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1
Pearson, Mark, and Camille Galvin. "The Australian Parliament and press freedom in an international context." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.910.
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The article reports on a study using grounded theory methodology to track the contexts in which Australian parliamentarians used the expressions 'press freedom' and 'freedom of press' over the ten years from 1994 to 2004. It uses Parliamentry Hansard records to identify the speeches in which discussions of press freedom arose. Interestingly, the terms were used by members of the House of Representativies or Senate in just 78 speeches out of more than 180,000 over that decade. Those usages have been coded to develop a theory about the interface between press freedom and the parliament. This article reports just one aspect of the findings from the larger study—the way parliamentarians have contrasted the value of press freedom in Australia with press freedom in other countries. It is one step towards building a broader theory of press freedom in the Australian parliamentary context.
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Smith, R. F. I., and Gavin Souter. "Acts of Parliament: A Narrative History of the Senate and House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Australia." Labour History, no. 57 (1989): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508965.
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Loginova, Irina. "Creating disorder." Journal of Language and Politics 14, no. 6 (December 31, 2015): 801–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.6.04log.
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This paper investigates the effect of an upcoming election on disorderly behaviour in two Houses of Representatives: that of the Australian Federal Parliament and that of the New Zealand Parliament. Two hypotheses are tested. The first hypothesis is that, notwithstanding their common origins in the Westminster parliamentary tradition, there are significant genrelectal differences in the way the two Houses respond to the impending election. The second hypothesis is that both will respond by becoming increasingly disorderly. The locus for measuring disorderly conduct is taken from the Wednesday parliamentary Question Time for the year 2007 in the case of Australia and 2008 in the case of New Zealand. All instances of disorderly conduct were tracked and a month-by-month measure was made of each kind of disorder as indicated by Standing Orders. All responses of the Speaker to disorder were also logged. The research shows that both hypotheses are corroborated.
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Wilson, Tom, and Andrew Taylor. "Alternative methods of determining the number of House of Representatives seats for Australia’s territories." Australian Population Studies 1, no. 1 (November 19, 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37970/aps.v1i1.9.
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Background: Population size determines the number of seats each Australian state and territory is entitled to in the House of Representatives. The Northern Territory (NT) and Australian Capital Territory (ACT) were allocated two and three seats, respectively, in the August 2017 determination, but by very small margins. Both territories risk losing a seat at the next determination. This would result in them having considerably more people per member of parliament than any of the states.
Aims: This paper (1) provides modelling to support the consideration of alternative rules for determining membership entitlement to the House of Representatives which does not disadvantage the NT and ACT and (2) presents population projections for future determinations under the current and alternative rules.
Data and methods: Population projections for the states and territories were produced for three demographic scenarios. The resulting numbers of seats for the NT and ACT were calculated for each scenario under the current and proposed alternative seat entitlement rules.
Results: Under the existing rules the NT and ACT would only keep their current number of seats at the next determination if they experienced higher net in-migration than in recent years. Under the alternative seat entitlement rules suggested, the NT and ACT would be very unlikely to lose any seats and would almost certainly gain seats in ensuing decades.
Conclusions: There is a case for re-examining the way the states and territories are allocated seats in the House of Representatives.
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Fenton-Smith, Ben. "Discourse structure and political performance in adversarial parliamentary questioning." Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2008): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.1.05smi.
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One of the most high-profile and glamorous speech situations to occur in many parliamentary democracies around the world is the spectacle of Question Time. Whereas most of what goes on in parliament may be drab, perfunctory and arcane, Question Time is often dramatic, adversarial, and highly publicised. It is, generally, the only parliamentary procedure to be televised and stands out in the public mind as one of the primary tests of a politicians ability to perform. But how might this performance be judged? Strangely, there has been little systematic linguistic research into the characteristic ways in which this political theatre is stage-managed by its actors. Using the Australian federal parliament as a case study, this paper attempts to elucidate some of the patterns that emerge from a close analysis of all opposition questions directed to government members over a weeks sitting of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Utilising the tools of systemic functional grammar, recurring discourse structures are identified as standard techniques of formal interrogation between political parties.
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Timo, Nils. "Future directions for workplace bargaining and aged care under a post 2005 Howard government." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050274.
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ON THE 1ST OF JULY 2005, the Howard Government took control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate and substantial reform of the nation?s industrial relations framework is likely to proceed. In order to understand the implications of the proposed industrial relations (IR) reform agenda on aged care, it is necessary to briefly revisit the past. Historically, the ability of the Commonwealth Parliament to regulate industrial relations was construed in the context of Section 51 (xxxv) of the Australian Constitution Act 1900 (Cwlth) that enabled the Commonwealth to make laws concerning ?conciliation and arbitration and the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits of any one state?. Since 1904, the Commonwealth, with the states following shortly thereafter, established a regime of industrial tribunals responsible for third party independent conciliation and arbitration, overseeing a system of legally binding industrial awards covering wages and employment conditions. This system, in the words of one of its chief architects, Justice Higgins, ? . . . would substitute for the rude and barbarous processes of strike and lock-out?1 (page 2). By 1991, Australian wages policy gradually shifted from centralised arbitration, elevating workplace agreements to the status of government policy on both sides of politics.2 This process accelerated labour market deregulation, shifting industrial relations and human resource issues to the enterprise level.3 The shift towards workplace agreements post 1990?s was underpinned by a bold reinterpretation of Section 51 (xx) of the Constitution Act that enabled the Commonwealth to regulate the affairs of ?trading or financial corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth?, thus, by definition, including regulating employee relations of corporations. The use by the Commonwealth of these powers has extended the jurisdiction of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission (AIRC) to include the making and approving of certified agreements made by constitutional corporations or in settlement of an industrial dispute. Other types of employers such as sole traders, churches and charities, partnerships and unincorporated associations remained covered by state industrial jurisdictions. (On these powers of the Commonwealth, see State of
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Lestari, Rizqi Suci, Rizal Syarief, and M. Joko Affandi. "Rancang Bangun Standar Kinerja Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia." Jurnal Manajemen dan Organisasi 6, no. 3 (July 18, 2016): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jmo.v6i3.12606.
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<p align="center"><strong><em>ABSTRACT</em></strong></p><p class="Default"><em>As an attempt to support the performance and improvement of the image of the House of Representatives in carrying out their duties, it is important to establish performance standards for each member of Parliament as dominant individual running their functions. Designing performance standards for members of Parliament is a process undertaken to draw up a performance standard for the House of Representatives members. Such a process begins with job analysis of Parliament members. The results of this analysis are then used to draw up a job description and work dimensions of Parliament members, to formulate performance standards for the House of Representatives members. Application of performance standards based on these results, if applied uniformly to all members of the House of Representatives, can be used as benchmarks in assessing the performance of these Parliament members, so that it can be used as a guide in evaluating their performance according to “The Regulations of House of Represantative of Indonesian Republic No.1 Year 2014 on Codes of Conduct”.</em></p><em>Keyword:</em><em>job analysis, members of the House of Representatives, performance evaluation, performance, performance standards</em>
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Mudrák, József. "Felsőoktatási és tudományos intézmények képviselete a magyar Országgyűlés Felsőházában 1927-1944." Gerundium 9, no. 4 (March 18, 2019): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.29116/gerundium/2018/4/5.
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Representation of the Higher Educational and Scientific Institutions in the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament in 1927–1944. The Upper House, what was the second chamber of the Hungarian Parliament, was functioning between 1927 and 1944 and followed the image of the Main House (House of Magnets) before 1918, but operated in a more democratic spirit and structure. Besides the aristocrats and the leaders of the church, the representatives of the higher educational and scientific institutions, and economic organizations deserved a place. The study overviews the Upper House representation of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, universities in the capital and in the country, other scientific organizations, and other institutions of higher education, and there is enclosed a list of the representatives of the above mentioned institutions exactly to the day.
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AISSAT, Bousalham. "MOROCCAN PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY 1963-2016: A STUDY OF THE STRUCTURE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL POWERS OF PARLIAMENT." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.2-3.13.
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This study attempts to provide a legal reading in the composition of the Moroccan Parliament in light of the transformation of the contents of the constitutional history of the Kingdom of Morocco from 1963 to the year 2011, as it will focus on the organizational transformations that the first chamber of the Moroccan Parliament defined. Therefore, we will try to monitor the various elements of the development of the structure of the Moroccan House of Representatives, through a reading of the Moroccan constitutions and organizational laws, the development of power or the constitutional functions assigned to it, based on the constitutions and internal regulations of the House of Representatives. Thus, this study constitutes a reference basis for understanding the Moroccan parliamentary history, for the House of Representatives in terms of its structure and the constitutional powers assigned to it.
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Siti Fahlizah Padlee and Norlizawaty Abdu Samad. "Pengukuhan Perkhidmatan Penyelidikan Bagi Keberkesanan Parlimen." Journal of the Malaysian Parliament 3 (June 13, 2023): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54313/journalmp.v3i.84.
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The Malaysian Parliamentary Research and Library Division is a division of the Parliament Malaysia that offers research services and informational resources to parliamentary members across political parties. Strengthening the service of this research division by ensuring that accessing the research service with non-partisan, timely and facilitating quality information in providing more effectiveness of parliament as a legislative body in this country. This study explores the functions and research products introduced by this division to further strengthen its function and role in the parliamentary institution. Exploration of the similarities and differences in functions and products was also conducted involving the research section in three foreign parliaments, namely the UK Parliament, Parliament House of Australia, and New Zealand Parliament. The selection of these three countries is the main reference of Parliament Malaysia since its establishment in 1959. Data collection was done through the official websites of the House of Commons Library, Parliamentary Library-Parliament of Australia, and Parliamentary Library-New Zealand Parliament as well as written responses sent via emails by officials from the House of Commons Library, UK Parliament, Parliamentary Library, Parliament House of Australia, and Parliamentary Information Service, New Zealand Parliament. The findings showed that the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia has improved its service and competency with the addition of new products such as opinions and editorial writings in local newspaper and article journal. Furthermore, strengthening this research division also involves external participation, particularly by the academicians and civil society, in various academic activities organised by this division. The findings further suggest the need to increase the number of research officers working at the Research and Library Division of the Parliament of Malaysia to meet the high workload and product output.
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Prawata, Albertus. "Gedung Parlemen Australia dari Sudut Pandang Konsep Perancangan." ComTech: Computer, Mathematics and Engineering Applications 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/comtech.v1i2.2655.
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This paper explores the design concept of the Australian Parliament House in Canberra, Australia, which is achieved by international design competition won by Romaldo Giurgola. As a foreigner, his achievement winning the international competition for the new Australian Parliament House was remarkable. He was successfully applied the historic and symbolic values from the early Canberra master plan by Walter and Marion Griffin into his work, and he was also influenced by other architect’s works such as Louis Khan.
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Gronsky, A. "Parliamentary and Municipal Elections in Belarus." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2024): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2024-1-67-77.
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The article describes the preparations for the elections to the upper house of the Belarusian Parliament – the House of Representatives of the National Assembly and local councils of all levels in February 2024. After the last presidential election in 2020 and the mass protests that followed, the constitution and the electoral code were changed in Belarus. The 2024 elections were the first to be held under the new legislation. Belarus invited observers to the elections only from friendly countries and international organizations. EU observers loyal to the Belarusian regime were also invited. The Belarusian opposition failed to create serious obstacles to the holding of elections. A number of media personalities have joined the House of Representatives, which should increase the information activity of the new parliament.
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Subroto, Wandi. "RECONSTRUCTION REGULATION OF AUTHORITY OF LEGISLATIVE MEMBER IN PREVENTING CRIMINAL CRIMINAL ACCOUNT BASED ON JUSTICE VALUES." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 4, no. 3 (December 15, 2017): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v4i3.2330.
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The House of Representatives is a central legislative body that represents the people in parliament. The authority of each legislative member and as an institution has been regulated by legislation. The authority of the House of Representatives as an institution is huge, and the great power tends to be misused, such as committing a criminal act of corruption. Corruption is a crime that is very detrimental to the state's finances and hinders the government to prosper its people, then a justice-based arrangement is needed to prevent corruption within The House of Repre-sentatives as a legislative body.
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Hidayaturrahman, Mohammad, Edy Purwanto, Astriana Sinaga, Ahmad Ubaid, Widya Wardhani, and Anak Sugiantiningsih. "Public expectations towards the roles of the Indonesian house of representatives." Jurnal Studi Komunikasi (Indonesian Journal of Communications Studies) 8, no. 1 (March 29, 2024): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25139/jsk.v8i1.7432.
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Abstract The People's Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) plays an important role in a democratic country, functioning as a means of control for the government in office. With its authority to make laws, set budgets, and supervise government administration, the People's Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia has a strong position. This research was conducted to understand and analyse the public's perception of the DPR RI in its role. This research uses quantitative descriptive methods. Data was collected using questionnaires from respondents in 26 provinces, consisting of 71 cities and regencies in Indonesia from 2019 to 2022. This study discovered that most Indonesian people see a role for the People's Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia and that they hope that the DPR will continue to work to create legislation and oversee the government. The existence of the People's Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia is still of interest to the citizens of the Republic of Indonesia. So far, the ministry has only used mass media as a means of communication and political information. In the future, the parliament needs to use social media, as well as institutional websites, including video conferences and live streaming as a means of political communication in the era of digital democracy. To establish the groundwork, communication will not only be one-way but also two-way between parliament and the public, as well as between the public and parliament.
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Petrov, Yu, and N. Grigoriev. "Representative role of the Federation Council in the political system of Russia (on the example of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia)." Transbaikal State University Journal 27, no. 9 (2021): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-9-80-87.
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The article examines the functioning of the upper house of the parliament of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the Federation Council in the context of federal relations. In the developed federations of the world, the principle of bicameralism is implemented, in which the interests of the regions are represented in the upper house of parliament. The formation mechanisms differ, when in some countries direct elections of senators by the population take place, or the practice of appointment from above is in effect. The main idea of the Senates lies in the principle of regional representation, in the ideas of separation of the branches of power and checks and balances. In Russia in the 1990s during the period of decentralized federalism, there was a strengthening of the regions, including in parliament. Heads of regions and chairmen of regional parliaments received seats in the Federation Council. Centralization of Russian federalism in the 2000s changed the formation mechanism, in which the regions appointed their representatives for the seats of the senators. The representative role was somewhat weakened, in which many senators were not associated with the regions. In recent years, there has been a policy of changing the role of the upper house of parliament, and a new formation system is emerging. The idea of amendments to the Constitution is aimed at strengthening the role of the Federation Council in the system of separation of powers. Representation of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) in the Federation Council also depends on the development of federal relations. The heads of the subjects who have resigned receive the seats of senators, and the regional parliament appoints its representatives. Such a formation system somewhat weakens the institution of parliament. A system in which direct elections of senators by the population take place looks more effective
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Sigiro, Atnike Nova. "Strengthening Substantive Representation of Women through the Engagement Model of the Women’s Movement with the DPR and DPRD in Indonesia." Jurnal Perempuan 24, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i2.324.
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Although it has not yet reached an ideal composition, the adoption of a 30% quota of women in elections in Indonesia has increased the number of women in parliament, both at the central level (House of Representative/DPR) and at the regional level (Regional House of Representatives/DPRD). However, the issue of women’s representation in parliament is not only a matter of representation based on sex, but also of substantive representation, where women’s political agenda can be voiced. One of the concepts developed by feminist thinking is the concept of critical actors. This article seeks to explain how women’s organizations and parliamentarians are critical actors that encourage women’s involvement with parliament. This article explains how the involvement between women’s organizations and parliament can strengthen the substantive representation of women in both the DPR and the DPRD. The article is developed based on studies on engagement models of MAMPU’s partners with the DPR and DPRD.
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Alkadri, Riska. "Role of the Regional Representatives Council on Bicameral Parliament System." Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies 1, no. 1 (August 15, 2017): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jils.v1i01.16564.
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After third amendment of the Constitution of 1945 (UUD 1945), the Regional Representatives Council (DPD) has been formulated. The amendment directly changed the parliamentary system in Indonesia, from unicameral into bicameral. The authorities of DPD in bicameral system still not clear enough. Although it is stipulated on Article 22D of UUD 1945, the authorities is still limited if compared with House of Representatives (DPR). This paper would discuss and examine the role of regional representative council as a second chamber from representative board in Indonesian. The paper would distinguish beside the authorities also the mechanism applied by DPD and DPR.
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Anggono, Bayu Dwi, and Fahmi Ramadhan Firdaus. "The House of Representatives’ Role in Guarding Government Policies to Resolve the Covid-19 Pandemic According to the 1945 Constitution." Fiat Justisia: Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 15, no. 4 (June 30, 2021): 347–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25041/fiatjustisia.v15no4.2314.
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The responsibility to handle the Covid-19 Pandemic is not only carried out by the President as the highest leader of the government, but also the House of Representatives which holds the legislative branch of power, so far the public has questioned the seriousness of Parliament in handle the Pandemic, through its functions should be able to assist and especially to monitoring policy government to work together to handle this pandemic and as an effort to prevent potential abuse of power. The writing of this article uses the Juridical Normative method which will produce recommendations on how the House of Representatives should optimize its function during the Covid-19 Pandemic.
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Arivia, Gadis, and Nurulfatmi Amzy. "Rejection on Gender Equality Draft Legislation: a Neglect against Indonesian Women’s Cultural History." Jurnal Perempuan 20, no. 3 (August 1, 2015): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v20i3.46.
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The study examine Gender Equality and Justice bill (RUU KKG) debate in the parliament and why it failed or being postponed by the House of Representatives in 2014. Are religious views play a significant role in rejecting the bill? Or is KKG bill loaded with Western ideology and interests? Why are political parties reluctant to fight for women’s equality ? These are the questions explored in this study. The study also shows the lack of understanding of the history of Indonesian women’s movement and culture in the parliament.
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Kosasih, Ade, Sirajuddin M, Fauzan Fauzan, and Henderi Kusmidi. "Strengthening the Indonesian Bicameral Parliament: Siyasah Dusturiyah Perspective." Al-Istinbath: Jurnal Hukum Islam 9, no. 1 (May 30, 2024): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/jhi.v9i1.10047.
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This research aims at finding a strategy to strengthen Indonesia's bicameral parliament. It is a parliamentary system consisting of an Upper House and a Lower House. The Upper House, Regional Representative Council (DPD), represents certain groups or regions, and the Lower House, House of Representatives (DPR), represents national interests. Ideally the position of the DPR and DPD is in an equal position, however the DPD arrangements in the constitution have a power but do not reflect the bicameral principle. If left unchecked, it can trigger regional dissatisfaction which threatens the disintegration of the nation. This research employed normative juridical research methods with a conceptual and statutory approach. The result showed that the DPD has made efforts to strengthen it through al-sutha al tasyri'iyah (formal amendments) but failed. Moreover, the DPD has also carried out legal reviews by the Constitutional Court (judicial review) but the results have not been significant. The most realistic way to strengthen the DPD and has never been used before is through a constitutional political strategy (siyasah dusturiyah) to create constitutional conventions by vetoing draft laws whose decisions are made without involving the DPD. Therefore, the Indonesian parliamentary system can run in the double check system and check and balance paradigm in maintaining democracy and regional autonomy. Thus, if the DPD has a strong bargaining position in parliament then the goal of forming a strong bicameral parliament can be established.
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آل مصطفى, أحمد إبراهيم. "The impact of representatives of Iraqi religious minorities in discussions." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 26 (May 17, 2016): 431–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2015/v1.i26.6139.
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The arrival of minority representatives during the reign of King Faisal I to the dome of the parliament depended on their closeness to the royal court, and because the constitution specified eight seats for them in each electoral cycle, their presence became a foregone conclusion, and these were distinguished by their high cultural levels and their descent from ancient families who practiced commercial work, and perhaps the foregoing It was reflected in their cohesion within the Representative Council and the unification of their dissertations by a large percentage. During the period 1925-1933 AD, the representatives of minorities matured several legal regulations based on their active participation in the permanent committees in the House of Representatives, which reflected positively on the development of the country’s reality because the previous regulations became laws that promoted the country, and given the connection Minority representatives, during the period of research in the person of King Faisal, moved away from partisanship completely and from the opposition in the parliament by a large percentage.
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Rumiartha, I. Nyoman Prabu Buana, Anak Agung Sagung Ngurah Indradewi, and Alarico Gomes. "Comparative Law on the Authority of the House of Representatives (Indonesia) with the National Parliament (Timor Leste)." SASI 29, no. 1 (March 11, 2023): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v29i1.1075.
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Introduction: Based on the history of the formation of the state constitutions of Timor Leste and the state of Indonesia, it is interesting to conduct special research on a comparison of the legal powers contained in the constitution of the DPR (Indonesia) and the National Parliament (Timor Leste).Purposes of the Research: The purpose of this study is to explain the legal comparison of the powers granted by the Constitution, in this case the legal comparison of the powers of the House of Representatives (Indonesia) and the National Parliament (Timor Leste).Methods of the Research: This research uses normative research methods and comparative law research methods.Results of the Research: The similarity between the people's representative assembly (Indonesia) and the national parliament (Timor Leste) is that they both have the authority to formulate laws, as well as the similarity of legislative functions, budgetary functions, and oversight functions. The difference lies in the right to elect a general high councilor. In the Indonesian constitution, there is no general ministry high council election. The People's Representative Council does not have the authority to elect and appoint ministers, this is the President's authority as a perrogative right. Meanwhile in Timor Leste, the National Parliament elects the high council of general ministries.
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Aulia, Nur Afti, La Ode Husen, and Agussalim A. Gadjong. "The Presidential System with a Multiparty System is Based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia." Sovereign: International Journal of Law 3, no. 1 (March 21, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37276/sijl.v3i1.34.
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Coalitions of political parties built within the presidential system, especially in Indonesia, are non-binding and permanent. If government policies or programs are not famous or inline, political parties tend to engage in opposition. This study aims to determine the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system and efforts to realize a stable and dynamic government based on the Indonesian constitutional system. This research uses a normative approach. Types and sources of legal materials consist of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials, and tertiary legal materials. The analysis technique used in this research is the hermeneutic analysis method. The study results concluded that with the implementation of the presidential system with a multiparty system, it is rare for a President to be elected and from the majority party. Furthermore, with the election of a minority President and a majority in Parliament, the President will strengthen his position by forming a coalition. However, building a stable coalition is difficult in a multiparty presidential democracy. In this regard, the institutional engineering agenda that needs to be designed includes simplifying the number of factions in Parliament by tightening the threshold requirements for fraction formation; parliamentary coalition regulations aimed at both political blocs (coalition and opposition); strengthening the institution and authority of the Regional Representative Council to balance the House of Representatives so that checks and balances not only occur between the President and the House of Representatives but also between the House of Representatives and the Regional Representative Council.
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Muhamad, Rosyidah, Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan, and Nazli Aziz. "Peranan Perwakilan Substantif Ahli Parlimen Wanita dalam Parlimen Malaysia ke-13." Kajian Malaysia 42, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/km2024.42.1.11.
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This study analysed the substantive role of women parliamentarians in the House of Representatives of the 13th Malaysian Parliament from 2013 to 2017. Previous studies conducted in Western countries have shown that women parliamentarians are more responsive to women’s interests compared to male parliamentarians. However, women participation in the policy-making as legislators are low and has not achieved the quota that has been set up in Malaysia. The number of women parliamentarians do not reflect the number of women voters that are higher than the male voters. The aim of this study is to analyse the extent to which the role of women Parliamentarians represents women’s issues using Hanna Pitkin’s theory of representation and Anne Philips’s politics of presence. This study uses a qualitative approach through content analysis to examine the Parliament Hansard and interviews with the women parliementarians. The result indicates that the women Parliamentarians formed 10.36% of members in the House of Representatives but they raised the women’s issues higher than the male parliamentarians did. This shows that the women parliamentarians were able to impact policy-making even with a small number in Malaysia.
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Leopold, Patricia M. "Free speech in Parliament and the courts." Legal Studies 15, no. 2 (July 1995): 204–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1995.tb00059.x.
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The Privy Council decision in Prebble v Television New Zealand Ltd on parliamentary privilege in the New Zealand House of Representatives might at first sight seem to be of little concern to either the British courts or the Westminster parliament. However, the New Zealand parliament bases its freedom of speech on article 9 of the Bill of Rights 1688. Indeed the need to allow MPs to speak freely in proceedings in parliament without fear of legal action is accepted as a basic principle throughout the Commonwealth. It is perhaps surprising that there is relatively little English case law on the meaning of this article. This may be because as Lord Browne-Wilkinson observed in Prebble, article 9 is one manifestation of a wider principle, namely: ‘that the courts and Parliament are both astute to recognise their respective constitutional roles.
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Ramiyanto, Ramiyanto. "Presidential Permit to Summon Suspect of Corruption of the Member of the House of Representatives." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss2.128.pp203-214.
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Summoning the suspect is one step in the process of investigation in the criminal justice system which had been regulated in the Criminal Code Procedure and in other special laws. However, presenting the suspect of the member of the Parliament before the Court is the problematic one. This is because in reality, it does not need a President permit but legally it does. The problem is whether pre-senting the suspect before the court without a Presidential Permit is not against the law. The findings showed that the regulation dealing with the summoning of the parliament member suspected of cor-ruption is not necessarily required. It is because the crime suspected to the members of House of Rep-resentative is included in the special crime which is stipulated the 2002 Law Number 30 deals with Corruption Eradication Commission Article 46 paragraph (1) with the elucidation in junction to Arti-cle 245 paragraph (3) sub paragraph c.
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Sulistyowati, Sulistyowati. "KINERJA ANGGOTA DPRD PROVINSI JAWA TENGAH PERIODE 2009-2014." JIIP: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan 1, no. 2 (October 18, 2017): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jiip.v1i2.1621.
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Performance periode 2009-2014 House of Representatives has not been satisfactory the public society. Although already using three main function council, namely a legislative function, budgetary function, and monitoring functions. This is evident from the results of a survey conducted by the Research and Development from Kompas, one of national newspapers as well as by internal House of Representatives itself. The result showed that the legislative function in generating regional regulations is always below from the Regional Legislation target. In years 2011 only able to set 5 piece of regional regulations. For monitoring function, council manage to find accountability performance report “LKPJ” governor in 2010 is copy paste from accountability statement report “LKPJ” last year. Parliament budget function indicates that his role is weak, because the executive is very instrumental in setting the Regional Representative Assembly central Java budget.
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Rahman, Sufirman, La Ode Husen, Syahruddin Nawi, and A. Chaidir Syam. "The Oversight Function of The House of Representatives of The Regional Parliament on The Implementation of The Regional Budget of Maros Regency." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, no. 1 (January 22, 2024): e2507. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i1.2507.
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Objective: This study aims to comprehensively analyze the oversight function exercised by the House of Representatives of the Regional Parliament in monitoring and evaluating the implementation of the regional budget in Maros Regency. It seeks to identify the mechanisms, challenges, and impacts of this oversight on financial management and governance within the region. Theoretical Framework: This research employs a multi-dimensional theoretical framework drawing from theories of legislative oversight, budgetary control, and local governance. It utilizes concepts related to the roles and responsibilities of legislative bodies in budget oversight, including the principal-agent theory, accountability structures, and the relationship between the executive and legislative branches in budget implementation. Methodology: This study employs a mixed-method approach involving qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Qualitative data collection includes interviews, focus group discussions, and document analysis to understand the perceptions, experiences, and processes of oversight. Quantitative analysis involves statistical assessments of budgetary allocations, expenditures, and performance indicators. The study also employs comparative analysis with similar regional bodies for contextual understanding. Results and Conclusion: The findings reveal the mechanisms utilized by the House of Representatives in overseeing the implementation of the regional budget in Maros Regency. It identifies strengths and weaknesses in oversight practices, highlighting challenges faced by the legislative body in ensuring effective financial governance. The study concludes by discussing the implications of these findings on improving oversight mechanisms for better financial accountability and governance at the regional level. Originality/Value: This research contributes to the literature by providing a detailed analysis of the oversight function of the House of Representatives of the Regional Parliament specifically focused on the implementation of the regional budget in Maros Regency. It offers insights into the practical dynamics, challenges, and potential improvements in legislative oversight practices within regional governance, thereby contributing valuable knowledge to enhance financial transparency and accountability mechanisms in local administrations.
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Davies, John. "Catholic Representatives in Parliament: The North West of England 1918–1945." Recusant History 26, no. 2 (October 2002): 359–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030910.
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Cardinal Manning argued that the Catholic Church had two services it should render to the world outside it; its first task was to save souls but secondly it should ‘ripen and elevate the social and political life of men . . .’ In 1890, however, he noted that none of the recent great works of charity had been initiated or promoted by Catholics. His successor Vaughan found that his main support in attempting to exercise social influence came, not from the English laity, but from the Irish (Catholic) M.P.s, fifty seven of whom had been returned to Parliament after the extension of the franchise in 1884. There were few English Catholics in Parliament and Bourne, after Vaughan, continued to rely on the Irish M.P.s. With the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1921 and the departure of the Irish M.P.s, one authority argues that Catholics were left with very few representatives in the House of Commons and that ‘politically since the withdrawal of the Irish members, the Catholic influence has, on the whole, been negligible.’
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Santoso, Tulus, and Teguh Kurniawan. "Analisis Kinerja Bagian Pengaduan Masyarakat Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI." MIMBAR, Jurnal Sosial dan Pembangunan 31, no. 1 (June 8, 2015): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.29313/mimbar.v31i1.1305.
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This study discusses about the performance of the Public Complaints Section, Secretariat General of the House of Representatives in managing the delivery process of public aspirations and complaints. To deepen the analysis, this research incorporates the concepts of organization, bureaucracy, and performance. This study applies a qualitative approach with descriptive type of writing. This study collects data through literature studies, interviews, and field observations. This study reveals that the Public Complaints Section has problems in terms of quantity and quality of human resource analysts. Public Complaints Section is neither effectively nor efficiently able to manage complaints and aspirations of the community. This makes the performance of Public Complaints Section underperformed. Finally, this study recommends that the General Secretariat of Parliament has to optimize the quantity and quality of human resources in the Public Complaints Section. Furthermore, members of the House of Representatives are expected to involve in empowering the section.
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Parkinson, Phil. ""Strangers in the House": The Maori Language in Government and the Maori Language in Parliament 1840-1900." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 32, no. 3 (August 4, 2001): 865. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v32i3.5874.
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The Treaty of Waitangi conferred upon Her Majesty's new subjects "all the rights andprivileges of British subjects" and that included, in theory, the right to be represented in the infantgovernment. In practice, however, the right of Maori to vote in elections was not taken seriouslyuntil 1858 and the presence of formally elected members in the House of Representatives was not achieved until August 1868. When they did speak in 1868 the first four Maori members spoke inMaori, and no adequate provision was made for the translation of their words, or for the words ofother members to be translated for them. The proceedings of the House were not printed in Maoriand the Maori members' speeches were not translated except when it suited the government of theday.Over the next few decades after 1868 there was only an irregular compliance with the standingorders of the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council that Bills and Acts be prepared inboth Maori and English for the better information of "Her Majesty's subjects of the Native Race".This study traces the extent of the use of the Maori language in the House and in the Council andpoints to a large number of extant Bills and Acts in Maori as well as to the large number whichhave not survived but which are referred to in the New Zealand parliamentary debates. These little-known texts deserve recognition as expressions of legislation in an indigenous tongue reflectingindigenous concerns but they have usually been disregarded in a European-dominated GeneralAssembly.
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Shin, Jae Hyeok. "Legislative voting in the pork-dominant parliament: evidence from the Philippine House of Representatives." Journal of Legislative Studies 24, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 338–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2018.1516923.
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AL-BILLEH, Tareq, and Hamzeh ABU ISSA. "The Role of the Environment Committees in the Nineteenth Parliament for the Year 2020 in Studying Matters Related to Environmental Affairs in Jordan." Journal of Environmental Management and Tourism 14, no. 1 (March 10, 2023): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jemt.14.1(65).16.
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The study deals with the role of environmental committees in the Nineteenth Parliament for 2020 in studying matters related to environmental affairs in Jordan; It highlighted the role of the Environment Committee in both houses of parliament in discussing the challenges of the environmental sector and the role of the Environment Committee in examining environmental issues; so that the problem of the study lies in the extent to which the Environment Committee has been given specialties in studying the problem of climate change, greenhouse gas emissions causing climate change, and discussing environmental and tourism realities and the study has concluded several findings and recommendations; The most important of these is the need to expand the terms of reference of the environment committees in both the Senate and the House of Representatives, increase their role in discussing environmental laws, and increase their participation in global environmental conferences and workshops; Call for a regular meeting of the environment committees in parliament with representatives of the Ministry of Environment and the Ministry of Tourism to discuss the environmental and tourism conditions and develop the necessary plans to preserve the environment and prevent direct attacks on nature reserves and other findings and recommendations listed at the end of this study.
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Simatupang, Vemansyah, and Bariyima Sylvester Kokpan. "Assessing Constitutional Frameworks for Closed Proportional Representation in House of Representatives Elections." Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia 2, no. 2 (November 17, 2023): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i2.475.
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Abstract: The electoral system in Indonesia has implemented two politically different systems, one of which is the proportional system. This proportional system is also divided into proportional with an open list and proportional with a closed list. The basic idea of a proportional system is that the composition of seats obtained by a political party in an electoral area will be in balance with the proportion of votes received by the political party concerned in the election. Even in this system, only a few votes are wasted. According to the provisions of Article 168 paragraph (2) of Law No. 7/2017, the electoral system for DPR members is open proportional with a majority vote. This system has a good level of representation because the people are free to determine their representatives who will sit in Parliament directly and can continue to supervise those they choose. Purpose: This research aims to analyze the application of a closed proportional system in the DPR election from the perspective of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia; arrangements regarding the principles of elections in the constitution are regulated in Article 22E of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. Design/Methodology/Approach: The type of research used in this research is normative legal research, using statute and conceptual approaches. Findings: The results of this research indicate that the application of a closed proportional system is not following the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia because it will close space for the people to make their own choices directly because in a closed proportional system the determination of who are the candidates for members of the DPR who will sit in parliament is absolute political party wishes. Originality/Value: Debates about the constitutionality of open proportional and closed proportional systems always fill public spaces, especially before the election. Due to this issue, a fundamental question arises about whether the closed proportional system in the election of DPR members follows the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. This issue is the reason for research regarding the general election system for DPR members following the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.
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Kuswanto, Kuswanto. "Consistency of the Presidential System in Indonesia." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss2.67.pp170-182.
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The current presidential system in Indonesia is the result of the amendments of the 1945 Constitution. Prior to Indonesian reform, the presidential system was influenced by a strong parliamentary pattern in which the president was responsible for the People's Consultative Assembly. Today, this provision is no longer exist. However, consistency of the presidential system is still problematic because the the dominance power of the president over the House of Representatives. These problematic points are not in line with presidential system principle because it reduce the authority of president. The Parliament may only establish any law as long as it is pursuant to the 1945 Constitution. This article aims to examine the issue of the Indonesian presidential system at least in two following sections. Firstly, it deals with dominance of presidential power over the House of Representatives. Secondly, president establishes the independent bodies such as Corruption Eraditation Commission (KPK) and National Commission of Human Rights (Komnas HAM) which are constitutionally less restricted.
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Hastings, Sam, and Kate Doust. "An Overview of Post-Legislative Scrutiny in Western Australia." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 3, no. 2 (December 5, 2019): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v3i2.13599.
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Twenty years ago, the House of Lords Select Committee into the Constitution focused attention back onto the concept of post-legislative scrutiny. Since then, a clear framework and momentum for systematic post-legislative scrutiny has developed which has enabled parliaments to strengthen their role in the legislative process. However, there is a dearth of academic research into post-legislative scrutiny in Australian jurisdictions. Currently, there is no clear picture of the extent of post-legislative scrutiny in Western Australia and the factors in support, and challenges in implementing, systematic review of legislation. This article examines the extent of post-legislative scrutiny conducted by or overseen by the Parliament of Western Australia. An analysis of review reports and parliamentary debates reveals the outcomes of post-legislative scrutiny by the Executive. This article also examines outcomes of post-legislative scrutiny conducted by parliament through the application of the Westminster Foundation for Democracy’s Principles of Post-Legislative Scrutiny. Finally, barriers to post-legislative scrutiny by the legislature and options for reform are explored.
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Fiers, Stefaan. "Carrièrepatronen van Belgische parlementsleden in een multi-level omgeving (1979-99)." Res Publica 43, no. 1 (March 31, 2001): 171–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v43i1.18517.
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This article deals with the consequences of an increased number of levels of political decision-making, on the way in which political careers are built. In the traditional bottomup perspective, political careers started at the municipal level. The best were chosen to represent the party in regional assemblies, first, and eventually in the national parliament. In this perspective, a mandate of Member of European Parliament was the highest obtainable office. Evidence from the 1979-99 period shows that the importance of 'local political experience' in recruiting MPs is decreasing. However still, the Belgian figure remains high in comparative perspective : in 1999 no less than 70 % ofthe members of the federal House of Representatives and of the regional Flemish Parliament have previously been local councillor. Moreover, still 60 % combines a mandate as local councillor with their parliamentary mandate. Only a limited number ofpreviously regional Flemish MPs became federal MPs in 1999, so that one could not speak of frequent level-hopping, nor of a hierarchy among these offices.
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Muin, Sri Amlinawaty. "Kedudukan Hak Angket sebagai Fungsi Pengawasan terhadap Penyelenggaraan Negara." Kalabbirang Law Journal 2, no. 2 (July 25, 2020): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35877/454ri.kalabbirang134.
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Tujuan Penelitian untuk menganalisis kedudukan hak angket sebagai fungsi pengawasan terhadap penyelenggaraan negara. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitan hukum mormatif. Hasil penelitian bahwa Hak Angket Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (Pasal 20A ayat (2)) mengatur dan merekomendasikan diatur dengan Undang-Undang dengan asumsi dan dengan keinginan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat dalam Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensil adalah juga Parlemen harus punya hak sebagai bagian dari Fungsi Pengawasan yang dimiliki Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Hasil Penelitian menunjukkan penggunaannya cenderung royal bahkan sasarannya melebar menjadi alat penekan terhadap Pemerintah. Ini terjadi sebagai akibat belum diaturnya dalam Undang-Undang tentang Hak Angket.
The purpose of the study was to analyze the position of the questionnaire right as a function of supervision of state administration. The research method used is a normative legal research method. The results of the study that the House of Representatives' Questioning Rights (Article 20A paragraph (2)) regulates and recommends are regulated by law with the assumption and with the wishes of the House of Representatives in the Presidential Government System that the Parliament must have the right as part of the Oversight Function owned by the Council House of Representatives. Research results show that their use tends to be royal even the target is widening to be a pressure tool on the Government. This happened as a result of not having been regulated in the Law on Questionnaire Rights.
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Leenknegt, Gert-Jan, and Gerhard van der Schyff. "Reforming the Electoral System of the Dutch Lower House of Parliament: An Unsuccessful Story." German Law Journal 8, no. 12 (December 1, 2007): 1133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200006246.
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Which element of democracy is to prevail in the composition of parliament: an accurate reflection of minorities and their ideas, or a strong bond between citizens and their representatives? The answer, it seems, is to be determined to a large extent by the national political culture. The political history of the Netherlands makes strict proportionality the highest principle in this regard. Over the years, various attempts at fundamental electoral reform have been left stranded. It seems that the current system of proportional representation will remain intact in the Netherlands in spite of periodic attempts at change, as it probably best reflects the Dutch culture's longing for maximum inclusiveness.
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EGOROV, KONSTANTIN. "ON ELEVATING THE STATUS OF THE FEDERATION COUNCIL FEDERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Sociopolitical Sciences 11, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2021-11-2-29-33.
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The purpose of the research. The article describes the relationship between the chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, as well as the current legislation regarding adopting federal laws. The article reveals the problem of relations between the two chambers of the Russian parliament, expressed in the lowering of the status of the Federation Council, as the chamber of the Russian parliament, consolidating and representing the interests of the subjects of Russia at the federal level. The decorative veto right of the Federation Council when considering federal laws adopted by the State Duma is analyzed. The aim of the study is toelevatethe status of the Federation Council by establishing and identifying a possible option for reforming the current legislation, under which the Federation Council will receive a full-fledged veto right. Conclusions. As a result of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that the position of representatives of the regions when considering federal laws is no less important than the position of representatives of political parties, while the lack of a full veto right from the Federation Council when considering federal laws adopted by the State Duma diminishes the status of the upper house of the Russian parliament. The author concludes that there is a tendency to elevate the status of the upper chamber of the Russian parliament considers it necessary to amend the current legislation and proposes a specific version of such a change that will increase the status of the Federation Council.
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Ferdaus, Feri, and Zaimasuri Zaimasuri. "Implementation of public information disclosure policy in the house of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia." Journal of Governance and Accountability Studies 3, no. 1 (November 13, 2023): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35912/jgas.v3i1.1771.
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Purpose: This study aims to identify how the implementation of the public information disclosure policy in the House of Representatives (DPR) in 2019-2021 is going and to find the right strategies to be implemented so that the DPR can become an informative public body.
Research methodology: This research uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach, where primary and secondary data are obtained through in-depth interviews with predetermined key informants, field observations, and literature studies relevant to the research topic.
Results: The findings show that the implementation of public information disclosure policy in Parliament is still not optimal due to various obstacles in the process of documenting, classifying, managing, and serving public information that are technical, administrative, bureaucratic, and political in nature. DPR needs to start building and developing an internal big data system that is connected to real time public information management and service applications. In addition, the active role of Members and factions in the House in providing public information is also important to support the successful implementation of public information disclosure in the House.
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Muhammad, Syafei Ibrahim, and Ismail. "The Role of Honorary Agency of Board on Aceh House of Representatives (A Study of Policy Implementation Based on Aceh's DPR Regulation Number 02 of 2016 concerning the Ethics Code of the Aceh House of Representatives)." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 7, no. 2 (June 15, 2020): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v7i2.107.
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The Honorary Agency of Board has various roles in maintaining dignity in the interests of the state, nation and also every member of the board needs to be held responsible both in fact and in commission. Increased ability of Honorary Agency of Board to maintain dignity, especially prioritizing the interests of the state which is more oriented in the interests of individuals and groups in this case the bearer party to parliament. The method used in this study is qualitative, data collected through observation, interviews and analysis of documents that exist in Aceh House of Representatives. The results and conclusions of the study show that the role of Honorary Agency of Board in addressing the Behavior of Members of the Board of Aceh House of Representatives related to maintaining dignity, maintaining the honor and credibility of the board shows that The Honorary Agency of Board has a good role in terms of maintaining dignity for the interests of the State, Nation and prioritize a sense of responsibility in carrying out the mandate.
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Franks, C. E. S. "Reforming Parliamentary Democracy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 1019–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904210216.
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Reforming Parliamentary Democracy, F. Leslie Seidle and David C. Docherty, eds., Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003, pp. vii, 246This book derives from a conference held by the Canadian Study of Parliament Group at which distinguished persons discussed the efforts for reform in Westminster style parliamentary democracies. Topics covered include: second chambers (the British House of Lords, South Africa); proportional representation (New Zealand); the role of the Crown (Australia); political rights and representation of aboriginal peoples (New Zealand and Canada); and federalism and devolution (Britain and Canada). An introduction and conclusion by the editors, and a useful chapter by Jennifer Smith on reform of the Canadian Parliament complete the book.
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Nicholl, Rae. "Electing women to Parliament: Fiji and the alternative vote electoral system." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i1.847.
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In many places in the world, women struggle to be heard and, when it comes to having a voice in the highest authority in the land, the difficulties in some countries can be almost insurmountable. Women in Fiji are confronting the problem of women’s representation in Parliament. With only a small number of women (7.04 percent) in the House of Representatives, what changes could the citizens of Fiji make to remedy this lack of female representation? One answer that could be considered is for Fijian lawmakers to make amendments to the alternative vote electoral system, a variation on preferential voting. The alternative vote falls into the same simple plurality category as first-past-the-post, a system notoriously unfriendly to women candidates.
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Aquilina, Kevin. "The European Court of Human Rights Case Law and Its Impact on Parliamentary Removal of a Judge in Malta." International Human Rights Law Review 3, no. 2 (November 19, 2014): 248–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00302001.
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This article analyses the case law of the European Court of Human Rights relating to Parliamentary removal of a judge. The Court’s earlier approach did not extend the right to a fair trial to judicial removal motions before the Maltese unicameral House of Representatives. The Court’s latest case law has reversed its earlier interpretation with all the attendant consequential implications brought about for Malta which now has to amend its Constitution on the subject. This novel landmark interpretation implies that should Parliament attempt to remove a judge, that constitutional procedure will fall foul of the right to a fair trial.
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Williams, Brian D., and Indridi H. Indridason. "Luck of the Draw? Private Members’ Bills and the Electoral Connection." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.13.
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The legislative agenda in most parliamentary systems is controlled tightly by the government and bills offered by individual members of parliament have low rates of success. Yet, members of parliament (MPs) do seek to present (private) members’ bills even where the rate of adoption is very low. We argue that members’ bills serve as an electoral connection but also as an opportunity for MPs to signal competence to their co-partisans. To demonstrate the presence of an electoral connection we take advantage of the random selection of private members’ bills in the New Zealand House of Representatives and show that survey respondents approve more of electorate MPs whose bills were drawn on the ballot. In addition, we show that MPs respond to the incentives created by the voters and parties’ willingness to reward legislative effort and, consequently, that electorally vulnerable legislators are more likely to place members’ bills on the ballot.
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Errington, Wayne, and Narelle Miragliotta. "From the Gallery to the Parliament: Journalists in the House of Representatives and Senate, 1901â2007." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 4 (December 2009): 530–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.01531.x.
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Djuyandi, Yusa. "Politisasi Kebijakan dalam Rancangan Undang-Undang Keamanan Nasional." Humaniora 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2014): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v5i1.3045.
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Discussion of the draft of National Security Act in the House of Representatives cannot be separated from the political charge. Politicization of policy formulation in the draft of National Security Act sometimes can lead to the policy distortion. The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the policy politicization of National Security Act draft. This study revealed that from the aspect of “all questions political questions”, the Parliament gives a political question in the framework of the process of policy control. In the second aspect, “all issues political issues”, issues that arise and become a concern are issues which are considered threaten the human rights and democracy. In the third, “all values political values”, the parliament is fighting for the human rights and democracy values. From the last aspect of “all decisions political decisions”, the parliament political decision for not approving the draft, because it is not in favor with the agenda of reformation and democracy. This study concluded that the politicization of policy in the Draft Law is still considered normal. Politicization occurred because policy adoption involves the executive and the legislature, in the context of political checks and balances.
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Schakel, Wouter, and Armen Hakhverdian. "Ideological congruence and socio-economic inequality." European Political Science Review 10, no. 3 (March 1, 2018): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000036.
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This study examines whether or not political representation in the Netherlands is biased toward the rich and higher educated by comparing the political orientations of members of parliament to those of the electorate. The analyses reveal stark differences in the representation of different socio-economic groups. The political views of elected national representatives are far more similar to those of rich, higher educated citizens than to those with less income and education. Moreover, a longitudinal analysis reveals that inequalities in political representation have actually grown in recent years. We also show that the use of measures of ideological self-identification might to lead to highly misleading results regarding the nature of political representation as opposed to the use of issue items. We conclude that, despite a highly proportional electoral system, the views which are represented in the Dutch lower house of parliament contain major distortions of the views of the broader electorate.
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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "To the History of the Formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 462 (2021): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/462/18.
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The aim of this article is to study the history of the formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee (IPC) in the British House of Commons in 1893. To achieve this aim, the following objectives are envisaged: determination of reasons for establishing the IPC; analysis of the activities of the Indian National Congress and British liberals; analysis of the election campaign of Dadabhai Naoroji, which enabled him to get a seat in the House of Commons in 1892. The sources of the study are the pamphlets of the Indian National Congress members, which explain the need for Indian representatives to participate in the British Parliament; records of parliamentary hearings on the Indian issue; materials of the press describing the course of the election campaign of 1892 and the tasks of the Indian Committee in Parliament. In the course of the study, the author came to the following conclusions. The moderate branch in the Indian liberation movement considered the British Rule in India to be a progressive phenomenon in the Indian life. The defects of the British administration were due to the fact that the English people and Parliament did not understand the problems that the Indian population faced under the British Rule. The Parliamentary Committee dealing exclusively with the Indian issue could contribute to solving this problem. The main conductor of this idea in India was the National Congress, which, since its inception, began work on the formation of the IPC. In the late 1880s, an Indian political agency, which intensified attempts to organize an Indian committee in Parliament, was established in London. The interests of the Indians in the House of Commons at that time were defended by the Liberal MP Charles Bradlaugh. On the basis of the proposals of the National Congress, he prepared a bill on Indian councils, which came into force in 1892. Nevertheless, the creation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee became possible only in 1893, when Dadabhai Naoroji and William Wadderburn (founders of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress) were elected to the House of Commons as Liberal MPs. In general, the creation of the IPC was a progressive step in the development of the Indian liberation movement because the IPC gave the moderate nationalists and their British liberal supporters new tools of fighting for the rights of Indian subjects of the British Empire. The appearance of supporters of Indian reforms in Parliament was the evidence of the success of the IPC’s course of expanding political agitation in England, although it did not guarantee significant achievements in solving of the Indian question.