Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australia, foreign economic relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Australia, foreign economic relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Australia, foreign economic relations"

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Fajar Oktavianto. "IMPLIKASI AUKUS TERHADAP HUBUNGAN EKONOMI AUSTRALIA DAN TIONGKOK TAHUN 2021-2022." BHUVANA: Journal of Global Studies 1, no. 2 (October 3, 2023): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.55.

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This research analyzes economic relations between China and Australia after Australia joined defense technology cooperation AUKUS. The United States, United Kingdom, and Australia established AUKUS to contain China in Indo-Pacific, which is the center of world economics and geopolitics today. This research, therefore, aims to discuss the impact of AUKUS towards economic relations between China and Australia in 2021 and 2022. Using a qualitative research method and Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism theory and national interest concept, the author found that Australia's foreign policy to become AUKUS member worsened its economic relations with China. In 2021, China suspended the entry of import commodities from Australia to politically retaliate Australia. By banning Australia’s commodities, China not only sought to attack Australian trade, but also defended its national interests in state sovereignty, national security, and territorial integrity.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.

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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
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Husain, Sarkawi B. "Hubungan Indonesia-Australia." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 7, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v7i2.21437.

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Indonesia and Australia are two countries that have long historical and diplomatic relations. Unfortunately, studies on these various relationships, both in the journals and books, are very limited. Therefore, this book is very important to help us understand relationship between the two countries. This book give an important contribution in adding to the collection of important works about Australia written in Indonesian. This book explains how Australian foreign policy in general grew out of Australia's concerns and beliefs (or perceptions), and how it came to shape and develop further. This is supported by the author's careful and systematic explanation of the social context in which the basic assumptions underlying Australia's foreign policy are formed. Today, Indonesia-Australia relations are very close. Several programs were initiated such as Economic Management, Infrastructure, Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene. By collaborating with a number of institutions of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, the Australian government helps to promote strong economic growth, sustainable economic growth that can be enjoyed by all people.Indonesia dan Australia adalah dua negara yang memiliki hubungan sejarah dan diplomatik yang cukup panjang. Sayang sekali, kajian-kajian tentang berbagai hubungan tersebut, baik dalam bentuk jurnal maupun buku tidak banyak dilakukan. Oleh karena itu, buku ini sangat penting untuk membantu kita memahami hubungan antara kedua negara. Buku ini memberi kontribusi penting dalam menambah koleksi karya penting tentang Australia yang ditulis dalam Bahasa Indonesia. Buku ini menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri Australia secara umum tumbuh dari kekhawatiran dan kepercayaan (atau persepsi) Australia, dan bagaimana ia kemudian terbentuk dan berkembang lebih jauh. Hal ini didukung oleh penjelasan cermat dan sistematis dari penulis atas konteks sosial di mana asumsi-asumsi dasar yang mendasari kebijakan luar negeri Australia terbentuk. Dewasa ini, hubungan Indonesia-Australia sangat dekat. Beberapa program digagas seperti Tata Laksana Ekonomi, Infrastruktur, Air, Sanitasi, dan Kebersihan. Dengan bekerjasama dengan sejumlah isntitusi Pemerintah Republik Indonesia, pemerintah Australia membantu untuk mempromosikan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang kuat, sustain serta dapat dinikmati oleh semua pihak.
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Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.

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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.
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Wong, Audrye. "PEDDLING OR PERSUADING: CHINA'S ECONOMIC STATECRAFT IN AUSTRALIA." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (July 2021): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.19.

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AbstractWith the globalization of Chinese capital, economic statecraft has become an increasingly prominent component of China's foreign policy. In this article, I examine China's use of economic inducements in developed democracies, a topic of growing concern for policymakers, focusing on the case of Australia. I show how Beijing's attempts to coopt public voices and influence Australia's foreign policy using non-transparent political donations and academic funding generated a strong backlash. At the same time, economic interdependence has provided a buffering effect, with key domestic actors in Australia advocating for cooperative relations, although this effect can in turn be limited by Beijing's coercive economic tactics. My findings underline the reputational costs of certain approaches to economic statecraft, the value of building supportive coalitions, and the challenges faced by China's authoritarian state capitalist model. They also highlight the impacts of globalized Chinese capital in developed democracies, including the resilience and vulnerabilities inherent in democratic political processes.
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Kulinich, Mykola. "Ukraine-Australia: Cooperation Based on Values." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 235–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-12.

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The article focuses on areas of Australian-Ukrainian cooperation. The author draws attention to Australia’s support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine as well as continuation of the sanctions regime against the Russian Federation. Australia has completely abandoned its activities on the Crimean peninsula, supported all the Ukrainian international initiatives on human rights protection in Crimea. As for the Donbas, Australia officially recognizes the conflict as a foreign invasion, not a civil war. The article deals with important areas of bilateral relations: restoration of the Australian-Ukrainian parliamentary friendship group in the Australian Parliament; the first-ever visit of the President of the Australian Senate to Ukraine; efforts to upgrade the level of Australian diplomatic representation in Ukraine; opening of the Honorary Consulate of Ukraine in Sydney; cooperation on the MH17 plane crash investigation, both bilateral and international; statement of the Australian Senate on the occasion of the 85th anniversary of the 1932-1933 Holodomor in Ukraine; finally, further expansion of areas of collaboration. Economic cooperation is being developed in the nuclear energy sphere. The establishment of the Australian Space Agency, development of energy cooperation as well as synergy in the Antarctic open new opportunities for Ukraine. The role of the Ukrainian diaspora in promoting the interests of Ukraine in Australia deserves particular attention. The author argues that despite geographical remoteness, Ukraine and Australia do share common values. In days of great global turmoil, this fact acquires particular significance. Keywords: Australia, Ukraine, international cooperation, Australia-Ukraine Parliamentary Friendship Group, Senate, international organizations, bilateral relations.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia, foreign economic relations"

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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.

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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should become ‘unimaginable’.
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Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.

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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV) as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian market. Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has experienced many difficulties. As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of these joint ventures. This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture organisational management and joint venture project management have been identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
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de, Somer Gregory John Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.

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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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Ponniah, Helen. "Malaysia - Japan relations : economic and political implications." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110876.

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Japanese involvement in Malaysia dates back to the beginning of this century. From the beginning Japanese interests were predominantly economic in nature Japan looked upon Malaya as a source of raw materials and also as a potential market for its finished products Japan was initially drawn by the rubber industry which became lucrative in 1910 and the iron ore mines which were essential for its steel industries. In 1928 iron ore imports from Malaya accounted for 40 percent of Japan's total consumption. Japanese cotton goods and other manufactures were low priced and therefore popular in Malaysia. However Japanese efforts to make in-roads on the Malaysian economy were impeded by the British colonial administration. For example, the British enacted a Rubber Restriction Act in 1917 which limited rubber exports to Japan. The British also introduced a quota system on Japanese manufactured imports in the late 1930s.
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Herrmann, John. "Japan's economic relations with the South Pacific." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129551.

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The post-World War II decades witnessed one of the most important economic achievements in recent world history: the rise of Japan as a global economic power. This served notice of Japan's new status as an actor on the world stage and ultimately, of its potential to influence developments around the world. In the South Pacific, Japan's drive to globalise its giant economy over a period of four decades generated a considerable impact on the economies of Pacific Islands countries (PICs). In the period leading up to the mid-1970s, relations between Japan and the South Pacific developed gradually with a continuing emphasis on economic involvement initially through trade and investment. That economic relationship expanded rapidly during the 1980s. Japan's intent for a role beyond a continuing 'economic' emphasis became increasingly apparent during this period with Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), because of its strategic value, becoming a significant component in Japanese involvement. It was the declaration of the Kuranari Doctrine in 1987 that made clear Japan's motivation for a greater political role. Thus, from an initial focus on economic activities in the South Pacific, strategic and political objectives became important considerations for Japan in the growing economic relationship.
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Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.

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Gaarder, Christopher. "California's Foreign Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1147.

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Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.
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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Books on the topic "Australia, foreign economic relations"

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Project, ASEAN-Australia Joint Research, ed. Singapore-Australia economic relations. Kuala Lumpur [Malaysia]: ASEAN-Australia Joint Research Project, 1986.

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New Zealand. Ministry of Economic Development., ed. New Zealand--Australia economic interdependence. [Wellington, N.Z.]: LECS Asia Pacific, ACIL Tasman, 2004.

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Australia. Bureau of Industry Economics., ed. North East Asia and Australia: Economic relations. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1987.

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Australia, Parliament Senate Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade. Australia-India relations, trade, and security. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1990.

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Australia. Parliament. Senate. Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. Australia and Latin America. Canberra: The Committee, 1992.

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Porter, Michael. Australia-Korea: Strengthened economic partnership : a report. [Canberra, A.C.T.?]: Australia-Korea Foundation, 2001.

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Firth, Stewart. Australia in international politics: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1999.

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Marika, Vicziany, McPherson Kenneth, National Centre for South Asian Studies., and Indian Ocean Centre for Peace Studies., eds. Australia and South Asia: A blueprint for 2001? Melbourne, Vic: National Centre for South Asian Studies, 1994.

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W, Baker Richard, Hawke G. R. 1942-, and East-West Center, eds. ANZUS economics: Economic trends and relations among Australia, New Zealand and the United States. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1993.

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Meredith, David. Australia in the global economy: Continuity and change. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australia, foreign economic relations"

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Adam, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations." In Why did the Socialist System Collapse in Central and Eastern European Countries?, 71–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24239-9_5.

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Hewett, Ed A. "Foreign Economic Relations." In The Soviet Economy, 269–310. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003391913-9.

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Vinokurov, Evgeny. "Eurasian Economic Union: Foreign Economic Relations." In Introduction to the Eurasian Economic Union, 109–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92825-8_5.

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China." In Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Buelvas, Eduardo Pastrana, and Diego F. Vera Piñeros. "Colombian Economic Foreign Policy toward Brazil." In Asymmetric Neighbors and International Relations, 189–207. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003296249-16.

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Hale, William. "Foreign Trade and External Economic Relations." In The Political and Economic Development of Modern Turkey, 229–53. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003420538-16.

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Esmaili-Sardari, Mohamad, and Daria Mizza. "Economic Growth Predictions." In Persian in International Relations and Foreign Policy, 149–64. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429437090-12.

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Ville, Simon, and David Merrett. "Foreign Investment in Australia Before World War One." In Palgrave Studies in Economic History, 17–35. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0481-3_2.

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Rahman, S. M. Mahfuzur, and Fahmida Mostafiz. "Foreign direct investment of Australia in Bangladesh." In The Economic Development of Bangladesh in the Asian Century, 63–92. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088165-5.

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Stankovsky, Jan. "Foreign Economic Relations in Eastern Europe’s Transition." In Economics and Politics of Transition, 125–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12923-2_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Australia, foreign economic relations"

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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Wicaksana, I. Gede Wahyu. "Nationalism as a Hindrance to Indonesia-Australia Economic Cooperation." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010274101240129.

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Bello, Ismail, Kabir Umar Musa, Asma'u Isyaku Dutse, and Muktar Bashir. "Indonesia- Nigeria Foreign Economic Relations: A Partnership for Economic Development." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.35.

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Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah, and Baiq Wardhani. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy: Australia Turn Back the Boats Policy under Tony Abbott." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279004770483.

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Saralinova, Dzhamilya. "Management Of Foreign Economic Relations Based On Structural Policy." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.374.

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Ohrimenko, Elena I., and Olga T. Ergunova. "Tourism Industry: Development and Importance of Foreign Economic Relations of Russia." In Proceedings of the First International Volga Region Conference on Economics, Humanities and Sports (FICEHS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200114.035.

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Mantaeva, Elza, Dayana Batyreva, Elza Goryaeva, and Olga Badlaeva. "Interregional and foreign economic relations’ development in the Republic of Kalmykia." In Proceedings of the Volgograd State University International Scientific Conference "Competitive, Sustainable and Safe Development of the Regional Economy" (CSSDRE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/cssdre-19.2019.100.

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Aryani, Made Gitanadya, and Annisa Pratamasari. "The Relationship between Foreign Direct Investment Influx, Economic Growth, and Financial Institutions in ASEAN-6." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010272600260033.

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Selminskaya, O. N., and N. A. Babkina. "FOREIGN ECONOMIC SECURITY OF RUSSIA: CONTENT AND ASSESSMENT." In CONTEMPORARY ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OF RUSSIA AND CHINA. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/medprh.63.

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The article defines the essence of economic security in the context of the global crisis during the pandemic, analyzes the state of foreign economic security of the Russian Federation using the coefficient of import coverage by export, its dynamics, and compliance of indicators of foreign economic relations with the limit value.
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Gryza, Anatolii. "POSITIVE CONSEQUENCES OF REFORMS OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC RELATIONS OF ENTERPRISES WITH FOREIGN ECONOMIC ACTIVITY OF UKRAINE." In Реформування міжнародних економічних відносин і світового господарства в сучасних умовах. Publishing house “Liha-Pres”, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36059/978-966-397-295-4-19.

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Reports on the topic "Australia, foreign economic relations"

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Quiggin, John. Australia and China turn a new leaf in economic relations. East Asia Forum, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1703325650.

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Goreczky, Péter. Decoupling or diversification? Dilemmas of India, Japan, and Australia in shaping economic relations with China. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.e-2021.29.

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US allies in the Indo-Pacific region, India, Japan and Australia are all making considerable efforts to reduce economic dependence on China. In the case of India, border clashes boost the political motivations of the trend, while in the economic sense the country’s trade deficit, the import of the pharmaceutical and automotive industries, and the determinative role of Chinese capital in the tech sector result in a unique dependency. As for Japanese companies, China remains a key manufacturing base and market, and therefore Tokyo is interested in the diversification of supply chains and manufacturing locations instead of downsizing the relationship completely. Regarding Australia, the overwhelming weight of China in the country’s export is considered a major exposure; however, in the case of iron ore, which is a key item in bilateral trade, the dependency also exists on China’s side. Although for all three countries it is a reasonable goal to enhance the resilience of supply chains and diversify economic relations, the “China plus one” strategy seems to be more beneficial for the future than cutting off economic relations with China across the board.
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Detges, Adrien, and Adrian Foong. Foreign Policy Implications of Climate Change in Focus Regions of European External Action. Adelphi research gemeinnützige GmbH, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc020.

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In a globalised world, the effects of climate change are likely to cascade across borders. Climate impacts in one location may have far reaching consequences in other places by affecting trade, migration, investments, and foreign policy objectives. Whether such cascading effects are likely to materialise depends in turn on a number of social, economic, and political factors that reinforce or attenuate the effects of climate change on economic development, migration, political stability, etc. These moderating conditions are crucial when considering possible challenges in connection with climate change, and opportunities for addressing them. In this report, we discuss the possible effects of climate change on issues at the core of European foreign, security, and development policy – namely, the impacts of climate change on livelihoods, food security, migration, and political stability in regions with close ties to Europe, where those impacts may affect European foreign policy objectives in a significant way. Across regions, we identify a number of challenges and opportunities in different scenarios, which assume either more or less favourable moderating conditions (i.e., with regard to technology and physical infrastructure; resource and conflict management; economic opportunities; trade and access to markets; governance and state-citizen relations; and social and diplomatic relations). Despite important challenges and mounting climatic pressures in all considered regions, our results leave some room for optimism. Depending on their ability to build strong and inclusive institutions, promote sustainable development, and strengthen social and diplomatic ties, affected countries and their partners might be able to reduce the risk of adverse cascading effects in connection with a warming world. Climate change will become increasingly challenging in the coming years, yet its effects are ultimately determined by social, economic, and political factors. Studying what makes societies susceptible to be adversely affected by climate change and how such conditions evolve over time then gives an indication of where to direct adaptation efforts. The moderating conditions presented in this report offer as many “levers” for preparing against the adverse effects of climate change.
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Bán, Zoltán. Analysis of Chinese Economic Statecraft and its Methods through Four Case Studies. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.40.

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In the past decade, China has employed its economic statecraft more frequently, possibly due to its more advanced economic capabilities and its more assertive foreign policy. Four case studies (South Korea, Australia, Canada, and Lithuania) are analysed from the past few years regarding the Chinese economic statecraft methods in order to get a better understanding of the methods used and to derive useful conclusions and recommendations for potential future cases of economic coercion. An analysis of the four cases to identify similarities in the methods utilised by Beijing shows that success rates vary at best, and many adverse effects for China are also found. Countries should be aware of such coercion methods, although building resilience seems to be more successful in easing tensions than does all-out deterrence.
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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Clarke, Dillon, and Mark D. Wenner. Chinese Rise in the Caribbean: What Does It Mean for Caribbean Stakeholders? Inter-American Development Bank, July 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0009300.

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Chinese and Caribbean economic relations have deepened over the past decade and a half. The paper analyzes the impetus for China's foreign economic policy to reach out to developing regions such as the Caribbean, as well as highlights recent trends in merchandise trade and foreign direct investments, in particular between the Caribbean and China. Furthermore it indicates areas of potential benefits and risks, identifies some of the implications of these new South-South cooperation ties, and concludes with recommendations based on game theory insights to further deepen and more fully assure mutual benefit from the relationship going forward.
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Pásztor, Kitti. The Significance of the Abraham Accords for Morocco. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.21.

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Morocco and Israel signed a Joint Declaration on 10 December, 2020 to normalise their relations. This paper demonstrates why this event is not limited to the dispute over Western Sahara, but attention should also be paid to the various economic, security, diplomatic, ethnic, religious, and foreign policy aspects that influence Morocco. While the country is headed for a diplomatic low point, its cooperation with Israel is opening new opportunities for Rabat.
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Barton, Frederick D. Testimony: Statement of Frederick D. Barton, Senior Fellow and Director, Post-Conflict Reconstruction Project, Center for Strategic and International Studies, before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate on Accelerating Economic Progress in Iraq"". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada438876.

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DeMetri, Olga, Samuel Moreno, and Gerardo Funes. Seizing the Market Opportunity of the Growing Latino and Caribbean Community in the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005199.

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This study examines the transformative influence of the rapidly growing Latino and Caribbean community in the United States, both as a demographic and an economic powerhouse. Accounting for nearly one in five U.S. residents, this community is reshaping the nation's social, economic, and cultural landscapes. In 2019 alone, the economic output of Latinos in the U.S. was $2.7 trillion, marking them as a global economic force. The report highlights the community's role in enhancing trade and economic relations with Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), including its influence on foreign direct investment (FDI) and diaspora direct investment (DDI). Remittances to LAC countries remain strong, further solidifying economic ties. Culturally and politically, the Latino and Caribbean community is becoming mainstream in the U.S., as evidenced by its growing impact on music, food, and voter participation. The study includes case studies from Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, and New York to underline the community's diverse contributions across various sectors. In summary, the Latino and Caribbean community is not just growing in numbers but is a formidable force that is shaping the U.S. and strengthening its international ties with LAC. This growth presents numerous opportunities for both domestic and international economic and cultural collaborations.
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Kelly, Luke. Characteristics of Global Health Diplomacy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.09.

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This rapid review focuses on Global Health Diplomacy and defines it as a method of interaction between the different stakeholders of the public health sector in a bid to promote representation, cooperation, promotion of the right to health and improvement of health systems for vulnerable populations on a global scale. It is the link between health and international relations. GHD has various actors including states, intergovernmental organizations, private companies, public-private partnerships and non-governmental organizations. Foreign policies can be integrated into national health in various ways i.e., designing institutions to govern practices regarding health diplomacy (i.e., health and foreign affairs ministries), creating and promoting norms and ideas that support foreign policy integration and promoting policies that deal with specific issues affecting the different actors in the GHD arena to encourage states to integrate them into their national health strategies. GHD is classified into core diplomacy – where there are bilateral and multilateral negotiations which may lead to binding agreements, multistakeholder diplomacy – where there are multilateral and bilateral negotiations which do not lead to binding agreements and informal diplomacy – which are interactions between other actors in the public health sector i.e., NGOs and Intergovernmental Organizations. The US National Security Strategy of 2010 highlighted the matters to be considered while drafting a health strategy as: the prevalence of the disease, the potential of the state to treat the disease and the value of affected areas. The UK Government Strategy found the drivers of health strategies to be self-interest (protecting security and economic interests of the state), enhancing the UK’s reputation, and focusing on global health to help others. The report views health diplomacy as a field which requires expertise from different disciplines, especially in the field of foreign policy and public health. The lack of diplomatic expertise and health expertise have been cited as barriers to integrating health into foreign policies. States and other actors should collaborate to promote the right to health globally.
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