Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australia : foreign relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Australia : foreign relations'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Australia : foreign relations"

1

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Davis, Alexander E., and James Blackwell. "Decolonising Australia's International Relations? A Critical Introduction." Australian Journal of Politics & History 69, no. 3 (September 2023): 405–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12947.

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Australia's international relations (IR) discipline has a deep colonial history, but has never been through a conscious process of decolonisation. Although discussions of decolonising IR have taken place elsewhere, the discussion in Australia is in its infancy. This collection examines the possibilities for decolonising Australia's IR in the present moment, looking at its teaching practice, its research, its styles of analysis, and its relationship with Australian foreign policy. We consider what is particular to Australia's settler colonial context, what is achievable, and what is not. The collection also seeks to develop a new style of anti‐colonial foreign policy analysis in Australia, looking at the relationship between colonisation, settlement, and foreign policy. In this introduction, we first look over debates on decolonisation elsewhere in the field. We then examine the historical background of Australia's IR discipline, and look at Australian Indigenous diplomacy, to consider what is specific to Australia's context. We conclude by looking over the contributions of the papers in this collection, and consider what a decolonised Australian IR might look like. Ultimately, we argue that any process of decolonisation will be extremely difficult, and that decolonisation in Australian IR should be perceived as an ongoing struggle, rather than an endpoint in itself.
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Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
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Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Fajar Oktavianto. "IMPLIKASI AUKUS TERHADAP HUBUNGAN EKONOMI AUSTRALIA DAN TIONGKOK TAHUN 2021-2022." BHUVANA: Journal of Global Studies 1, no. 2 (October 3, 2023): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i2.55.

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This research analyzes economic relations between China and Australia after Australia joined defense technology cooperation AUKUS. The United States, United Kingdom, and Australia established AUKUS to contain China in Indo-Pacific, which is the center of world economics and geopolitics today. This research, therefore, aims to discuss the impact of AUKUS towards economic relations between China and Australia in 2021 and 2022. Using a qualitative research method and Kenneth Waltz’s neorealism theory and national interest concept, the author found that Australia's foreign policy to become AUKUS member worsened its economic relations with China. In 2021, China suspended the entry of import commodities from Australia to politically retaliate Australia. By banning Australia’s commodities, China not only sought to attack Australian trade, but also defended its national interests in state sovereignty, national security, and territorial integrity.
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ZABELLA, Anastasia A., and Evgeniya Yu Katkova. "NEW TRENDS IN CHINA-AUSTRALIA RELATIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(60) (2023): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2023-4-3-60-161-171.

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The article is devoted to the latest trends in the development of Australian-Chinese relations, including the Chinese policy of the new Labor administration of Anthony Albanese. China at the turn of the 20th-21st centuries has undoubtedly become one of the key participants in the system of international relations, as well as an important player on the "Asian chessboard". In the context of the growing confrontation between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region, the attempts of the main "hawks" of world politics to create a new region - the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR), to equip Australia with nuclear submarines within the framework of the AUKUS strategic partnership, there can therefore be no doubt that the research topic is relevance. The article examines the evolution of the Australian vector in the foreign policy of the PRC, the reasons that led to the cooling of the Australian-Chinese relations and new trends in the interaction between the two countries.
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Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.

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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.
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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia : foreign relations"

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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.

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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.

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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.

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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Murphy, T. A. "The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation as an instrument of Australian foreign policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130322.

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Australia's foreign policy may be drafted in Canberra, but it is implemented in the jungles of Java and the bazaars of Dar-es-Salaam, as well as in the offices and boardrooms in Washington, London or Bonn. The aim of this sub-thesis is to examine the role of the Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) as an instrumentality for the practical implementation of Australia's foreign policy, particularly in relation to developing countries, and more specifically in the AsiaPacific Region. Towards this end a comparison and contrast will be made of two SMEC overseas projects. As well as covering some specific details, it is hoped that these two case studies will present SMEC's overseas operations in microcosm.
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Ward, Stuart. "Discordant communities : Australia, Britain and the EEC, 1956-1963." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27667.

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This work is concerned with the demise of ‘British race patriotism’ in Australian political culture in the late 19505 and early 1960s. The organic ideal of British racial community was a founding ideological pillar of Australian nationality for much of this century, yet the declining relevance of these ideas, and the emergence of a more limited, exclusive conception of Australian ‘community’ has not been adequately addressed in the existing historical literature. In many respects, the waning appeal of ‘Britishness’ in Australia was a gradual and piecemeal process, but at the level of Australian political culture the shifts in outlook and assumptions occurred surprisingly rapidly, and converged largely around a single key event; namely, the first British application for membership of the European Economic Community in the years 1961 to 1963. The Macmillan Govemment’s painful choice between the discordant communities of ‘Europe’ and the ‘the British race’ provoked a crisis of British race patriotism in Australia, and prompted long overdue reflection, discussion and debate about the changing determinants of Australian nationhood in the post-war world. This occurred, not under the impetus of an instinctive dawning of an innate and assertive Australian nationalism as is often suggested, but in reaction to the demise of British race patriotism as a viable and credible framework for the ordering of Australian loyalties, priorities and policies. In the case of Britain's EEC membership application, it is significant that the revision of sentimental assumptions took place after it had become painfully self-evident that the United Kingdom was determined to pursue national interests and a national destiny that could no longer be reconciled with the traditional conception of organic Anglo-Australian community. The tensions and contradictions between ‘sentiment’ and 'self—interest‘, long inherent in Australia's political and economic ties to Great Britain, imploded under the impetus of the Macmillan Government's EEC aspirations. Before any limited. sovereign, national community could become fully imaginable in Australian political culture, it was a necessary precondition that the wider sense of British racial community should become ‘unimaginable’.
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Prakash, Teesta. "Strategic Assessments: Aid And Bureaucracy In Australia-India Relations 1951-1989." Thesis, Griffith University, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/406976.

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India was the largest recipient of Australian aid between 1951 and 1969, but in 1969 there was a marked decrease in this aid. Yet, current literature on the Australia-India bilateral relationship argues that the relations between the two countries were tense due to differences amongst leadership and their fundamentally opposite readings of the Cold War. There is a puzzle here that why, despite the tense bilateral relations, did Australia give so much aid to India up till 1969? Moreover, why was there a decline of aid to India in 1969? While the Australia-India relationship during the Cold War has been studied extensively, their aid relationship, however, has received little attention. This thesis traces Australia’s aid to India between 1951 and 1989 to explore what factors drove Australia’s fluctuating aid to India during this period. By drawing on archival material and interviews, this thesis examines changes in the thought and practice of key Australian decision-makers over time in its aid policy. It focuses on both bureaucratic agency and interests in exploring how bureaucrats perceived the uses of Australian aid and how policy was made within the government. This thesis finds that Australian aid to India can be explained by the Donor Interest Model (DIM) as Australia’s aid to India was driven by its strategic interests during the Cold War. However, it notes a subtle but important shift in within the DIM in this case as Australia’s strategic interests changed over time from strategic altruism to promoting its economic interests. Australia’s aid to India was driven by its strategic interests that were mainly influenced by its relationship with the US. Between 1951 and 1965, making India the largest recipient was a strategic decision by Australia to keep it from falling into the Soviet influence and making India a counterweight to a rising communist China during the Cold War. The aid cut of 1969 was a result of the strategic divergence between Australia and India that had been widening since 1966. This divergence was a result of the souring of Indo-US relations over the Vietnam War as India tilted towards the Soviet Union between 1966 and 1977. Between 1978 and 1989 Australia’s aid to India was driven by its economic and trade interests as Australia’s foreign and economic policies became closely aligned in response to the changing international economic order during this period. This variation of Australia’s aid interests is an addition to the study to Australian strategic foreign policy literature. It emphasizes the role of key senior bureaucrats and diplomats in not just influencing the drivers of Australian aid to India but also the broader bilateral ties during this period. This thesis highlights how well bureaucrats mediate pressures, whether it be political, security, ministerial or even business, in trying to craft a strategic foreign policy approach.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.

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The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
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Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.

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Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand. This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology. Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks, as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans- Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
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Books on the topic "Australia : foreign relations"

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Project, ASEAN-Australia Joint Research, ed. Singapore-Australia economic relations. Kuala Lumpur [Malaysia]: ASEAN-Australia Joint Research Project, 1986.

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Australia, Parliament Senate Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade. Australia-India relations, trade, and security. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1990.

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D, Gopal, ed. Australia in the emerging global order: Evolving Australia-India relations. New Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2002.

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Australia. Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and National Archives of Australia, eds. Australia-China relations 1976, looking forward. Canberra, A.C.T.]: National Archives of Australia and the Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2007.

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Australia. Parliament. Senate. Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Trade. Perestroika: Implications for Australia-USSR relations. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1990.

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Firth, Stewart. Australia in international politics: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1999.

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Gary, Smith. Australia in the world: An introduction to Australian foreign policy. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1996.

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Barratt, Glynn. The Russians and Australia. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1988.

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Gyngell, Allan. Making Australian foreign policy. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Stuart, Harris. Implications of Taiwan-Chinese relations for Australia. Canberra, Australia: Research School of Pacific and AsianStudies, Australian National University, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australia : foreign relations"

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China." In Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Chey, Jocelyn. "Cultural Diplomacy and Foreign Interference: Some Reflections on Australia–China Relations." In Different Histories, Shared Futures, 223–39. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9191-2_13.

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "Trade and Relations with Asia." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 121–49. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_6.

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David Walton. "China and Japan in Australian Foreign Policy." In China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 355–75. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_15.

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Markovic Khaze, Nina. "China’s Changing Foreign Relations with Small and Middle Powers: A Comparative Analysis of the Cases of Australia, the Solomon Islands, and Central and East European Countries (CEEC)." In Кинески развојни изазови: промене и пројекције, 69–94. Београд: Институт за међународну политику и привреду, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_dokri.2022.ch3.

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Burchill, Scott. "Israel-Palestine: Part Two—Australian Foreign Policy and the Israel-Palestine Conflict—Avoiding the Colonialist Narrative." In Misunderstanding International Relations, 63–83. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1936-9_5.

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Sprink, Thorben, and Ralf Wilhelm. "Genome Editing in Biotech Regulations Worldwide." In A Roadmap for Plant Genome Editing, 425–35. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46150-7_25.

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AbstractSince the introduction of genome editing techniques in breeding and the first commercial products on the market, various governments or jurisdictions have attempted to clarify the legal classification of genome editing in relation to their genetic engineering regulations. Only a few countries, including Europe, fully apply their strict genetic engineering laws to genome-edited organisms or products derived from them. Most countries with liberal regulations base classification on the absence of foreign DNA in the final product (including the USA and Canada, which de facto have no specific GMO laws). Countries such as Australia and Japan have introduced subcategories when sequence templates have been used in the genome editing process. Several countries, including Europe, are in the process of revising their GMO legislation. The international legislative landscape is thus dynamic. The heterogeneity of regulatory regimes poses a challenge for international trade. This chapter summarises the status as of June 2023 and provides a brief introduction to the main legal concepts.
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Firth, Stewart. "Foreign relations, 1901–83." In Australia in International Politics, 3–29. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003114918-2.

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Twomey, Anne. "Commonwealth of Australia." In Foreign Relations in Federal Countries, 37–65. McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780773576186-004.

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"6. Indonesia’s Relations with Australia and Papua New Guinea: Security and Cultural Issues." In Indonesia's Foreign Policy under Suharto, 91–100. ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814951623-010.

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Conference papers on the topic "Australia : foreign relations"

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Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah, and Baiq Wardhani. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy: Australia Turn Back the Boats Policy under Tony Abbott." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279004770483.

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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Ahsani, Rahmatul Amalia Nur, and Baiq Wardhani. "Australian Foreign Policy Shift in China’s One Belt One Road: The Role of Small Group and Multiple Autonomous Group." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280305620567.

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Reports on the topic "Australia : foreign relations"

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Tyler, Melissa Conley. What is the effect of Australia’s new foreign relations law? East Asia Forum, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1607767208.

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Tarricone, Pina, Kemran Mestan, and Ian Teo. Building resilient education systems: A rapid review of the education in emergencies literature. Australian Council for Educational Research, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-639-0.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the vulnerabilities and inequalities of national education systems and hindered the education of millions of children globally. In response, the Global Education Monitoring (GEM) Centre, which is a long-term, strategic partnership between the Australian Council for Educational Research (ACER) and the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), undertook a rapid review of literature to support policymakers. The research has six evidence-based outcomes that can help policymakers to build resilient education systems and thereby enhance education quality and equity during emergencies. The COVID-19 emergency provided the impetus for this research, with much of the reported data associated with this pandemic. Learnings from past education in emergencies situations have informed the understandings of the impacts and implications of the COVID-19 emergency, and have been synthesised with the COVID-19 literature to inform policymakers about how to build resilient education systems. This report presents evidence relating to two main types of emergencies affecting education: natural disasters and communicable disease, and political conflicts. Both types of emergencies can also coalesce within the same education system, resulting in complex and often protracted emergencies. This review found that emergencies impact education in two main ways: endangering children’s wellbeing, and exacerbating unequal learning outcomes.
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