To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Australia, foreign economic relations.
Journal articles on the topic 'Australia, foreign economic relations'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Australia, foreign economic relations.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Fajar Oktavianto. "IMPLIKASI AUKUS TERHADAP HUBUNGAN EKONOMI AUSTRALIA DAN TIONGKOK TAHUN 2021-2022." BHUVANA: Journal of Global Studies 1, no. 2 (October 3, 2023): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.55.
Full textAbstract:
This research analyzes economic relations between China and Australia after Australia joined defense technology cooperation AUKUS. The United States, United Kingdom, and Australia established AUKUS to contain China in Indo-Pacific, which is the center of world economics and geopolitics today. This research, therefore, aims to discuss the impact of AUKUS towards economic relations between China and Australia in 2021 and 2022. Using a qualitative research method and Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism theory and national interest concept, the author found that Australia's foreign policy to become AUKUS member worsened its economic relations with China. In 2021, China suspended the entry of import commodities from Australia to politically retaliate Australia. By banning Australia’s commodities, China not only sought to attack Australian trade, but also defended its national interests in state sovereignty, national security, and territorial integrity.
2
YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
Full textAbstract:
Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
3
Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.
Full textAbstract:
Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
4
Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.
Full textAbstract:
Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.
5
Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
Full textAbstract:
The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
6
KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
7
Husain, Sarkawi B. "Hubungan Indonesia-Australia." Fajar Historia: Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 7, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 150–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v7i2.21437.
Full textAbstract:
Indonesia and Australia are two countries that have long historical and diplomatic relations. Unfortunately, studies on these various relationships, both in the journals and books, are very limited. Therefore, this book is very important to help us understand relationship between the two countries. This book give an important contribution in adding to the collection of important works about Australia written in Indonesian. This book explains how Australian foreign policy in general grew out of Australia's concerns and beliefs (or perceptions), and how it came to shape and develop further. This is supported by the author's careful and systematic explanation of the social context in which the basic assumptions underlying Australia's foreign policy are formed. Today, Indonesia-Australia relations are very close. Several programs were initiated such as Economic Management, Infrastructure, Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene. By collaborating with a number of institutions of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, the Australian government helps to promote strong economic growth, sustainable economic growth that can be enjoyed by all people.Indonesia dan Australia adalah dua negara yang memiliki hubungan sejarah dan diplomatik yang cukup panjang. Sayang sekali, kajian-kajian tentang berbagai hubungan tersebut, baik dalam bentuk jurnal maupun buku tidak banyak dilakukan. Oleh karena itu, buku ini sangat penting untuk membantu kita memahami hubungan antara kedua negara. Buku ini memberi kontribusi penting dalam menambah koleksi karya penting tentang Australia yang ditulis dalam Bahasa Indonesia. Buku ini menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri Australia secara umum tumbuh dari kekhawatiran dan kepercayaan (atau persepsi) Australia, dan bagaimana ia kemudian terbentuk dan berkembang lebih jauh. Hal ini didukung oleh penjelasan cermat dan sistematis dari penulis atas konteks sosial di mana asumsi-asumsi dasar yang mendasari kebijakan luar negeri Australia terbentuk. Dewasa ini, hubungan Indonesia-Australia sangat dekat. Beberapa program digagas seperti Tata Laksana Ekonomi, Infrastruktur, Air, Sanitasi, dan Kebersihan. Dengan bekerjasama dengan sejumlah isntitusi Pemerintah Republik Indonesia, pemerintah Australia membantu untuk mempromosikan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang kuat, sustain serta dapat dinikmati oleh semua pihak.
8
Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.
9
Wong, Audrye. "PEDDLING OR PERSUADING: CHINA'S ECONOMIC STATECRAFT IN AUSTRALIA." Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (July 2021): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2021.19.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWith the globalization of Chinese capital, economic statecraft has become an increasingly prominent component of China's foreign policy. In this article, I examine China's use of economic inducements in developed democracies, a topic of growing concern for policymakers, focusing on the case of Australia. I show how Beijing's attempts to coopt public voices and influence Australia's foreign policy using non-transparent political donations and academic funding generated a strong backlash. At the same time, economic interdependence has provided a buffering effect, with key domestic actors in Australia advocating for cooperative relations, although this effect can in turn be limited by Beijing's coercive economic tactics. My findings underline the reputational costs of certain approaches to economic statecraft, the value of building supportive coalitions, and the challenges faced by China's authoritarian state capitalist model. They also highlight the impacts of globalized Chinese capital in developed democracies, including the resilience and vulnerabilities inherent in democratic political processes.
10
Kulinich, Mykola. "Ukraine-Australia: Cooperation Based on Values." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 235–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-12.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on areas of Australian-Ukrainian cooperation. The author draws attention to Australia’s support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine as well as continuation of the sanctions regime against the Russian Federation. Australia has completely abandoned its activities on the Crimean peninsula, supported all the Ukrainian international initiatives on human rights protection in Crimea. As for the Donbas, Australia officially recognizes the conflict as a foreign invasion, not a civil war. The article deals with important areas of bilateral relations: restoration of the Australian-Ukrainian parliamentary friendship group in the Australian Parliament; the first-ever visit of the President of the Australian Senate to Ukraine; efforts to upgrade the level of Australian diplomatic representation in Ukraine; opening of the Honorary Consulate of Ukraine in Sydney; cooperation on the MH17 plane crash investigation, both bilateral and international; statement of the Australian Senate on the occasion of the 85th anniversary of the 1932-1933 Holodomor in Ukraine; finally, further expansion of areas of collaboration. Economic cooperation is being developed in the nuclear energy sphere. The establishment of the Australian Space Agency, development of energy cooperation as well as synergy in the Antarctic open new opportunities for Ukraine. The role of the Ukrainian diaspora in promoting the interests of Ukraine in Australia deserves particular attention. The author argues that despite geographical remoteness, Ukraine and Australia do share common values. In days of great global turmoil, this fact acquires particular significance. Keywords: Australia, Ukraine, international cooperation, Australia-Ukraine Parliamentary Friendship Group, Senate, international organizations, bilateral relations.
11
Montolalu, Reynaldo Rudy Kristian, and Anak Agung Banyu Perwita. "Analyzing the elements of Foreign Policy: Australia’s Foreign Policy Towards Indo – Pacific Region, A study case." International Journal of Progressive Sciences and Technologies 38, no. 2 (May 30, 2023): 382. http://dx.doi.org/10.52155/ijpsat.v38.2.5351.
Full textAbstract:
National Interest is the core of a country's foreign policy. Policymakers use the concept of national interest to formulate foreign policy and refer as a starting point to consider any step they take for the sake of their country; these include defending, maintaining, or developing anything perceived as national interest. In the past few years, Australia has shown that it has a grand agenda in the Indo – Pacific region and positioned itself as the regional epicenter by utilizing its national power through the instrument of DIME, including and not limited to Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic power. This paper tries to connect the main concept of international relations and Australian openness in articulating its foreign policy through a descriptive qualitative method. The author analyzes it through the elements of foreign policy that consist of Ends (National Interest), Means (Foreign Policy Instrument), and Ways (Foreign Policy Options). This paper briefly reflects on how the elements structured Australian foreign policy to strive for regional security, stability, and prosperity. The paper concludes that the regional strategic engagement is conducted through various courses of action as the Australian commitment to maintaining a rules-based order.
12
Krivushin, I. V. "Russia-Australia Relations before and after the Ukrainian Crisis." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 133–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-133-158.
Full textAbstract:
The crisis of Australian-Russian relations after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and the set of factors that caused it have received little attention from scholars of international affairs. The article contributes to addressing this research lacuna. It examines the 2014–2015 crisis in bilateral relations from the point of view of both Moscow and of Canberra. The author analyses the evolution of these relations before 2014 to understand whether the Ukrainian crisis was the cause of their sharp deterioration in 2014–2015, or it only accelerated the process that began much earlier. He demonstrates that Australia had no close political and economic ties with Russia, and the two countries did not consider each other as priority partners. The article finds that in 2014–2015 the Kremlin did not take into account a number of factors, such as very limited interest of Australia in commercial exchanges with Russia, Canberra’s growing suspicions about Moscow’s foreign policy intentions and view of Russia as a revisionist power (especially after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war), a strong sense of solidarity with the West among Australia’s political elites, and Russia’s increasingly worsening public image in Australia, that negatively affected Canberra’s stance towards the Kremlin even before 2014, and which greatly contributed to the crisis in bilateral relations. As for future development, the author identifies two factors that may have a negative impact on Russian-Australian relations: 1) rising energy demand in China and India, making Russia and Australia potential competitors in Asia’s gas markets; 2) a too close rapprochement of Moscow with Beijing, fraughtwith the risk of embroiling Russia in a web of conflicts in the Western Pacific.
13
Rahayu, Nadia Saidah, Najma Imtinan Rasaf, Ghana Aldila Septiani, and Penny Respati Yurisa. "Policy on Maritime Border Disputes Between Indonesia and Australia: Stephen M. Walt’s Neorealism Perspective." Journal of Islamic World and Politics 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.8.
Full textAbstract:
Indonesia is a maritime country with an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) covering an area of 7.81 million square kilometers. Consequently, Indonesia has numerous disputes with neighboring countries regarding maritime boundaries in the EEZ, particularly with Australia. Several incidents have strained the relationship between the two countries. For example, from December 2013 to January 2014, there were six instances of the Australian Navy unintentionally violating Indonesian waters during border operations. Other issues include illegal fishing, human trafficking, illegal transshipment, and, more recently, an Australian warship's breach of Indonesian waters on September 8, 2022. Maritime boundary disputes occur when two or more countries have overlapping claims in the same maritime territory. These disputes can be caused by differences in the interpretation of international law, conflicting economic interests, historical or cultural claims, or geopolitical tensions between the involved nations. Maritime boundary disputes can be resolved through negotiations, international arbitration, mediation, or legal processes. In this case, the neorealism theory, developed by Stephen M. Walt, provides an understanding of international relations, changes in power structures, conflicts, cooperation among nations, and the factors influencing foreign policies. By applying Stephen M. Walt's neorealism theory, this study analyzes the policy frameworks of Indonesia and Australia in managing their international relations and the factors that have led to the disputes between the two.
14
Fry-McKibbin, Renée, and Than Thuong Nguyen. "Does Commercial Diplomacy Overcome Impediments to International Economic Flows? The Case of Australia." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 14, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 379–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-14011015.
Full textAbstract:
Summary This article empirically examines the effectiveness of commercial diplomacy in contributing to Australia’s merchandise exports and inbound foreign investment with 181 countries over the period 2010-2015. The combined effect of diplomatic entities increases Australian exports by 12.9 per cent and increases inbound foreign investment by 16.1 per cent compared to countries without representation. Commercial diplomacy is effective when there are impediments to exporting, such as markets being outside the region and having low economic freedom. Commercial diplomacy substantially boosts inbound investment from countries outside and within the region, from emerging and developed markets, and from countries with high levels of economic freedom.
15
Rimmer, Susan Harris. "Australian experiments in creative governance, regionalism, and plurilateralism." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 4 (December 2016): 630–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016686383.
Full textAbstract:
The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.” This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new emphasis on minilateral dialogues such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia (MIKTA), and more effort directed to bilateral and plurilateral processes such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. This approach has been continued under Prime Minister Turnbull, with a renewed focus on innovation. Part 1 considers minilateral and regional investments in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily, IORA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). I consider MIKTA a unique vehicle for Australian diplomacy. Part 2 considers what issues Australia should be pursuing through these forums, with a focus on the two themes of gender equality (as an example of niche diplomacy) and trade (multilateralism under pressure) as case studies. Beeson and Higgott argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement “games of skill,” especially at moments of international transition. How skilful have Australia’s efforts been in these minilateral dialogues, enhanced regionalism, and plurilateral processes, and what more can be achieved in these forums? Are these efforts creating more fragmentation of the rules-based order, or are they a way to overcome global governance stalemates? I set out the arguments for whether Australia, as a pivotal power, should generate more global options, or be more focused on inclusion in the Asia-Pacific region.
16
Arkhipov, V. "Australia: Economy and Foreign Investment." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2008): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-5-82-89.
Full text
17
Beeson, Mark. "Symposium: Australia–US Economic Relations and the Regional Balance of PowerThe Decline of US Economic Power and Influence: Implications for Australian Foreign Policy." Australian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2013): 197–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.787920.
Full text
18
Antonopoulos, Paul. "The Kangaroo, the Bear, and the Dragon: Australia-Russia-China Relations in the “Asian Century”." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 03 (January 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500208.
Full textAbstract:
With Australia and Russia increasingly seeing their future in the Asia-Pacific, neither can reach its full economic potential except under the guidance of Beijing’s control of ports on its “Maritime Silk Road.” Cold War clichés of the “Yankee lapdog” and the big bad “Russian bear” continue to dominate how Canberra and Moscow view each other. Yet when it comes to the future of Australia-Russia-China relations, one must look beyond Moscow, Beijing, and Canberra, but rather at Vladivostok and Darwin, symbols of an as-yet unrealized goal to shift emphasis onto each country’s sparsely-populated regions bordering the Asia-Pacific. With the dawning of the “Asian Century,” how does the United States change the geopolitical dynamics of the region, and how do China, Russia, and Australia react to “America’s Pacific Century”? Rather than a capitulation to America’s aggressive posture in the Asia-Pacific, China and Russia have consolidated the integration of their economies and militaries to counter such penetration. This emerging rivalry creates a challenge for Australia to balance its military alliance with the United States and its economic reliance on China. The necessity of finetuning this balance should be Canberra’s primary foreign policy issue.
19
Xi, Junfang, and Weihuan Zhou. "Chinas Liberalization of Legal Services Under the ChAFTA: Market Access or Lack of Market Access for Australian Legal Practices." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 2 (April 1, 2017): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017010.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores China’s commitments to liberalizing legal services under the recently concluded China – Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA). While China’s ChAFTA commitments extend beyond its commitments on legal services under the World Trade Organization and under most of China’s other Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), we argue that the degree of liberalization under the ChAFTA has been over-stated. The ChAFTA does not create additional market access for Australian legal practices as it merely recognizes the existing practice in the Chinese market and the same market access granted to Australia has been extended to all other foreign legal practices by initiatives launched in the Shanghai Free Trade Zone. Further, the ChAFTA fails to lift the major regulatory barriers to foreign legal practices in China. Consequently, Australian law firms will continue to compete with other foreign law firms in the same regulatory environment. China is likely to continue to unilaterally liberalize its legal services market via the free trade zones; but such liberalization is likely to be applied to all foreign legal practices. Towards this end, the benefits that the ChAFTA would bring to Australian legal practices are likely to be two-fold: (1) increased business opportunities in cross-border transactions, and (2) strengthened confidence in doing business in China.
20
Pramanta, Rio Akbar, Roihanatul Maziyah, Dela Karisma, Putri Rahma Asri, Ayu Tiara Karel Bua, Dimas Bagas Priambodo, and Bayu Mahendra. "Kemitraan Strategis Non-Zero Sum Game: Hubungan ASEAN-Australia dalam Konteks Geopolitik." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i2.22347.
Full textAbstract:
ASEAN and Australia has a long history of mutual partnership. It is a strategic foreign policy for both parties. ASEAN needs to maintain its power and influence with their neighboring countries to maintain the political stability in the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, Australia needs Southeast Asia because it serves as a strategic and crucial pivot of numerous benefits and interests for them, including but not limited to security and economics. However, ASEAN-Australia relations is not separated from the geopolitical implications. The geopolitical factors determine the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia, thus leading to the hypothesis in this article where Australia needs ASEAN more than the vice versa, and Australia is the one who benefits more in terms of relative gain, relative to ASEAN.Keywords: ASEAN-Australia relations, neorealism, relative gain, geopolitics
21
Ngo, Le Van. "Multiculturalism in Australia and in Vietnam – a comparative perspective." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i2.747.
Full textAbstract:
Australia and Vietnam are two nations geographically distributed into two different continents. The formation process of the two nations-peoples and the formation of the two cultures bear a wide variety of different features. In recent years, the diplomatic relations, cultural and economic cooperation between the two nations have prospered with the passing of time. The paper focuses on the search for the similarities and differences as far as cultural aspects are concerned. However, due to constraints, especially foreign language competence, this paper only makes comparision in terms of similarities and differences in the two nations’ cultures; then, giving few comments on the similarities and differences.
22
Srabani Roy Choudhury. "Economic trade between Australia and India: A case study of foreign direct investment." Thesis Eleven 105, no. 1 (May 2011): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513611400388.
Full text
23
Ismayilov, Vilayat, Sahib Mammadov, Narmina Abbasova, Vusala Babayeva, and Sabina Sadigova. "The current state and prospects for further development in the energy sector in Australia: reforms, foreign economic relations, investment climate." Polityka Energetyczna – Energy Policy Journal 26, no. 2 (June 19, 2023): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33223/epj/163451.
Full text
24
Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.
Full textAbstract:
The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.
25
Vietrynskyi, I. "Historical, Socio-cultural and International Political Preconditions for the Emergence and Formation of the Australian Union." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-4.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the prerequisites for the creation and early stages of development of the Commonwealth of Australia from the founding of the first European colonies prior to the legal formalization of the federation. Also mentioned are the variability of approaches to the development of Australia’s historiography, in particular from the positions of classical English and modern Australian views. Also, the early stages of the development of the continent that preceded the discovery of Australia by Europeans are considered. It analyzes the wide context of geopolitical processes in Europe in the era of imperialism (XVI-XIX centuries), as well as the circumstances of the formation of large colonial empires. In particular, features of the status, place and role of England in the international political processes of the XVIІ and XVIII centuries are shown, and the stages of the formation of the British colonial empire are also considered. The complex of internal socio-economic as well as foreign policy prerequisites for the beginning of the colonization of Australia by Great Britain is analyzed, in particular the attention paid to the consequences of the British Industrial Revolution XVIII. The stages of formation of the British colonies in Australia, as well as the development of the mainland from the establishment of the first settlement - New South Wales until full control of the continent are investigated. The characteristics of the economic, social, political, demographic and other aspects of the development of Australian colonies are analyzed. The article discusses the evolution of trade and administrative relations between individual colonies, as well as the stages of preparation for the creation of a federation, which was called the Commonwealth of Australia and changed the country's colonial position to the dominion status in the British Empire. Particular attention is paid to the international political processes that accompanied the development of the Australian continent, as well as the role of colonial administrations in regional geopolitical processes, in particular the colonization of New Guinea.
26
Yurlov, Felix N. "INDIA — SEARCH FOR A FOREIGN POLICY COURSE." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (26) (2023): 204–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2023-4-204-212.
Full textAbstract:
In January 2023, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared that the world is in crisis and called for a summit of more than 120 developing and less developed countries comprising the Global South with the goal of creating a new world order. Until recently, India has been able to maintain neutrality in her relations with Russia. As for China, there are unresolved problems with this country, especially the protracted border conflict. India is concerned with China’s growing power. Current world developments, including those in Asia and Ukraine, resulted in an invitation to N. Modi to come to the US with a state visit in June 2023 to ‘celebrate the enduring friendship’ between the two countries. The invitation stated that the US looked forward to continuing to work with India to build a brighter future for both countries and for the world. The expectations for this visit were based on the assumption that India was an important power that could counter China’s growing economic and military influence. US – India relations in the XXI century will be critical for the whole world. During his talks with Modi, Biden underscored the importance Quad, which includes USA, India, Japan, and Australia and is aimed at limiting China’s influence and outreach. Modi stated that the New Delhi – Washington relations were stronger and deeper than ever before and prior to his state visit he said that there was ‘unprecedented trust’ between the leaders of India and the US.
27
Puig, Gonzalo Villalta. "Trade and Investment Relations between the European Union and Australia: For a Bilateral Economic Integration Agreement." European Foreign Affairs Review 17, Issue 2 (May 1, 2012): 213–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2012022.
Full textAbstract:
The European Union (EU) is Australia's largest economic partner. It has been so for more than twenty-five years. Yet, the EU remains the only major trading and investment partner with which Australia does not have an Economic Integration Agreement, either in force or under negotiation. This article analyses the legal and policy issues that affect their trade and investment relations. Despite the existence of an EU-Australia Partnership Framework, a declaration in the process of revision into an agreement, the article considers that attention diversion from larger trading and investment partners, for the EU, and opposition to the distortive effects of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), for Australia, are the two main reasons for the low priority that each party attaches to bilateral trade and investment liberalization with the other. Nonetheless, an Economic Integration Agreement is, it argues, a mutually beneficial strategy: there remain duties and other restrictive regulations of commerce on trade between the EU and Australia that are amenable to bilateral elimination in the interest of further trade creation without the subsequent potential for any significant trade diversion. This article, aware of the difficulty of compromise over agriculture, makes a flexible and pragmatic call for a bilateral agreement on trade in services and trade-related investment measures. Services trade and investment are not sensitive areas for either party and an agreement to facilitate them would duly recognize the EU as Australia's largest partner for trade in services and its largest source and destination of foreign direct investment. It concludes that barrier reductions, if not their elimination altogether, in these two non-sensitive areas are likely to make up a significant proportion of the likely benefits of a comprehensive agreement. Their delay (or even loss) might outweigh the possible benefits from barrier reductions to sensitive sectors. Agriculture and other sensitive sectors that require further negotiation over a longer period of time could be the subject of built-in agendas.
28
MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.
29
Grunberg, Benjamin, and Jadranka Petrovic. "Intersecting Trade, Politics and Human Rights: The Negotiation Phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 1 (February 1, 2017): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017004.
Full textAbstract:
This article concerns a free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and China signed on 17 June 2015. It has been acclaimed that this agreement lays the foundation for the next phase of Australia’s economic relationship with China and predicted that it will unlock significant opportunities for Australia as China is Australia’s largest export market for both goods and services, accounting for nearly a third of total exports, and a growing source of foreign investment. However, concerns have been expressed that the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement is likely to have a number of retrogressive effects on the protection and promotion of human rights, including labour standards. This article explores differences between the free trade agreement negotiating precepts and cultures of China and Australia and the status of human rights in those negotiations, with an emphasis on understanding representative Australian attitudes. Although those negotiations are now a faint accompli, they are nevertheless of great interest. The article’s focus on the fate of human rights in the negotiation phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement from the Australian perspective, together with the dynamics and nuances of the negotiation process giving rise to the Agreement, provides timely and significant insight on the implementation process, as well as a lesson-learned for future free-trade negotiations. The article argues that human rights should not be overlooked in the negotiations that lead to a free trade agreement. The article comprises seven parts. Section 1 introduces the subject-matter. Section 2 provides a historical overview of trade relations between Australia and China. Section 3 considers the complexity of negotiations between the two States and their different expectations and approaches. Section 4 outlines Australia’s major international human rights obligations including labour standards. Section 5 highlights specific human rights concerns raised in Australia during the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement negotiations. Section 6 observes other States’ approaches to human rights issues when negotiating their FTAs with China. Section 7 concludes that robust safeguards must be embedded and that a close consideration should be given to the implementation process, including the ex post human rights impact assessment of the Australia- China Free Trade Agreement.
30
Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
31
Gordon, Joy. "Introduction." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000340.
Full textAbstract:
It is hard to imagine a threat to international security or a tension within U.S. foreign policy that does not involve the imposition of economic sanctions. The United Nations Security Council has fourteen sanctions regimes currently in place, and all member states of the United Nations are obligated to participate in their enforcement. The United States has some thirty sanctions programs, which target a range of countries, companies, organizations, and individuals, and many of these are autonomous sanctions that are independent of the measures required by the United Nations. Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, and others also have autonomous sanctions regimes, spanning a broad range of contexts and purpose. Most well-known are those concerning weapons proliferation, terrorism, and human rights violations; but sanctions are also imposed in such contexts as money laundering, corruption, and drug trafficking. States may also impose sanctions as a means to achieve foreign policy goals: to pressure a foreign state to bend to the sanctioner's will, to punish those who represent a threat to the sanctioner's economic or political interests, or to seek the end of a political regime toward which the sanctioner is hostile, to give but a few examples.
32
Kikuchi, Tsutomu, Matake Kamiya, and Yasuyuki Ishida. "Recommendations on Japan’s Foreign Policy towards the “Indo-Pacific” Regional Diplomacy." GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON JAPAN, no. 5 (March 31, 2022): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.62231/gp5.160001a11.
Full textAbstract:
Following the overlapping interest on political, economic and security issues in the Indian and Pacific Oceans, an Indo-Pacific strategy started to gain importance in recent years as the region’s strategic importance in terms of maritime security was realized. The power dynamics in the region are expected to affect Japan’s security and prosperity as well. Therefore, the questions of how the regional order will be structured and how to deal with the swing states were included in Japan’s diplomatic agenda. This research project aims to introduce 16 policy recommendations for Japan’s Indo-Pacific diplomacy as a part of the “Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of Japan’s Foreign Abstracts 20 Relations and Security Research Project” to strengthen Japan’s foreign relations with the powers in the region, especially with ASEAN, Australia, and India, to promote a liberal, open, free, rules-based order that is in line with Japan’s interest in responding to China’s growing influence. This project will provide a new diplomatic approach for Japan by describing appropriate measures to be taken in consideration of requirements, concerns and possible reactions of the countries concerned. Furthermore, the Japan-U.S. alliance will be tackled and emphasized along the way as recommendations are listed and the questions of why this alliance is benefi cial for economic development and why it is necessary for Japan to gain sympathy from other countries in the region in order to build and strengthen the foundation of their Indo-Pacific strategy and to improve Japan’s influence on the region will be explained.
33
Suparman, Suparman. "Analysis of British Foreign Policy Forming the Australia, United Kingdom, and United States (AUKUS) Security Alliance in 2021." Asian Journal of Engineering, Social and Health 3, no. 3 (March 5, 2024): 548–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/ajesh.v3i3.260.
Full textAbstract:
Security has become a significant issue in international relations because it involves aspects of territorial protection, peacekeeping, economic stability, and other elements that influence the lives of countries worldwide. In international relations, security involves a deep understanding of threats, conflicts, and strategies to maintain peace and stability at regional and global levels. This research aims to analyze state behavior in the context of security cooperation, focusing on the UK's participation in the AUKUS security alliance formed in 2021. The UK's decision to join AUKUS was driven by two main factors, namely national role conceptions and role prescriptions. This research pays special attention to the uniqueness of Britain's participation in this alliance, considering its geographical position in the North Atlantic region, not in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main focus of AUKUS. This analysis will provide valuable insight for the Indonesian Government in addressing security dynamics in the Indo-Pacific region related to forming the AUKUS alliance. By understanding the motivational factors driving UK participation, this research can contribute to formulating more effective policies addressing regional and global security challenges.
34
Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. "The ANZUS Treaty during the Cold War: A Reinterpretation of U.S. Diplomacy in the Southwest Pacific." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00599.
Full textAbstract:
This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.
35
Gubina, M. A., and S. F. Sutyrin. "Russia–India trade relations in terms of increasing geopolitical uncertainty." Journal of the New Economic Association 58, no. 1 (2023): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/22212264_2023_1_149.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to exploring of the current state and prospects of Russian-Indian foreign trade relations. Currently, Russia and India are not key partners for each other, since the industrial capabilities of both economies do not contribute to closer ties. Both countries have repeatedly noted the need to increase mutual trade turnover, and serious progress has been achieved in 2022 (primarily due to external factors). India has become one of the beneficiaries of the current geopolitical circumstances, since it has not joined the embargo imposed by Western countries on Russian oil and petroleum products, but, on the contrary, India has increased imports from Russia. The country is demonstrating the independence of its foreign policy, but at the same time, India is in a focus for Western countries (USA, Great Britain, EU countries, Australia and Japan). The authors have identified well-established areas of Russian-Indian cooperation and identified both promising areas for further collaboration and existing problems.
36
Maihold, Günther. "Mexico: A leader in search of like-minded peers." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 4 (December 2016): 545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016687336.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last decade Mexico has chosen and has been forced to practice a sort of “stand alone” foreign policy, in part due to its marginalization in Latin America, in part due to the growing bilateralization of relations in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) context. The national narrative of acting as a bridge in economic terms for accessing the NAFTA market proved not very attractive to international partners. As a result, Mexico has become the classical “leader without followers.” Joining the MIKTA initiative, a grouping formed by Mexico, Indonesia, South Corea, Turkey and Australia, is a highly welcomed option for regaining international presence without the Brazilian shadow, so strong in the region, and for defining a specific intermediary role. Mexico clearly embraced a “Southern” identity only in very limited moments of its foreign policy history and always tried to maintain a middle way, as an agreeable voice and a helpful fixer for international conferences and meetings. The old/new formula that seems to feed Mexico’s new international MIKTA presence is that of “multiple memberships” following a rationale of “like-mindedness,” a rationale that allows for promoting its presence in a great variety of institutions and regional integration schemes, but without compromising too much of its national economic development priorities. This article analyzes these half-way/soft doctrinal foundations of Mexican foreign policy with respect to Mexico’s identification with and outreach to the MIKTA group, both in terms of collective action and of bilateral efforts to establish viable relations with its members.
37
Trakman, Leon E. "Investor State Arbitration or Local Courts: Will Australia Set a New Trend?" Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 1 (February 1, 2012): 83–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012004.
Full textAbstract:
The Australian Government announced in April 2011 that it will no longer include arbitration clauses in its investment treaties but will provide that investment disputes between foreign investors and host states be heard by the domestic courts of those host states instead. This statement reflects doubts by a developed state about the efficiency of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in general and investment arbitration in particular. It also raises the question whether other countries will follow particular strategies to suit their discrete needs. One ramification is that resource wealthy states will make tactical decisions, such as entering into BITs only with capital exporting countries, as South Africa has declared. Another is whether developed states will avoid concluding BITs with developing countries whose domestic court systems are unknown or mistrusted. Yet another issue is how a policy statement, such as enunciated by Australia, will impact on its ability to attract foreign investment while protecting its national interests and also its investors abroad. This article deals with these issues, highlighting the significance of competing dispute resolution options in addressing the issues.
38
Jabłonkowska, Jolanta. "THE PROFESSIONAL SITUATION OF BACKPACKERS EMPLOYED ON THE AUSTRALIAN LABOUR MARKET." Folia Turistica 51 (June 30, 2019): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.1590.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose. The article presents the results of research carried out among backpackers employed as part of the Australian visa programme (in both 417 and 462 categories). The analysis includes the backpackers’ employee experience, their professional situation and relations with employers. Method. In 2016, direct interviews were conducted with 19 people from various countries who, within the WHV programme, undertook a temporary job on the entrepreneurial market in Western Australia. The GT (Grounded Theory) method was used. Findings. The obtained results allowed to describe the area of experience gained by backpackers (who are stakeholders of the Australian visa programme) in terms of their professional situation and the conditions of the provided work. Research and conclusions limitations. . There is a problem outlined in the article. The presented conclusions are part of the comprehensive studies that have been being conducted since 2014 regarding the experience of backpackers employed on the Australian labour market. Practical implications. The work is practical in nature. It is important for many reasons, most of all because hiring backpackers has impact on the development of many sectors of the Australian industry. Therefore, extensive discussion of the issue allows to search for the necessary solutions. More controversial seem to be the rules applied to backpackers’ employment so far, but more important are solutions. Another aspect that gives practical value to this issue is the need for discussion on the revision of the WHV programme in view of admission of anew group of backpackers to the temporary labour market in Australia - from the countries of former socialist democracies (including Poland). Originality. The raised issue is usually presented in foreign research as statistics and reports. The research commonly shows the number of employed backpackers, classifies the forms of their employment and describes the economic results for Australia. However, there is a lack of detailed qualitative analysis in which, from the perspective of the subjects, that means backpackers who are stakeholders of the WHV programme, the implications of running the WHV programme would be shown. Type of paper. The article presents the results of empirical research.
39
Ryazantsev, S. V., and L. S. Ruban. "GEOPOLITICAL TRANSFORMATION AND NEW TRENDS OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBALIZATION." BULLETIN 2, no. 390 (April 15, 2021): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2021.2518-1467.75.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the process of globalization and the role of the Russian Federation in this process. The relevance of considering the current stage of globalization is due to the strengthening of the inter-connectedness and interdependence of the world, which requires the improvement of interstate relations and mechanisms of global governance with the primacy of the economic aspect of the development of society in the conditions of the functioning of the global scale of production. The historiography presents the regulation of international relations from the Westphalian system (state-centrist model of the world) to the Vienna Congress and the attempt to create a system of collective security and regulation of international relations: to the League of Nations and the United Nations. The formation of global governance institutions is shown: the largest international intergovernmental organizations (UN, WTO, IMF, IBRD, G-8, G-20, etc.), the most important function of which is to determine the norms and rules of interstate interaction. The main idea of the authors of the article is to show the historical conditionality of the transition to a polycentric model of development, as it most fully meets the needs of society on a global scale. The main purpose of this work was to substantiate and confirm the characteristics of the role of Russia in the international arena at the present stage of development by empirical material obtained during international surveys of experts from sixteen APR countries (VIPs and decision-makers). Thus, among the current trends in global development, the authors highlight the dilemma globalism - sovereignty and the correlation of globalism - transregionalism, in particular, the concept of the Indian-Pacific region (Indo-Pacific) instead of the Asia-Pacific region, put forward by the United States, Japan, Australia and India and the concept of "One belt is one road ”, initiated by China. Another trans-regional structure, such as BRICS, remains largely insufficiently structured, institutionalized and little realized in the specific political and economic activities of the countries that gave the name to this abbreviation.
40
Mihranyan, A. A., and D. A. Dinets. "VECTORS OF RUSSIAN-MONGOLIAN COOPERATION." Geoeconomics of Energetics, no. 4 (February 8, 2024): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/26870703_2023_24_4_55.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes the dominance of multi-vectorism in Mongolia’s foreign policy at the present stage, which is due to the complexity and contradictory nature of the geopolitical situation, as well as the expectation of increased risks of ensuring the national security of the Mongolian People’s Republic. In this regard, the authorities of the republic are strengthening cooperation with the so-called «third neighbor» (USA, Japan, South Korea, Australia, EU countries, etc.) in the hope of balancing the influence of the two main neighbors: Russia and China.In relations with China, Mongolia’s growing dependence on China in the economic sphere (China steadily retains the first place in the MNR’s foreign trade turnover) raises concerns. Until a certain point, such a role was played by Mongolia’s second neighbor - Russia (more precisely, the Soviet Union, where the republic was integrated practically at the level of union republics), which fully ensured the republic’s economic and political security. When forming the strategy of cooperation between Russia and Mongolia, the Russian side has to take into account the concerns of the Mongolian side: the growing volume of economic cooperation between Russia and China significantly increases Mongolia’s fears about Russia’s inability to resist Chinese influence. In this regard, Mongolia positions the expansion of cooperation with «third neighbors» as an integral part of ensuring its national interests.
41
West, Rachel. "Does pragmatism always work?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no. 2 (October 31, 2007): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.2.4.
Full textAbstract:
As with any country, the political objectives of Australian foreign policy are based on Australian national values. Yet, because such values are inherently based on governmental interpretation, political leanings have created legitimate differences in the objectives pursued in Australian foreign policy over time. This article will explore these differences through Australia’s position as a Western, liberal democracy located in the Asia-Pacific. This will be done by examining Australia’s relations with those countries which represent the convergence of the Asia-Pacific’s most significant economic, strategic, and political links – Northeast Asia. What will be apparent is that, while determined in its resolve, the political objectives pursued by the current Howard government have proved to be both contentious and potentially damaging to Australia’s standing in the region.
42
Rozinskiy, I. "Foreign Banks in National Banking Systems of Canada, Australia and New Zealand." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2008): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-7-92-96.
Full text
43
Rozinskiy, I. "Foreign Banks in National Banking Systems of Canada, Australia and New Zealand." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2008): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-7-92-96.
Full text
44
Hartwell, John. "2009 Release of offshore petroleum exploration acreage." APPEA Journal 49, no. 1 (2009): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj08030.
Full textAbstract:
John Hartwell is Head of the Resources Division in the Department of Resources, Energy and Tourism, Canberra Australia. The Resources Division provides advice to the Australian Government on policy issues, legislative changes and administrative matters related to the petroleum industry, upstream and downstream and the coal and minerals industries. In addition to his divisional responsibilities, he is the Australian Commissioner for the Australia/East Timor Joint Petroleum Development Area and Chairman of the National Oil and Gas Safety Advisory Committee. He also chairs two of the taskforces, Clean Fossil Energy and Aluminium, under the Asia Pacific Partnership for Clean Development and Climate (AP6). He serves on two industry and government leadership groups delivering reports to the Australian Government, strategies for the oil and gas industry and framework for the uranium industry. More recently he led a team charged with responsibility for taking forward the Australian Government’s proposal to establish a global carbon capture and storage institute. He is involved in the implementation of a range of resource related initiatives under the Government’s Industry Action Agenda process, including mining and technology services, minerals exploration and light metals. Previously he served as Deputy Chairman of the Snowy Mountains Council and the Commonwealth representative to the Natural Gas Pipelines Advisory Committee. He has occupied a wide range of positions in the Australian Government dealing with trade, commodity, and energy and resource issues. He has worked in Treasury, the Department of Trade, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Department of Primary Industries and Energy before the Department of Industry, Science and Resources. From 1992–96 he was a Minister Counsellor in the Australian Embassy, Washington, with responsibility for agriculture and resource issues and also served in the Australian High Commission, London (1981–84) as the Counsellor/senior trade relations officer. He holds a MComm in economics, and Honours in economics from the University of New South Wales, Australia. Prior to joining the Australian Government, worked as a bank economist. He was awarded a public service medal in 2005 for his work on resources issues for the Australian Government.
45
Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.
Full textAbstract:
The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the study investigates the changing profile of FDI regimes in world trade. The paper reveals that China's FDI regime has embraced significant changes to attract foreign investment. Currently, the Chinese market is open yet restricted in its own regulatory environment and institutional hurdles. Investment regimes in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom continue to change to attract foreign investment that is critical to their economies. We believe that more country- and industry-specific studies are needed to investigate FDI regimes and their institutional frameworks. In today's world trade, China is particularly an interesting case study since the country aggressively attracts foreign investment while keeping its hybrid economy. Policymakers, multinational corporations (MNCs), governments, and researchers need to pay attention to today's changing FDI regimes because of growth opportunities and MNC expansion. The study provides useful discussion and meaningful implications that can be used by policy analysts and practitioners worldwide.
46
Wallis, Joanne, and Anna Powles. "Burden-sharing: the US, Australia and New Zealand alliances in the Pacific islands." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 1045–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab081.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract One of President Joseph Biden's foreign policy priorities is to ‘renew’ and ‘strengthen’ the United States' alliances, as they were perceived to have been ‘undermined’ during the Trump administration, which regularly expressed concern that allies were free-riding on the United States' military capability. Yet the broad range of threats states face in the contemporary context suggests that security assistance from allies no longer only—or even primarily—comes in the form of military capability. We consider whether there is a need to rethink understandings of how alliance relationships are managed, particularly how the goals—or strategic burdens—of alliances are understood, how allies contribute to those burdens, and how influence is exercised within alliances. We do this by analysing how the United States–Australia and Australia–New Zealand alliances operate in the Pacific islands. Our focus on the Pacific islands reflects the United States' perception that the region plays a ‘critical’ role in helping to ‘preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific region’. We conclude that these understandings need to be rethought, particularly in the Pacific islands, where meeting non-traditional security challenges such as economic, social and environmental issues, is important to advancing the United States, Australia and New Zealand's shared strategic goal of remaining the region's primary security partners and ensuring that no power hostile to their interests establishes a strategic foothold.
47
Azzqy, Andrea Abdul Rahman, and Syahrul Awal. "MENJAWAB PEMBENTUKAN AUKUS DI KAWASAN ASIA PASIFIK MENGGUNAKAN PRINSIP BEBAS AKTIF INDONESIA." Jurnal Dinamika Global 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v8i2.1890.
Full textAbstract:
The formation of the AUKUS alliance by the United States, Britain, and Australia in September 2021 concerns Indonesia in maintaining stability and security in the Asia Pacific region. As a key player, Indonesia responded to AUKUS with the principle of "Free and Active" in its foreign policy. This principle allows Indonesia to maintain relations with various powers without firm expressions of support or opposition. Indonesia continues to monitor AUKUS and adopts hedging strategies to reduce risks. This effort involves increasing military capabilities and regional cooperation. Indonesia's stance includes efforts to maintain stability, act as a mediator, and participate in international forums for the sake of peace and cooperation. An approach based on " Free and Active " helps Indonesia maintain positive relations with the United States, Britain, and China, while continuing to play an active role in the stability and security of the Asia Pacific.
48
Wijeweera, Albert, and Stuart Mounter. "AVAR Analysis of the Impacts of Company Tax Rates on Foreign Direct Investment and other Macro-economic Variables in Australia." Global Economic Review 36, no. 2 (June 2007): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080701374073.
Full text
49
Putri, Luh Putu Yeyen Karista, Miriam Imarhiagbe, I. Made Chandra Mandira, Eric Gordon Withnall, and Putu Yasodhara Sthita Brahmani Duarsa. "Comparative Analysis of Indonesia’s Minimum Capital Requirements for Foreign Direct Investment." Lex Scientia Law Review 7, no. 1 (May 30, 2023): 179–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/lesrev.v7i1.64664.
Full textAbstract:
This research seeks to examine the compatibility of the Indonesian minimum capital requirement for foreign direct investment companies (FDI) with the national treatment obligation under international investment agreements (IIAs). The requirement is compared with investment requirements under Australian and Austrian Law. This research combines the normative legal research method with law and economics by conducting cost and benefit analysis (CBA). The national treatment protects foreign investors from less favorable treatment against domestic investors. The minimum capital requirement is contrary to national treatment because it is only applicable to FDI companies. However, not every IIA involving Indonesia provide a national treatment clause. To determine violation, the two-tier test must be conducted by analyzing the scope of the obligation and applicable exception. Some IIAs provide exceptions where a state can give different treatment to foreign investors for the sake of public interest. Indonesia justifies this requirement because it gives several benefits namely preventing foreign investors from controlling vital sectors, protecting MSMEs from unfair competition, and ensuring liquidity. Nevertheless, the benefits cannot be achieved due to weak supervision. The requirement can be easily circumvented through nominee agreements. Based on CBA, the requirement creates more harm than good. It is promiscuously applied to all business fields and is more burdensome compared to investment requirements in Australia and Austria. The solution proposed is either improving supervision or adjusting the requirement to be more consistent with the national treatment. The government can also protect national interests by empowering MSMEs and using more relevant criteria.
50
Alfiano, Jofanka, Putri Hergianasari, Triesanto Romulo Simanjuntak, and Muhammad Fahmi. "Efektivitas Hubungan Kerjasama Indonesia-Australia Melalui Program Ausaid di Sektor Pendidikan Era Jokowi pada Tahun 2014-2019." Jurnal Indonesia Sosial Teknologi 3, no. 7 (July 3, 2022): 772–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/jist.v3i7.445.
Full textAbstract:
This paper will discuss how the cooperative relationship between Indonesia and Australia through AusAID resulted in various assistance programs in the education sector during the Joko Widodo era from 2014 to 2019, in which this research will look at the effectiveness of the cooperation. Indonesia has pressing problems in the education sector. This is due to the declining quality of education in Indonesia and the alarming dropout rate. Therefore, it is necessary to take steps to improve the quality of education in Indonesia, one of which is through cooperation with Australia. Bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia have existed for a long time so cooperation in the education sector between the two countries is considered to be beneficial. Indonesia has various policies in the education sector such as 9-year compulsory education and character education development. Meanwhile, Australia has a foreign policy in the field of education that focuses on assistance in improving the quality of education and direct assistance. The cooperation between Indonesia and Australia in the field of education can be seen in the implementation of programs such as the Education Partnership, Technical Assistance for Education System Strengthening, ProDEP, and Innovation for Indonesia's School Children. The cooperation program resulted in various achievements, such as the availability of educational infrastructure and facilities, improving the quality of educators and educational services, improving the curriculum for effective learning methods, as well as the accessibility of education quality in achieving gender equality and being disability-friendly. Researchers see that educational cooperation between Indonesia and Australia from 2014 to 2019 was effective in helping to overcome various educational issues in Indonesia.