to his mature understanding of justice, I take up the two treatments of eternal law. In the dialogue On Free Choice, the eternal law is contrasted with the temporal law and is understood in terms of the fundamental command to “order,” which means in the first place wisdom, but also “right and honorable” action. In the anti-Manichean polemic Contra Faustum, the eternal law is presented as the will of God that commands the preservation of the natural order, which means that actions are truly just insofar as they conduce to “mortal health.” I argue that these two discussions of eternal law indicate the limitations of any kind of “higher law” doctrine. On Free Choice demonstrates the difficulty of breaking free of the guidance of temporal law and its harmonization of the demands of eternal and temporal law depends on an understanding of moral virtue whose independence is rather assumed than proven. Contra Faustum shows that the natural ends of self-preservation, procreation, and civic peace are only the beginning points of moral reasoning, since the pursuit of those ends is governed by further moral criteria that cannot easily be understood in terms of nature. In the end, then, I argue that the doctrine of eternal law, while illuminating a great deal about the problems of politics and morality as Augustine encountered them, points to the crucial importance of the question of human virtue and of acquiring the prudence that provides for this virtue in light of the necessary limitations of political life. It is probably for this reason that Augustine does not return to the doctrine in his later writings and does not rely on it in his reconciliation of the two cities in the City of God<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Political Science
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Beddoe, Paul Victor. "Augustine's use of medical imagery in his polemical theology." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7103.
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In his three major polemical campaigns, that is, against the Manichees, Donatists and Pelagians, Augustine used imagery derived from medicine and was, in tum influenced by the language he used. While much of the language of sickness and disease remained conventional, some usages came to bear significant theological weight, notably infirmitas and contagio. The former became a designation for the culpable weakness affecting each member of the human race since the Fall. The latter became a technical term for the transmission of original sin associated with concupiscentia. Sickness imagery assumes the analogy of the soul and body, advancing his project to integrate the two parts of the human person. It also enabled him to discuss humanity's fallen nature without slipping into Manichaean determinism or Pelagian autonomy. Finally, sickness imagery enabled Augustine to suspend the tension between the inherited guilt and free-will in readily accessible metaphor. Images of health and healing also helped Augustine sustain tensions in his thought. But even more significantly, the image of Christ the Physician proved critical throughout his polemical career. Against the Manichees it is the Divine Physician who lays out the stages of sacred history according to a great therapeutic strategy for the human race. Against the Donatists it is the wisdom of the Physician who prescribes painful means of cure which is urged against Donatist complaints of persecution. Finally, against the Pelagians, Christus Medicus becomes a technical soteriological term. This family of metaphors, drawn from the Scriptures, classical literature, pagan religion and common experience appear time and time again. While they may have become commonplace in the writings of other Christian authors, in Augustine's polemical theology they came to shape and inform key aspects of his thought.
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Collins, Joshua. "The concept of love in Saint Augustine's Confessions /." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99363.
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In the present study, through a close reading of the Confessions , the author explores the concept of love in Saint Augustine as it pertains to the two possibilities of man, being towards the creation and being towards the Creator. He distinguishes two kinds of love corresponding to each one of these possibilities, love of the world (cupiditas) and love of God (caritas), and proceeds to analyze these loves. The main argument of the thesis is that these loves disclose the world to man in two opposed manners. The author argues that cupiditas seeks to find satisfaction in the creation and discloses it as an end in itself, whereas caritas loves the world for the sake of God and discloses it as a means to attaining God.
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Magee, Neal E. Hamner M. Gail. "Remembering to forget theological tropologies of confession and disavowal (Saint Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, Slavoj Zizek, Jacques Derrida) /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Du, Plessis A. F. J. (Anna Francina Johanna). "n Literêr-inhoudelike analise van Boek 7 van Augustinus se Confessiones : Augustinus se begrip van die bestaanswyse van God en die kwaad." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52360.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augusine's search for the nature of God's exisistence as well as the origin of
evil, reaches a climax in Book 7 of his Confessions. This study assumes the
position that Augustine strives to find answers to the above mentioned two
questions in the first six books of the Confessions. The answers to both these
questions were vitally important to Augustine, since it would then convince him
to convert to the Christian faith.
Augustine repeatedly thought he grasped the true answer to the existence of
God and the origin and the nature of evil but he was disillusioned time and
again. His quest for an answer started with his reading of Cicero's Hortentius
(Conf. 3.4.7), a book that urged Augustine to search for Truth. Augustine then
joined the Manicheans, a sect claiming that their doctrine was based on reason
and contained the Truth (Conf. 3.6.10). Augustine believed that the Manicheans
could resolve his quest for answers to the existence and nature of both God and
evil. The Manichean intellectual and scientific exposition of the cosmos allowed
Augustine to imagine God and evil as opposing substances. Eventually,
promted by his own intellect, Augustine discovered weaknesses in their theories
(Conf. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Augustine's final break with the Manicheans, after nine
years as an adherent, came when he heard the sermons of Ambrose of Milan.
Not only was Augustine impressed by Ambrose's eloquence but his sermons
also embodied an interpretation of Platonism in Christian terms. Augustine's
reading of the Neoplatonic books in a Latin translation urged him to turn into
himself (Conf. 7.10.16) and search for God there. Once Augustine could
pronounce upon the intelligible existence of God, his inquiry into the origin of
evil resolved itself (7.12.18).<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus se soeke na die bestaanswyse van God en die aard en onstaan van
die kwaad bereik 'n klimaks in Boek 7 van die Confessiones. In hierdie studie
word daar van die standpunt uitgegaan dat Augustinus onder andere in die
eerste ses boeke van die Confessiones poog om antwoorde te kry op
bogenoemde twee vraagstukke. Antwoorde op beide hierdie vrae was van
kardinale belang, aangesien dit Augustinus sou oortuig om hom tot die
Christelike geloof te bekeer.
Augustinus het herhaaldelik gepoog om die ware antwoorde op die vraag na
bestaanwyse van God sowel as die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad te
vind. Hy was egter telke male ontnugter. Augustinus se soeke het begin toe hy
in aanraking gekom het met Cicero se Hortensius (Conf. 3.4.7), 'n boek wat
Augustinus aangemoedig het om die Waarheid na te jaag. Gevolglik het
Augustinus by die Manicheërs aangesluit, aangesien dié sekte geglo het dat
hulle leerstellinge gebaseer is op die rede en sodoende die volle waarheid bevat
(Cant. 3.6.10). Augustinus het geglo dat die Manicheërs sy soektog na
antwoorde op die vraag van God en die kwaad se bestaanswyse kon oplos. Die
Manicheërs se intellektuele en wetenskaplike uiteensetting van die kosmos het
Augustinus toegelaat om God en die kwaad as teenstrydige entiteite te beskou.
Ongeveer nege jaar na sy aansluiting by die Manicheërs, aangemoedig deur sy
eie intellek, het Augustinus die swak punte in die Manichese leerstellinge ontdek
(Cant. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Die finale breek met die Manicheërs het gekom toe
Augustinus die preke van Ambrosius in Milaan gehoor het. Nie alleen was
Augustinus ingenome met Ambrosius se welsprekendheid nie, maar sy preke het
ook die interpretasie van Platonisme in Christelike terme beliggaam. Die
Neoplatoniese leerstellinge het Augustinus aangemoedig om na homself, in
homself te draai (Conf. 7.10.16) en vir God daar te gaan soek. Sodra
Augustinus kon verklaar dat God in die vorm van 'n kenbare wese bestaan, het
sy soeke na die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad dit self opgelos (Cant.
7.12.18).
Books on the topic "Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo Influence"
1
Wetzel, James. Parting knowledge: Essays after Augustine. Eugene, Oregon: Cascade Books, 2013.
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2
The restless heart: The life and influence of St. Augustine. Grand Rapids, Mich: W.B. Eerdmans, 1987.
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3
Christian doctrine, Christian identity: Augustine and the narratives of character. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1999.
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5
AUGUSTINE AND THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE: ART AND PHILOSOPHY FROM PETRARCH TO MICHAELANGELO. CAMBRIDGE: CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS, 2005.
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7
Augustine for the philosophers: The rhetor of Hippo, the confessions, and the continentals. Waco, Texas: Baylor University Press, 2014.
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8
The shadows of poetry: Vergil in the mind of Augustine. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998.
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9
Peter, Kennedy Robert, Paffenroth Kim 1966-, and Doody John 1943-, eds. Augustine and literature. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2006.
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10
E, Demacopoulos George, and Papanikolaou Aristotle, eds. Orthodox readings of Augustine. Crestwood, N.Y: St Vladimirs Seminary Press, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Augustine, Saint, Bishop of Hippo Influence"
1
Eno, S.S., Robert Bryan. "III. St. Augustine, Bishop of Hippo." In Saint Augustine Lecture, 49–85. Villanova University, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/stauglect19856.
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2
Ruse, Michael. "Jerusalem." In On Purpose, 23–41. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691195957.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter focuses on Augustine, whose influence on Western Christianity cannot be overemphasized, was born in a Roman province in North Africa of a Christian mother and a pagan father. Raised a Christian, he dropped out, acquired a mistress with whom he lived for thirteen years and by whom he had a son who died in adolescence, went to Italy as a professor of rhetoric, fell among the Manicheans, sloughed off his first mistress and had another for two years. Finally, Augustine went back to Africa, particularly at the urging of his very persistent mother, became again a Christian and was baptized by Saint Ambrose, bishop of Milan, in 386. About ten years after returning to Christianity, Augustine wrote his autobiography, the Confessions, perhaps the greatest spiritual story of personal growth of Western culture. His God is emphatically the God of Plato, the God of The Republic, where the form of the good is a necessarily existing eternal force or entity, outside time and space, truly good and beautiful, the font of all other beings, from which everything stems and to which everything relates as the cause of existence.