Academic literature on the topic 'Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives'
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Journal articles on the topic "Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives"
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Pearson, Mark, and Camille Galvin. "The Australian Parliament and press freedom in an international context." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.910.
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The article reports on a study using grounded theory methodology to track the contexts in which Australian parliamentarians used the expressions 'press freedom' and 'freedom of press' over the ten years from 1994 to 2004. It uses Parliamentry Hansard records to identify the speeches in which discussions of press freedom arose. Interestingly, the terms were used by members of the House of Representativies or Senate in just 78 speeches out of more than 180,000 over that decade. Those usages have been coded to develop a theory about the interface between press freedom and the parliament. This article reports just one aspect of the findings from the larger study—the way parliamentarians have contrasted the value of press freedom in Australia with press freedom in other countries. It is one step towards building a broader theory of press freedom in the Australian parliamentary context.
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Smith, R. F. I., and Gavin Souter. "Acts of Parliament: A Narrative History of the Senate and House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Australia." Labour History, no. 57 (1989): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508965.
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Loginova, Irina. "Creating disorder." Journal of Language and Politics 14, no. 6 (December 31, 2015): 801–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.6.04log.
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This paper investigates the effect of an upcoming election on disorderly behaviour in two Houses of Representatives: that of the Australian Federal Parliament and that of the New Zealand Parliament. Two hypotheses are tested. The first hypothesis is that, notwithstanding their common origins in the Westminster parliamentary tradition, there are significant genrelectal differences in the way the two Houses respond to the impending election. The second hypothesis is that both will respond by becoming increasingly disorderly. The locus for measuring disorderly conduct is taken from the Wednesday parliamentary Question Time for the year 2007 in the case of Australia and 2008 in the case of New Zealand. All instances of disorderly conduct were tracked and a month-by-month measure was made of each kind of disorder as indicated by Standing Orders. All responses of the Speaker to disorder were also logged. The research shows that both hypotheses are corroborated.
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Wilson, Tom, and Andrew Taylor. "Alternative methods of determining the number of House of Representatives seats for Australia’s territories." Australian Population Studies 1, no. 1 (November 19, 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37970/aps.v1i1.9.
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Background: Population size determines the number of seats each Australian state and territory is entitled to in the House of Representatives. The Northern Territory (NT) and Australian Capital Territory (ACT) were allocated two and three seats, respectively, in the August 2017 determination, but by very small margins. Both territories risk losing a seat at the next determination. This would result in them having considerably more people per member of parliament than any of the states.
Aims: This paper (1) provides modelling to support the consideration of alternative rules for determining membership entitlement to the House of Representatives which does not disadvantage the NT and ACT and (2) presents population projections for future determinations under the current and alternative rules.
Data and methods: Population projections for the states and territories were produced for three demographic scenarios. The resulting numbers of seats for the NT and ACT were calculated for each scenario under the current and proposed alternative seat entitlement rules.
Results: Under the existing rules the NT and ACT would only keep their current number of seats at the next determination if they experienced higher net in-migration than in recent years. Under the alternative seat entitlement rules suggested, the NT and ACT would be very unlikely to lose any seats and would almost certainly gain seats in ensuing decades.
Conclusions: There is a case for re-examining the way the states and territories are allocated seats in the House of Representatives.
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Fenton-Smith, Ben. "Discourse structure and political performance in adversarial parliamentary questioning." Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2008): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.1.05smi.
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One of the most high-profile and glamorous speech situations to occur in many parliamentary democracies around the world is the spectacle of Question Time. Whereas most of what goes on in parliament may be drab, perfunctory and arcane, Question Time is often dramatic, adversarial, and highly publicised. It is, generally, the only parliamentary procedure to be televised and stands out in the public mind as one of the primary tests of a politicians ability to perform. But how might this performance be judged? Strangely, there has been little systematic linguistic research into the characteristic ways in which this political theatre is stage-managed by its actors. Using the Australian federal parliament as a case study, this paper attempts to elucidate some of the patterns that emerge from a close analysis of all opposition questions directed to government members over a weeks sitting of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Utilising the tools of systemic functional grammar, recurring discourse structures are identified as standard techniques of formal interrogation between political parties.
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Timo, Nils. "Future directions for workplace bargaining and aged care under a post 2005 Howard government." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050274.
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ON THE 1ST OF JULY 2005, the Howard Government took control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate and substantial reform of the nation?s industrial relations framework is likely to proceed. In order to understand the implications of the proposed industrial relations (IR) reform agenda on aged care, it is necessary to briefly revisit the past. Historically, the ability of the Commonwealth Parliament to regulate industrial relations was construed in the context of Section 51 (xxxv) of the Australian Constitution Act 1900 (Cwlth) that enabled the Commonwealth to make laws concerning ?conciliation and arbitration and the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits of any one state?. Since 1904, the Commonwealth, with the states following shortly thereafter, established a regime of industrial tribunals responsible for third party independent conciliation and arbitration, overseeing a system of legally binding industrial awards covering wages and employment conditions. This system, in the words of one of its chief architects, Justice Higgins, ? . . . would substitute for the rude and barbarous processes of strike and lock-out?1 (page 2). By 1991, Australian wages policy gradually shifted from centralised arbitration, elevating workplace agreements to the status of government policy on both sides of politics.2 This process accelerated labour market deregulation, shifting industrial relations and human resource issues to the enterprise level.3 The shift towards workplace agreements post 1990?s was underpinned by a bold reinterpretation of Section 51 (xx) of the Constitution Act that enabled the Commonwealth to regulate the affairs of ?trading or financial corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth?, thus, by definition, including regulating employee relations of corporations. The use by the Commonwealth of these powers has extended the jurisdiction of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) to include the making and approving of certified agreements made by constitutional corporations or in settlement of an industrial dispute. Other types of employers such as sole traders, churches and charities, partnerships and unincorporated associations remained covered by state industrial jurisdictions. (On these powers of the Commonwealth, see State of
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Lestari, Rizqi Suci, Rizal Syarief, and M. Joko Affandi. "Rancang Bangun Standar Kinerja Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia." Jurnal Manajemen dan Organisasi 6, no. 3 (July 18, 2016): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jmo.v6i3.12606.
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<p align="center"><strong><em>ABSTRACT</em></strong></p><p class="Default"><em>As an attempt to support the performance and improvement of the image of the House of Representatives in carrying out their duties, it is important to establish performance standards for each member of Parliament as dominant individual running their functions. Designing performance standards for members of Parliament is a process undertaken to draw up a performance standard for the House of Representatives members. Such a process begins with job analysis of Parliament members. The results of this analysis are then used to draw up a job description and work dimensions of Parliament members, to formulate performance standards for the House of Representatives members. Application of performance standards based on these results, if applied uniformly to all members of the House of Representatives, can be used as benchmarks in assessing the performance of these Parliament members, so that it can be used as a guide in evaluating their performance according to “The Regulations of House of Represantative of Indonesian Republic No.1 Year 2014 on Codes of Conduct”.</em></p><em>Keyword:</em><em>job analysis, members of the House of Representatives, performance evaluation, performance, performance standards</em>
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Mudrák, József. "Felsőoktatási és tudományos intézmények képviselete a magyar Országgyűlés Felsőházában 1927-1944." Gerundium 9, no. 4 (March 18, 2019): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.29116/gerundium/2018/4/5.
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Representation of the Higher Educational and Scientific Institutions in the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament in 1927–1944. The Upper House, what was the second chamber of the Hungarian Parliament, was functioning between 1927 and 1944 and followed the image of the Main House (House of Magnets) before 1918, but operated in a more democratic spirit and structure. Besides the aristocrats and the leaders of the church, the representatives of the higher educational and scientific institutions, and economic organizations deserved a place. The study overviews the Upper House representation of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, universities in the capital and in the country, other scientific organizations, and other institutions of higher education, and there is enclosed a list of the representatives of the above mentioned institutions exactly to the day.
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AISSAT, Bousalham. "MOROCCAN PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY 1963-2016: A STUDY OF THE STRUCTURE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS OF PARLIAMENT." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.2-3.13.
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This study attempts to provide a legal reading in the composition of the Moroccan Parliament in light of the transformation of the contents of the constitutional history of the Kingdom of Morocco from 1963 to the year 2011, as it will focus on the organizational transformations that the first chamber of the Moroccan Parliament defined. Therefore, we will try to monitor the various elements of the development of the structure of the Moroccan House of Representatives, through a reading of the Moroccan constitutions and organizational laws, the development of power or the constitutional functions assigned to it, based on the constitutions and internal regulations of the House of Representatives. Thus, this study constitutes a reference basis for understanding the Moroccan parliamentary history, for the House of Representatives in terms of its structure and the constitutional powers assigned to it.
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Siti Fahlizah Padlee and Norlizawaty Abdu Samad. "Pengukuhan Perkhidmatan Penyelidikan Bagi Keberkesanan Parlimen." Journal of the Malaysian Parliament 3 (June 13, 2023): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54313/journalmp.v3i.84.
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The Malaysian Parliamentary Research and Library Division is a division of the Parliament Malaysia that offers research services and informational resources to parliamentary members across political parties. Strengthening the service of this research division by ensuring that accessing the research service with non-partisan, timely and facilitating quality information in providing more effectiveness of parliament as a legislative body in this country. This study explores the functions and research products introduced by this division to further strengthen its function and role in the parliamentary institution. Exploration of the similarities and differences in functions and products was also conducted involving the research section in three foreign parliaments, namely the UK Parliament, Parliament House of Australia, and New Zealand Parliament. The selection of these three countries is the main reference of Parliament Malaysia since its establishment in 1959. Data collection was done through the official websites of the House of Commons Library, Parliamentary Library-Parliament of Australia, and Parliamentary Library-New Zealand Parliament as well as written responses sent via emails by officials from the House of Commons Library, UK Parliament, Parliamentary Library, Parliament House of Australia, and Parliamentary Information Service, New Zealand Parliament. The findings showed that the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia has improved its service and competency with the addition of new products such as opinions and editorial writings in local newspaper and article journal. Furthermore, strengthening this research division also involves external participation, particularly by the academicians and civil society, in various academic activities organised by this division. The findings further suggest the need to increase the number of research officers working at the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia to meet the high workload and product output.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives"
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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.
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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.
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Pender, J. W. (James William), and n/a. "Parliamentary administration in traditional Westminister [sic] parliaments : reflections on the role of procedure and management." University of Canberra. School of Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20041206.133427.
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Loginova, Irina. "Order! Order!: an investigation into the phraseology of question time in the Australian and New Zealand houses of representatives." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/8720.
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Question Time is a distinctive daily parliamentary routine. Its aim is to hold
Ministers of the State accountable for the actions and decisions of the
Government. However, in many Parliaments, including the New Zealand and
Australian Federal Houses of Representatives, it is more of a theatrical
performance where parties try their best to score political points.
As any performance, Question Time is governed by certain rules and
regulations outlined in an official document Standing Orders. As there is not
much action, Standing Orders mainly describe language norms and specify
„unparliamentary language‟.
This research looks at and analyses the use of formulaic vocabulary used by
MPs in the year preceding general elections in New Zealand and Australia. The
formulaic language includes phrasal lexical items and formulae for asking /
answering questions, for raising points of order and the Speakers‟ idiolectal
phrasal vocabulary for quelling disorder in the Chambers and regulating the
work of the House.
The framework developed for this research consisted of the following steps: an
ethnographic study of Question Time as a communicative performance which
included the development of a database containing all the empirical material; a
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linguistic study of Question Time including genrelect study, parliamentary
formulae study and disorder analysis before the elections.
As a result this research has shown that Question Time is a communicative
performance event in New Zealand and Australia with significant cultural,
historic and linguistic differences in spite of the common origins of the two
Parliaments. It has identified 60 Question Time genre-specific phrasal lexical
items that MPs use in the two Parliaments, studied their structure and meaning
(where necessary). It has also looked at the strategies the MPs employ for
creating disorder in the House, and the ways of quelling disorder by the
Speakers of the two Parliaments.
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Baguma, Abdallah. "Women parliamentarians in Rwanda : women representatives or representing women? : a study of the Chamber of Deputies, the Lower House of the Rwandan Parliament." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192280.
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Hayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics & International Relations UNSW. "The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.
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The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.
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Burke, Christopher J. F. "Diversity or Perversity? Investigating Queer Narratives, Resistance, and Representation in Aotearoa / New Zealand, 1948-2000." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2245.
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This thesis contributes to the burgeoning field of the history of sexuality in New Zealand and seeks to distill the more theorised and reflexive understanding of the subjectively understood queer male identity since 1948. Emerging from the disciplines of History and English, this project draws from a range of narratological materials: parliamentary debates contained in Hansard, and novels and short stories written by men with publicly avowed queer identities. This thesis explores how both 'normative' identity and the category of 'the homosexual' were constructed and mobilised in the public domain, in this case, the House of Representatives. It shows that members of the House have engaged with an extensive tradition of defining and excluding; a process by which state and public discourses have constructed largely unified, negative and othering narratives of 'the homosexual'. This constitutes an overarching narrative of queer experience which, until the mid-1990s, excluded queer subjects from its construction. At the same time, fictional narratives offer an adjacent body of knowledge and thought for queer men and women. This thesis posits literature's position as an important and productive space for queer resistance and critique. Such texts typically engage with and subvert 'dominant' or 'normative' understandings of sexuality and disturb efforts to apprehend precise or linear histories of 'gay liberation' and 'gay consciousness'. Drawing from the works of Frank Sargeson, James Courage, Bill Pearson, Noel Virtue, Stevan Eldred-Grigg, and Peter Wells, this thesis argues for a revaluing of fictional narratives as active texts from which historians can construct a matrix of cultural experience, while allowing for, and explaining, the determining role such narratives play in the discursively constructed understandings of gender and sexuality in New Zealand.
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Taflaga, Marija. "Politics, Policy Development and Political Communication during Opposition:The Federal Liberal Party of Australia 1983 – 1996 and 2007– 2013." Phd thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112342.
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This thesis argues that opposition is an opportunity to study our major political parties in the ‘raw’. Parties without the support of government departments and the resources of incumbency must rely on their own internal structures and the skill set of their Senators and Members of Parliament. It is in opposition that we can truly examine and assess how well party processes function and their capabilities. The Liberal Party of Australia (LPA) represents an interesting case study for parties in opposition because its inexperience at opposition offer political scientists a rare opportunity to observe a party attempting to learn new skill sets. Through an historical comparative study this thesis examines the LPA (and to some extent its coalition partner) in opposition between 1983-1996 and 2007-2013. It examines how, over time, the LPA attempted to prepare itself for government by examining its approach parliament, internal party management, its policy-making processes and political communication strategies. The study draws on several methodological approaches in order to triangulate results — interviews with key actors, private papers maintained by leading Liberal party actors, as well as publicly available documentation and media reports.
This study finds that the practice of opposition in intensely political, contrary to most common conceptualisations in the literature. It argues for a more complex understanding of the LPA’s leadership ethos — one that recognises the expectations of shadow ministers and the backbench and the reciprocal nature of the leadership in the LPA. The study also finds evidence of increasing professionalism in the LPA’s use of media since 1983 and the mediatisation of politics. It explores why political parties become mediatised, arguing that the reason lies in party actors’ assumptions about what will help them capture office.
The study argues that for most of the 1980s, the LPA aspired to be a credible alternative government and a constructive opposition with thought-out policy proposals. Policy was central to political actors’ assumptions about effective political communication, even if it struggled to achieve this and its resources often proved inadequate to the task. Not until losing the ‘unlosable election’ in 1993 did the LPA abandon policy advocacy as its idealised key strategy for attempting to win office. By contrast, the opposition between 2007 and 2013 (and particularly 2010 to 2013) pursued an overwhelmingly negative approach to opposition designed to destroy the Gillard government’s credibility rather than build up its own.Political actors’ assumptions about the purpose of policy had dramatically altered. Policy was no longer a vital tool to build-up credibility and win office. Instead, actors believed that strategically managing issues in the media was more important. As a result of the hung parliament and the lessons learned from the 1980s, the emphasis of the post-2007 Opposition had shifted to capturing office, because this was considered the most effective way to make political change.
Thus, the study demonstrates how the party became increasingly mediatised between 1983 and 1996 and argues that between 2007 and 2013 that the party had internalised ‘media logics’ to the extent where the opposition invested only minimally in policy development during this period and political success was used as a justification for limiting the amount of information given to voters about their intentions for government. This study raises important implications about whether or not parties are adequately preparing for government in opposition.
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Elder, David R. "The social construction of Aboriginal fringe-dwellers." Master's thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116806.
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Since the early days of the colonization of
Australia, governments have established commissions and
committes of inquiry to investigate and to provide them
with advice about solutions to the Aboriginal 'problem'.'
These inquiries, as Woenne notes, have also had an
educative aspect, informing the general public of the 'true
state of affairs' of the Aboriginal situation, (woenne
1979:324-56) The passing of the 1967 referendum and the
establishment of Aboriginals as an issue of public interest
has seen an increasing reliance by governments on the
advisory and educative functions of such inquiries. Current
policies of self-determination and self-management have
contributed to this trend as governments have established
inquiries to consult with Aborigines and provide them with
advice that ostensibly reflects Aboriginal needs and
desires. Despite this trend there are few studies of such
inquiries. (Woenne 1979 and Australian Institute of
Aboriginal Studies 1984) This thesis is about one of these
inquiries, that of the House of Representatives Standing
Committed on Aboriginal Affairs into fringe-dwelling
Aboriginal communities.
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Saw, John. "Industrial relations theory and practice : the building of the new parliament house." Master's thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/131875.
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This study looks at the theory of industrial relations as it
applies to the building and construction industry in
Australia . It does so by looking at both the macro and micro
levels . For the latter the building of Australia' s New
Parliament House was chosen as the basic case study . The
study does not deal with the complete project -for at the time
of writing there were a -further two years of work; to go before
completion . It does however deal with the crucial years up to
the end of 1995 which saw the labour -force grow -from a few
workers to 1,500 .
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Miller, Harrison. "Parliament at War: Partisan Conflict in Parliamentary System of Government during periods of National Crisis." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/101480.
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The official parliamentary Opposition serves an
important accountability function when it scrutinises the actions
of the Government. Yet during periods of national crisis, such as
war, the expectations surrounding how the Opposition ought to
perform this role seem altered. In response, this thesis examines
how periods of national crisis influence the partisan conflict of
parliamentary discourse in the context of the Australian
Commonwealth Parliament. Partisan conflict is initially
quantified by House of Representatives voting divisions, with a
mean comparison analysis comparing the frequency of divisions
during periods of known crisis. A significant diminution of
partisan conflict is observed during these periods of crisis.
This inverse relationship between crises and partisan conflict is
further examined in two case studies: the First World War and the
Second World War. Media content analysis of the Sydney Morning
Herald, and qualitative content analysis of parliamentary debate
is undertaken. The outcome of this multi-method approach is to
demonstrate a robust inverse relationship between national crises
and partisan conflict, such that, as the sense of national crisis
increases, the degree of partisan conflict decreases. It is
concluded that this relationship reflects a positive capacity for
bipartisanship when the situation requires.
Books on the topic "Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives"
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Representatives, Australia Parliament House of. House of Representatives practice. 4th ed. Canberra: Dept. of the House of Representatives, 2001.
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Commission, Australia Constitutional. Nexus between the Senate and the House of Representatives. [St. James, NSW]: The Commission, 1986.
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Newman, G. House of Representatives by-elections 1949-1994. Canberra: Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1994.
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Commission, Australian Electoral, and Australian Electoral Commission. 1994 redistribution of Victoria into electoral divisions: Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, section 75. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1995.
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Gary, Brown. Index to parliamentary questions on defence. Canberra, Australia: Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1989.
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Newman, G. Federal elections, 1984. [Canberra]: Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1986.
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Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives. Committee of Privileges. Report on letter of 6 September 1990 from Mr. A. Elder of Dunhill, Madden, Butler to the honourable member for Corio. [Canberra]: Commonwealth of Australia, 1990.
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Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives. Standing Committee on Procedure. The standing orders governing the conduct of Committees of the House 35th Parliament, sixth report. [Canberra]: The Committee, 1989.
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Procedure, Australia Parliament House of Representatives Standing Committee on. Ten years on: A review of the House of Representatives Committee system. Canberra: The Parliament, 1998.
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Televising, Australia Parliament House of Representatives Select Committee on. The eyes have it!: Inquiry into the televising of the House of Representatives and its committees : report of the House of Representatives Select Committee on Televising. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1991.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives"
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Mulugeta, Mercy Fekadu. "The Council of Representatives and House of Peoples' Representatives in Post-1991 Ethiopia." In Parliament in Ethiopia, 68–90. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003293163-4.
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Mulugeta, Mercy Fekadu. "Socioeconomic Factors Affecting the Public Participation and Attitude Towards the House of People's Representatives, Ethiopia." In Parliament in Ethiopia, 124–50. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003293163-7.
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Beyen, Marnix. "The Men of 1830: Remembering the National Congress in the Belgian House of Representatives, 1844–1930." In The Ideal of Parliament in Europe since 1800, 61–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27705-5_4.
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Dowding, Keith, Patrick Leslie, and Marija Taflaga. "Australia." In The Politics of Legislative Debates, 130–51. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849063.003.0008.
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This chapter examines speeches in the Australian House of Representatives from 1990-2019. Our findings are primarily determined by the nature of Australia’s Westminster-style system, where the government tends to dominate proceedings. We find strong party effects, government versus opposition effects, and strong ministerial effects on the amount and duration of speeches. The descriptive statistics demonstrate that women and less experienced parliamentarians speak less than male and experienced ones. The gender effect also holds when controlling for ministerial selection. The latter is likely to be explained by men being given more important and prestigious ministerial portfolios. We also find that opposition MPs speak more on average than non-ministers on the government side. However, that is mostly a statistical artifact of their necessarily being fewer opposition MPs, but the rules give both sides of the House approximately equal time to speak. While both gender and seniority are predictive of how much people speak, this is mediated by the fact ministers speak more.
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Faragher, Colin. "7. Parliament and the legislative process." In Public Law Concentrate. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198803898.003.0007.
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Each Concentrate revision guide is packed with essential information, key cases, revision tips, exam Q&As, and more. Concentrates show you what to expect in a law exam, what examiners are looking for, and how to achieve extra marks. This chapter first describes the UK legislature. The legislature of the UK is the Queen in Parliament. Parliament is bicameral, meaning that, apart from the Queen, there are two legislative chambers called the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The House of Lords—composed of life peers, senior bishops, and some hereditary peers—protects the constitution, and initiates and revises legislation. The House of Commons—composed of constituency representatives organized on party lines under the whip system—is the principal legislative chamber and plays a significant role in scrutinizing the executive. The discussion then turns to the legislative process, covering electoral law, alternative voting systems, and the devolution of the legislative function including the Wales Act 2017.
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Faragher, Colin. "7. Parliament and the legislative process." In Public Law Concentrate, 88–110. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198840527.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
Each Concentrate revision guide is packed with essential information, key cases, revision tips, exam Q&As, and more. Concentrates show you what to expect in a law exam, what examiners are looking for, and how to achieve extra marks. This chapter first describes the UK legislature. The legislature of the UK is the Queen in Parliament. Parliament is bicameral, meaning that, apart from the Queen, there are two legislative chambers called the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The House of Lords—composed of life peers, senior bishops, and some hereditary peers—is guardian of the constitution through the work of the House of Lords Constitution Committee and protects the constitution and initiates and revises legislation. The House of Commons—composed of constituency representatives organized on party lines under the whip system—is the principal legislative chamber and plays a significant role in scrutinizing the executive. The discussion then turns to the legislative process, covering electoral law, alternative voting systems, and the devolution of the legislative function including the Wales Act 2017.
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John, Peter. "3. Debating Politics and Making Laws." In British Politics, 63–97. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198840626.003.0003.
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This chapter evaluates the institution of the UK Parliament, where parliamentarians have a chance to debate issues of the day and to make laws. It reviews classic arguments about the power of Parliament in relation to the executive, before looking at the role of the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The account is still influenced by the Westminster system of government, whereby the executive in the form of the government is sustained in power by having a majority in the House of Commons. The chapter then considers what Members of Parliament (MPs) and other representatives do in office, and how their behaviour links to other features of the political process, such as public opinion and constituency interests. It also compares other legislatures, such as the Scottish Parliament, with the UK Parliament.
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Shephard, Mark, and Jack Simson Caird. "18. The Role of a Backbench MP." In Exploring Parliament. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198788430.003.0018.
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This chapter considers the nature and roles of backbench Members of Parliament (MPs) as well as their impact and influence, placing emphasis on the Backbench Business Committee. The term ‘backbench’ refers to where the MPs or peers sit in the House of Commons — behind those with either ministerial frontbench or shadow ministerial frontbench positions. The definition of a backbencher holds in many other parliamentary systems where the executive is drawn from the legislative branch (for example, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia). However, emphasis on the role of backbenchers might vary depending on the parliamentary system. The chapter discusses the role of backbenchers in the UK Parliament, such as supporting their party; scrutinizing government; representing and furthering the interests of their constituency and constituents; contributing to policy development; and promotion of public understanding.
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Kreppel, Amie. "Understanding the European Parliament from a Federalist Perspective: The Legislatures of the United States and European Union Compared." In Comparative Federalism: The European Union and the United States in Comparative Perspective, 245–71. Oxford University PressOxford, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199291106.003.0011.
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Abstract The US Congress is frequently referred to as the most influential democratic legislature in the world (Laundy 1989; Olson 1994; Davidson and Oleszek 1998; Lijphart 1999), while the European Parliament (EP) is often begrudged even its status as a functioning parliament (Westlake 1994; McCormick 1999). Yet a careful comparison of them reveals some unexpected similarities. In terms of its internal organization, partisan voting patterns and policymaking roles the EP resembles the American House of Representatives more than its national European counterparts.
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De Winter, Lieven, and Wouter Wolfs. "Policy analysis in the Belgian legislatures: the marginal role of a structurally weak parliament in a partitocracy with no scientific and political tradition of policy analysis." In Policy Analysis in Belgium. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447317258.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the formal existence and actual use of resources relevant for policy analysis that individual parliamentarians, parliamentary groups and the parliament, as a whole, have at their disposal in the federal House of Representatives, the Flemish and the Walloon parliament since the mid-1990s. The use and effectiveness of these comparatively meagre resources are strongly constrained by the structural need of majority MPs and groups to offer continuous and unconditional support to inherently unstable coalition governments composed of four to six parties.
Conference papers on the topic "Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives"
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Saeed, Kurdistan, and Chawan Salah. "Electoral systems applied to the Iraqi parliament elections after 2003 (comparative analytical study)." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp277-289.
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This study deals with the electoral systems applied in Iraq after 2003 for the Iraqi Parliament elections. The issue's importance lies in the fact that elections are the legitimate means adopted by modern political systems based on the separation of powers. Therefore, after changing the political system in Iraq in 2003 from a one-party system to a democratic parliamentary system, the permanent constitution of 2005 granted the right to political participation for citizens. Including the right to participate in elections through nomination or candidacy for the Iraqi Council of Representatives, this study examines the electoral systems applied after 2003 and the reasons for the instability of the Iraqi parliament elections on a specific law. The study dealt with the types of electoral systems by focusing on the concept and emergence of elections and the most critical electoral systems adopted by political systems. Furthermore, the electoral systems applied after 2003 in the Iraqi parliament elections by focusing on the electoral laws or their amendments that preceded each electoral cycle since 2003 until now. The study concluded that the electoral system in Iraq was not legally stable; several amendments have been made to the laws regulating the elections for the House of Representatives. So the two elections did not repeat under one law because of political parties' criticism leveled at it. Moreover, the attempt by the large parliamentary blocs, through their control of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, to legislate laws that limit the victory of the blocs and small parties.
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ابراهيم عزيز حسين, لمى. "Genocide in Halabja." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/8.
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"Halabja: It is an Iraqi city located in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, near the Iranian border, about 8-10 miles away, 150 miles away from Baghdad and located in the southeast of the city of Sulaymaniyah. It is one of the important cities that contains many mosques, shrines and shrines. In 1985, this city was subjected to the former regime's aerial bombardment, where more than 450 Kurdish villages were bombed, 300 citizens executed within one month, and internationally prohibited chemical weapons were used. The Iraqi regime’s violations of human rights continued to reach their climax in 1988, which was known as the Halabja events, which will be the subject of our research, the Halabja massacre, which took place at the end of the first Gulf War or what is known as the Iran-Iraq war from 16-17 March 1988, the killing of Kurdish civilians and the use of chemical weapons against them and the effects of a war The first Gulf and the breach of the international treaty through the use of chemical weapons that are banned internationally, as well as international reports on human rights violations in Halabja, which left about 5,000 martyrs, most of whom are residents of the region, and we will also clarify who is responsible for the events of Halabja, and the truth can be highlighted through documents and evidence The editorial in the Halabja case, where these documents included information about chemical weapons in handwriting and not in a printer to evade responsibility. The document talks about the production and accumulation of chemical agents by the former regime and the intention of the former regime to strike them when necessary, in addition to other documents that we will address through the research, There is also an appendix with the names of a number of companies involved in supplying the government at that time with unconventional weapons, including missile weapons and other weapons Chemical materials and advanced technology, and this is very clear in the violation of human rights by extremely barbaric repressive methods and means, and northern Iraq has become the scene of these crimes that have been circulated between international press agencies and television screens, articles, photos and documentaries expressing the horror of the calamity and the magnitude of the tragedy. Well-known international documents and documents and what Halabja has been exposed to are classified within the concept of genocide wars. This type of war is not attended by all international laws and segments only, but also the simplest rules of behavior and human and civilized interaction between people belonging to the human race. We will also show the issue of Halabja in the corridors of the Iraqi Parliament, which was during the session on 7/3/2011 of the second electoral cycle, the first legislative year, the second legislative term in the Iraqi Council of Representatives, held in Baghdad, by submitting a proposal to the Council of Representatives regarding the position of the House of Representatives regarding the crime of bombing Halabja with chemical weapons. In conclusion, I hope you will like this summary."