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Journal articles on the topic 'Australia – Race relations – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 21 February 2023

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1

Cruickshank, Joanna. "Race, History, and the Australian Faith Missions." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000677.

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In 1901, the parliament of the new Commonwealth of Australia passed a series of laws designed, in the words of the Prime Minister Edmund Barton, “to make a legislative declaration of our racial identity”. An Act to expel the large Pacific Islander community in North Queensland was followed by a law restricting further immigration to applicants who could pass a literacy test in a European language. In 1902, under the Commonwealth Franchise Act, “all natives of Asia and Africa” as well as Aboriginal people were explicitly denied the right to vote in federal elections. The “White Australia policy”, enshrined in these laws, was almost universally supported by Australian politicians, with only two members of parliament speaking against the restriction of immigration on racial grounds.

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2

Colic-Peisker, Val, and Farida Tilbury. "Being black in Australia: a case study of intergroup relations." Race & Class 49, no. 4 (April 2008): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808089286.

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This article presents a case study in Australia's race relations, focusing on tensions between urban Aborigines and recently resettled African refugees, particularly among young people. Both of these groups are of low socio-economic status and are highly visible in the context of a predominantly white Australia. The relationship between them, it is argued, reflects the history of strained race relations in modern Australia and a growing antipathy to multiculturalism. Specific reasons for the tensions between the two populations are suggested, in particular, perceptions of competition for material (housing, welfare, education) and symbolic (position in a racial hierarchy) resources. Finally, it is argued that the phenomenon is deeply embedded in class and race issues, rather than simply in youth violence.

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3

Brawley, Sean, and Chris Dixon. "Jim Crow Downunder? African American Encounters with White Australia, 1942––1945." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 4 (November 1, 2002): 607–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.4.607.

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Between 1941 and 1945, as the U.S. military machine sent millions of Americans——and American culture——around the world, several thousand African Americans spent time in Australia. Armed with little knowledge of Australian racial values and practices, black Americans encoutered a nation whose long-standing commitment to the principle of "White Australia" appeared to rest comfortably with the segregative policies commonly associated with the American South. Nonetheless, while African Americans did encounter racism and discrimination——practices often encouraged by the white Americans who were also stationed in Australia during the war——there is compelling evidence that their experiences were not always negative. Indeed, for many black Americans, Australians' apparent open-mindedness and racial views of white Britons and others with whom African Americans came into contact during the war. Making use of U.S. Army censors' reports and paying attention to black Americans' views of their experiences in Australia, this article not only casts light on an aspect of American-Australian relations that has hitherto recieved scant scholarly attention and reveals something about the African American experience, but also offers insights into race relations within the U.S. armed forces.

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4

Elder, Catriona. "The Proposition: Imagining Race, Family and Violence on the Nineteenth-Century Australian Frontier." Ilha do Desterro A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English and Cultural Studies 69, no. 2 (June 7, 2016): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-8026.2016v69n2p165.

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http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-8026.2016v69n2p165This article analyses John Hillcoat’s 2005 film The Proposition in relation to a spate of Australian films about violence and the (post)colonial encounter released in the early twenty-first century. Extending on Felicity Collins and Therese Davis argument that these films can be read in terms of the ways they capture or refract aspects of contemporary race relations in Australia in a post-Mabo, this article analyses how The Proposition reconstructs the trauma of the Australian frontier; how from the perspective of the twenty-first century it worries over the meaning of violence on the Australian frontier. It also explores what has become speakable (and remains unspeakable) in the public sphere about the history of the frontier encounter, especially in terms of family and race. The article argues that The Proposition and other early twenty-first century race relations films can be understood as post-reconciliation films, emerging in a period when Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians were rethinking ideas of belonging through a prism of post-enmity and forgiveness. Drawing on the theme of violence and intimate relations in the film, this article argues that the challenges to the everyday formulation of Australian history proffered in The Proposition reveal painful and powerful differences amongst Australian citizens’ understanding of who belongs and how they came to belong to the nation. I suggest that by focusing on violence in terms of intimacy, relationships, family and kin, it is possible to see this film presented an opportunity to begin to refigure ideas of belonging.

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Osmond, Gary, Murray G. Phillips, and Alistair Harvey. "Fighting Colonialism: Olympic Boxing and Australian Race Relations." Journal of Olympic Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/26396025.3.1.05.

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Abstract Australian Aboriginal boxer Adrian Blair was one of three Indigenous Australians to compete in the 1964 Tokyo Olympic Games. To that point, no Indigenous Australians had ever participated in the Olympics, not for want of sporting talent but because the racist legislation that stripped them of their basic human rights extended to limited sporting opportunities. The state of Queensland, where Blair lived, had the most repressive laws governing Indigenous people of any state in Australia. The Cherbourg Aboriginal Settlement, a government reserve where Blair grew up as a ward of the state, epitomized the oppressive control exerted over Indigenous people. In this article, we examine Blair's selection for the Olympic Games through the lens of government legislation and changing policy toward Indigenous people. We chart a growing trajectory of boxing in Cherbourg, from the reserve's foundation in 1904 to Blair's appearance in Tokyo sixty years later, which corresponds to policy shifts from “protection” to informal assimilation and, finally, to formal assimilation in the 1960s. The analysis of how Cherbourg boxing developed in these changing periods illustrates the power of sport history for analyzing race relations in settler colonial countries.

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6

Leonard, Simon. "Children's History: Implications of Childhood Beliefs for Teachers of Aboroginal Students." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 30, no. 2 (2002): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100001447.

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While conducting research intended to explore the underlying thoughts and assumptions held by non-Indigenous teachers and policy makers involved in Aboriginal education I dug out my first book on Australian history which had been given when I was about seven years old. Titled Australia From the Beginning (Pownall, 1980), the book was written for children and was not a scholarly book. It surprised me, then, to find so many of my own understandings and assumptions about Aboriginal affairs and race relations in this book despite four years of what had seemed quite liberal education in Australian history.

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7

Antor, Heinz. "Post-Mabo White Settler Fables and the Negotiation of Native Title Legislation in Andrew McGahan’s The White Earth (2004)." Pólemos 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2016-0011.

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Abstract In his novel The White Earth, Andrew McGahan engages with an important chapter in the history of his country, namely the period of the famous Mabo case of 1992, which overturned the doctrine of terra nullius, and the subsequent Native Title Act of 1993. This novel of initiation with gothic features draws attention to both the woeful history of the dispossession, maltreatment and partial elimination of Australian Aborigines and to the issue of how white Australians cope with this past as well as the guilt, anxieties, and loss of orientation this may create. The novel thus turns into a critical engagement with the legal history of race relations in Australia and probes possible paths for future change.

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8

Shellam, Tiffany, and Joanna Sassoon. "‘My country’s heart is in the market place’: Tom Stannage interviewed by Peter Read." Public History Review 20 (December 31, 2013): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/phrj.v20i0.3747.

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Tom Stannage was one among many historians in the 1970s uncovering histories of Australia which were to challenge national narratives and community memories. In 1971, Tom returned to Western Australia after writing his PhD in Cambridge with the passion to write urban history and an understanding that in order to do so, he needed an emotional engagement with place. What he had yet to realize was the power of community memories in Western Australia to shape and preserve ideas about their place. As part of his research on the history of Perth, Tom saw how the written histories of Western Australia had been shaped by community mythologies – in particular that of the rural pioneer. He identified the consensus or ‘gentry tradition’ in Western Australian writing. In teasing out histories of conflict, he showed how the gentry tradition of rural pioneer histories silenced those of race and gender relations, convictism and poverty which were found in both rural and urban areas. His versions of history began to unsettle parts of the Perth community who found the ‘pioneer myth’ framed their consensus world-view and whose families were themselves the living links to these ‘pioneers’.

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9

Chesterman1, John. "Natural-Born Subjects? Race and British Subjecthood in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, no. 1 (March 2005): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.00358.x.

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10

Ayres, David, Laksiri Jayasuriya, David Walker, Jan Gothard, and David Goldsworthy. "Legacies of White Australia: Race, Culture and Nation." Labour History, no. 88 (2005): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516065.

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11

Ferrier, Carole. "White Blindfolds and Black Armbands: The Uses of Whiteness Theory for Reading Australian Cultural Production." Queensland Review 6, no. 1 (May 1999): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001872.

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Analyses or descriptions of the history of race relations (and cultural production) in what has been called Australia for about a hundred years, have frequently been informed by two orientations that might be simply categorised as the white blindfold and the black armband positions. In many cases, these two mindsets can be observed in other Western cultures although the interaction between them, and the society around them, gets played out differently in particular places at particular times.

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12

HUBERMAN, MICHAEL. "Working Hours of the World Unite? New International Evidence of Worktime, 1870–1913." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 4 (December 2004): 964–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704043050.

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This article constructs new measures of worktime for Europe, North America, and Australia, 1870–1913. Great Britain began with the shortest work year and Belgium the longest. By 1913 certain continental countries approached British worktimes, and, consistent with recent findings on real wages, annual hours in Old and New Worlds had converged. Although globalization did not lead to a race to the bottom of worktimes, there is only partial evidence of a race to the top. National work routines, the outcome of different legal, labor, and political histories, mediated relations between hours and income.

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13

McGrath, Ann, and Winona Stevenson. "Gender, Race, and Policy: Aboriginal Women and the State in Canada and Australia." Labour / Le Travail 38 (1996): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144091.

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14

Affeldt, Stefanie. "The Burden of ‘White’ Sugar: Producing and Consuming Whiteness in Australia." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 52, no. 4 (December 20, 2017): 439–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2017-0020.

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Abstract This article investigates the history of the Queensland cane sugar industry and its cultural and political relations. It explores the way the sugar industry was transformed from an enterprise drawing on the traditional plantation crop cultivated by an unfree labour force and employing workers into an industry that was an important, symbolical element of ‘White Australia’ that was firmly grounded in the cultural, political, nationalist, and racist reasoning of the day. The demographic and social changes drew their incitement and legitimation from the ‘White Australia’ culture that was represented in all social strata. Australia was geographically remote but culturally close to the mother country and was assigned a special position as a lone outpost of Western culture. This was aggravated by scenarios of allegedly imminent invasions by the surrounding Asian powers, which further urged cane sugar’s transformation from a ‘black’ to a ‘white man’s industry’. As a result, during the sugar strikes of the early 20th century, the white Australian sugar workers were able to emphasize their ‘whiteness’ to press for improvements in wages and working conditions. Despite being a matter of constant discussion, the public acceptance of the ‘white sugar campaign’ was reflected by the high consumption of sugar. Moreover, the industry was lauded for its global uniqueness and its significance to the Australian nation. Eventually, the ‘burden’ of ‘white sugar’ was a monetary, but even more so moral support of an industry that was supposed to provide a solution to population politics, support the national defence, and symbolize the technological advancement and durability of the ‘white race’ in a time of crisis.

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15

Gorman, Sean. "Sporting Chance: Indigenous Participation in Australian Sport History." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 2, no. 2 (August 19, 2010): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v2i2.1526.

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For many non-Indigenous Australians the only time they have any engagement with Indigenous peoples, history or issues is through watching sport on television or being at a football match at the MCG. This general myopia and indifference by settler Australians with Indigenous Australians manifests itself in many ways but perhaps most obscenely in the simple fact that Indigenous Australians die nearly 20 years younger than the rest of Australias citizens. Many non-Indigenous Australians do not know this. Sport in many ways has offered Indigenous Australians a platform from which to begin the slow, hard process for social justice and equity to be actualised. This paper will discuss the participation of Indigenous Australians in sport and show how sport has enabled Indigenous Australians to create a space so that they can speak out against the injustices they have experienced and to further improve on relations going into the future. The central contention is that through sport all Australians can begin a process of engaging with Indigenous history as a means to improve race relations between the two groups.

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16

Rhook, Nadia. "The Balms of White Grief: Indian Doctors, Vulnerability and Pride in Victoria, 1890–1912." Itinerario 42, no. 1 (April 2018): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115318000062.

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This article uses the 1898 manslaughter trial of two Indian medical practitioners in Victoria, Australia, as a lens to explore the settler colonial politics of medicine. Whereas imperial and colonial historians have long recognised the close and complex interrelationship of medicine and race, the emotional dimensions to care-giving have been under-appreciated – as has the place of the emotions within wider histories of sickness and health. Yet, this case studies shows, grief, vulnerability, catharsis and pride shaped the practice of medicine infin-de-siecleVictoria. In particular, I argue that, like other emotions, grief does racial work.

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17

Stratton, Jon. "The Colour of Jews: Jews, Race and the White Australia Policy." Journal of Australian Studies 20, no. 50-51 (January 1996): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059609387278.

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18

Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. "The ANZUS Treaty during the Cold War: A Reinterpretation of U.S. Diplomacy in the Southwest Pacific." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00599.

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This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.

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19

Muller, Vivienne. "‘I Have My Own History’: Queensland Women Writers from 1939 to the Present." Queensland Review 8, no. 2 (November 2001): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s132181660000684x.

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It has become a commonplace to note that women writers in Australia have historically produced their work in a literary and social context that has largely been regarded as a male domain. Second wave feminism in the wake of the counter-cultural movements of the sixties and seventies, together with the developments in poststructuralist theories have contested this privileged intellectual space and triggered new ways of looking at literary history, the relations between production and consumption, and the significance of gender, race and class in literary analysis (Ferrier 1992:1). This chapter deals with a number of texts written by Queensland women in the latter part of the twentieth century, and thus is concerned principally with the many ‘configurations of female subjectivity’ (Ferrier 1998:210) and self-definition that Elaine Showalter saw as belonging to the third phase of women's writing. However as this is a chapter about women writers writing in and about Queensland, it will also be interested in narrative representations of women's experiences of the local place and culture, in which gendered relationships are always implicated.

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McGrath, Ann, and Winona Stevenson. "Gender, Race, and Policy: Aboriginal Women and the State in Canada and Australia." Labour History, no. 71 (1996): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516448.

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21

Green, Meredith J., Christopher C. Sonn, and Jabulane Matsebula. "Reviewing Whiteness: Theory, Research, and Possibilities." South African Journal of Psychology 37, no. 3 (August 2007): 389–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124630703700301.

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This article is a review of the concept of whiteness and how the power and privilege of whiteness is reproduced within societies such as Australia and South Africa. As well as providing a broad overview of whiteness, our aim is to highlight and establish dialogue about how research on whiteness may contribute to decolonisation and work towards social justice. The review begins by outlining the meanings and complexity of whiteness. Having established some parameters for understanding whiteness, the second part of the article focuses on how whiteness reproduces itself. Three different, but related, practices or mechanisms through which whiteness is reproduced have been identified in the literature. These are knowledge and history construction, national identity and belonging, and anti-racism practice. In conclusion, we briefly discuss how we are investigating whiteness further in relation to pedagogy and applied research. While this article is not aimed at providing a complete review of whiteness, it does provide a background against which we can start thinking differently about racism, race relations, and anti-racism. These different ways of thinking include interrogating power and privilege in the analysis of racism, which in turn may lead to more effective and critical action addressing racism.

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22

Donegan, Jacqui, and Raymond Evans. "Running amok: The normanton race riots of 1888 and the genesis of white Australia." Journal of Australian Studies 25, no. 71 (January 2001): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050109387723.

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23

Evans, Raymond. "On the Utmost Verge: Race and Ethnic Relations at Moreton Bay, 1799–1842." Queensland Review 15, no. 1 (January 2008): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004542.

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The native races know us chiefly by our crimes.— Karl Marx‘Moreton Bay’ was certainly a name to be conjured with among the early Australian penal stations. As well as being a forbidding secondary detention centre, it represented — both within and around itself — a microcosmic world of early colonial race and ethnic relations. For this custodial system was rudely imposed upon pre-existing and long-enduring social orders of a dramatically dissimilar kind. It intruded into human populations that greatly outnumbered its own, implanted itself and militarily usurped portions of territory in a variety of locations, occupied by and spiritually amalgamated with a substantial body of Aboriginal communities. To these people, for whom life was ‘a billowing of the consciousness of country’, it was a visitation utterly without precedent. The repercussions of its ongoing presence were largely uninvited and unrehearsed. The station's existence was at first a wonder and a puzzle, then an impediment and a curse. It greatly transformed immutable lifeways, invariably impoverishing them; it reduced social options rather than expanding them; it denuded the host culture of its efficacy; and it assailed the people's health and decimated their numbers. The familiar environment was reconstructed and the old place-names largely obliterated and changed. For the incomer, to name was to own. The many visible signs of Aboriginal material occupancy were ignored as palpable evidence of legal possession and, eventually, erased. Erased too was much of the evidence of these very acts of erasure, whether material, cultural or human. Detailed evidence of what happened — or was perceived to have happened — in the myriad interactions between Aborigines and non-Aborigines of the convict settlement between 1824 and 1842 is scanty and fragmented: staccato bursts of often-tantalising information against an otherwise frustrating backdrop of silence. Distance from Sydney as well as London was the essential buffer that nurtured this atmosphere of secrecy, feeding its potency and allowing the Moreton Bay regime to proceed virtually as a law unto itself insofar as northern frontier relations were concerned.

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24

Williams, John M. "Race, Citizenship and the Formation of the Australian Constitution: Andrew Inglis Clark and the “14th Amendment”*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 42, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1996.tb01346.x.

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25

Bignall, Simone, and Mark Galliford. "Reconciling Replicas: The Second Coming of the Duyfken." Cultural Studies Review 9, no. 2 (September 13, 2013): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/csr.v9i2.3562.

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Until recently, history as written by the ‘victors’ has been nothing more than repeated efforts to capture a certain slant of truth in order to (re)territorialise the position of ‘white’ dominance in this country. The re-enactment of historical events can be instrumental in the re-presentation of this privileged history. The re-enacted landing of the replica ship Duyfken in August 2000 was marked by an important shift in attitude for at least one of the leading protagonists in the event. In this respect, this particular re-enactment has offered some interesting ways of viewing history/ies in a postcolonial context and for appraising the concept of reconciliation. This essay considers three aspects of the re-enactment: the introduction of a historical discontinuity in Australian ‘race’ relations through the cultivation of a certain type of cultural intimacy during the journey; the (hi)story behind the re-enactment and some reflections on historiography; and, subsequently, an analysis of how the event of the landing could imply an expanded expression of reconciliation, potentially freeing it from its current constraints.

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Bonnerjee, Samraghni. "“This country is rotten”: Australian Nurses in India during the First World War and Their Encounters with Race and Nationhood." Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12537.

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Morris, Robyn. "Food, race and the power of recuperative identity politics within Asian Australian women's fiction." Journal of Australian Studies 32, no. 4 (December 2008): 499–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050802471400.

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28

Gall, Adam. "Ernestine Hill and the North: reading race and indigeneity inThe Great Australian LonelinessandThe Territory." Journal of Australian Studies 37, no. 2 (June 2013): 194–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2013.783877.

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Singh, Priti. "Global configurations of indigenous identities, movements and pathways." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (March 20, 2018): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763837.

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The social science literature on identity politics around questions of race and ethnicity is profuse, prolix and contentious. Indigenous identity politics have seen a parallel growth and are equally complex. While there are analogies and overlaps, indigenous identities and social movements are neither conceptually nor empirically a sub-set of ethnic identities. The central issue of indigenous groups is the place of first peoples in relation to the nation-state system. This takes different forms in old world states of Asia and Africa to those of new world settler (ex-colonial) states of the Americas and Australasia. While the major issues of the indigenous peoples have expanded beyond their national boundaries, their modes of participation in the national political arenas vary. They share a gradual nationalization of indigenous movements, including stronger links with socio-political forces of the respective countries in the region, a heightened consciousness of global processes and the broadening and enrichment of their socio-cultural and economic objectives. This paper looks at trans-national dimensions of indigenous social movements and identity politics in relation to nation-state policy regimes and examines the varying routes taken by indigenous peoples to achieve their goals.

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Čuk, Ivan. "Editorial." Science of Gymnastics Journal 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.52165/sgj.12.2.118.

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Dear friends, Our expectations to celebrate the highest achievements in gymnastics at the Olympic Games in Tokyo have been postponed for a year. I hope we will be able to enjoy the Games next year. Who would have thought that one small micro size organism can stop the whole world! Some countries cancelled all sport activities, some still do let them run. Our human race is being tested. Let’s hope our families, friends and everyone else will come through this crisis without any serious problems. On the other hand, we still attend to our day-to-day activities that make our days happier. Prof. Anton Gajdoš, our collaborator on history topics and friend, has just celebrated his 80th birthday. Advanced age from some people’s perspective, but Anton is still full of energy. In this issue we learn a bit more about his history diaries. We wish him many happy and healthy years to come! For this issue our authors researched many different topics. I’m very pleased that we probably have the first research paper on the definition of aesthetic movement. In art it is believed that beauty is in the eye of the beholder. Pia Vinken and Thomas Heinen from Germany tried to define what aesthetic movement in gymnastics is supposed to be (content, no errors). Ludwig Friderich Jahn would be proud of them. For the first time we present articles from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Indonesia. One article is about modelling the Jurchenko vault and another is about aerobic fitness in relation to diet. The remaining five articles were contributed by authors from Germany (judging trampolining, motor control), Portugal (morphologic characteristics), Mexico (psychology), United Kingdom and Australia (acrobatics). All together, there are eight very interesting articles in this issue. Anton Gajdoš provides a short historical note on Professor Vladimir Ivanovič Silin of Russia. Just to remind you, if you quote the Journal, its abbreviation on the Web of Knowledge is SCI GYMN J. I wish you pleasant reading and a lot of inspiration for new research projects and articles, Ivan Čuk Editor-in-Chief

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Kousser, J. Morgan, and Robert R. Dykstra. "The New History of Race Relations." Reviews in American History 22, no. 3 (September 1994): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2703018.

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Miklouho-Maclay, Niсkolay N. "Preservation of Historical and Cultural Heritage and Historical Memory as a Tool for the Development of Scientific, Educational, and International Projects." Oriental Courier, no. 1 (2022): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021376-1.

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Work on the preservation of historical and cultural heritage and historical memory is the main goal of the Miklouho-Maclay Foundation for the Preservation of Ethnocultural Heritage. The author, a great-grandson and full namesake of the famous scientist-traveler Nikolay N. Miklukho-Maklai is the founder and the head of the Fund. In the article, the author argues the goals of the foundation and talks about its main projects in the initial period of activity (2017-2020). The materials presented in the article demonstrate how the preservation of the scientific and ideological heritage of the Russian scientist Nikolay N. Miklukho-Maklai contributes to the development of scientific, cultural, and educational projects, including international ones. During his numerous voyages to Oceania, Australia, and Southeast Asia in 1870, Miklukho-Maclay carried out extensive expeditionary work and gathered unique factual material, which allowed him to rightfully enter the history of the world science as an outstanding ethnographer, anthropologist, and naturalist of broad profile. He made significant contributions to various scientific disciplines and developed and substantiated the doctrine of equality of races and peoples. The article also discusses field expedition activities in the South Pacific today, contemporary Russian researchers, and their influence on the development of scientific projects and international scientific relations. The author talks about the expeditions of scientists of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, who conducted research on the territory of Papua New Guinea in the 20th century and shares his experience about the expeditions in the 21st century, organized by the Miklukho-Maklai Foundation. He shares his experience of the expeditions of the 21st century organized by the Miklouho-Maclay Foundation and the use of their results in the projects of the Foundation. The author presents in the article his vision of the prospects and role of the Foundation, the main mission of which is to preserve traditions, raise respect for the values and cultures of the peoples of the world, implement educational, scientific, and cultural projects to protect the historical memory. In addition, the author analyzes the prospects of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the Independent State of Papua New Guinea.

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Davis-Hayes, Kenya. "Race Relations: A Critique." Journal of American Ethnic History 29, no. 1 (October 1, 2009): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40543589.

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Markey, Raymond. "Race and Organized Labor in Australia, 1850–1901." Historian 58, no. 2 (December 1, 1995): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1996.tb00953.x.

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Buchan, Bruce, and Linda Andersson Burnett. "Knowing savagery: Australia and the anatomy of race." History of the Human Sciences 32, no. 4 (July 28, 2019): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695119836587.

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When Australia was circumnavigated by Europeans in 1801–02, French and British natural historians were unsure how to describe the Indigenous peoples who inhabited the land they charted and catalogued. Ideas of race and of savagery were freely deployed by both British and French, but a discursive shift was underway. While the concept of savagery had long been understood to apply to categories of human populations deemed to be in want of more historically advanced ‘civilisation’, the application of this term in the late 18th and early 19th centuries was increasingly being correlated with the emerging terminology of racial characteristics. The terminology of race was still remarkably fluid, and did not always imply fixed physical or mental endowments or racial hierarchies. Nonetheless, by means of this concept, natural historians began to conceptualise humanity as subject not only to historical gradations, but also to the environmental and climatic variations thought to determine race. This in turn meant that the degree of savagery or civilisation of different peoples could be understood through new criteria that enabled physical classification, in particular by reference to skin colour, hair, facial characteristics, skull morphology, or physical stature: the archetypal criteria of race. While race did not replace the language of savagery, in the early years of the 19th century savagery was re-inscribed by race.

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Cell, John W., and Alan J. Levin. "Race Relations within Western Expansion." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170636.

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Williams, Vernon J. "A History of Race Relations Social Science." Explorations in Ethnic Studies 17, no. 2 (July 1, 1994): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ees.1994.17.2.177.

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Cotton, James. "Realism, Rationalism, Race: On the Early International Relations Discipline in Australia." International Studies Quarterly 53, no. 3 (September 2009): 627–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2009.00549.x.

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Gross, Ariela J. "Race, Law, and Comparative History." Law and History Review 29, no. 2 (May 2011): 549–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000083.

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What are we comparing when we compare law and race across cultures? This was once an easier question to answer. If we take “races” to be real categories existing in the world, then we can compare “race relations” and “racial classifications” in different legal systems, and measure the impact of different legal systems on the salience of racial distinction and the level of racial hierarchy in a given society. That was the approach of the leading comparativist scholars at mid-century. Frank Tannenbaum and Carl Degler compared race relations in the United States and Latin America, drawing heavily on legal sources regarding racial definition, manumission of slaves, and marriage. They were studying relations between “white people” and “Negroes,” as well as the possibility of an intermediate class of “mulattoes.” But once we understand race itself to be produced by relations of domination, through several powerful discourses of which law is one, we are up against a more formidable challenge. We must compare the interaction of two things—legal processes and ideologies of race—in systems in which neither is likely to have a stable or equivalent meaning. Because “law” is likewise no longer as clear-cut a category as it once was; in addition to the formal law of statute books and common law appellate opinions, we now understand “law” to encompass a broad set of institutions, discourses, and processes produced by a larger cast of characters than solely jurists, legislators, and appellate judges.

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Doust, Janet. "Setting up boundaries in colonial eastern Australia race and empire." Australian Historical Studies 35, no. 123 (April 2004): 152–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610408596279.

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Walker, David. "Strange reading: Keith Windschuttle on race, Asia and White Australia." Australian Historical Studies 37, no. 128 (October 2006): 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610608601222.

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White, Richard. "Race Relations in the American West." American Quarterly 38, no. 3 (1986): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2712674.

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McPHEE, Peter. "The Great Race: The Race between the English and the French to Complete the Map of Australia; Baudin, Napoleon and the Exploration of Australia." Australian Historical Studies 45, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2014.877788.

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Smith, Frederick H. "Whittington B. Johnson.Post-Emancipation Race Relations in the Bahamas.:Post‐Emancipation Race Relations in the Bahamas." American Historical Review 113, no. 3 (June 2008): 874–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.3.874.

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Hallinan, Chris, and Barry Judd. "Race relations, Indigenous Australia and the social impact of professional Australian football." Sport in Society 12, no. 9 (November 2009): 1220–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17430430903137910.

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Habibis, Daphne, Penny Taylor, Maggie Walter, and Catriona Elder. "Repositioning the Racial Gaze: Aboriginal Perspectives on Race, Race Relations and Governance." Social Inclusion 4, no. 1 (February 23, 2016): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.492.

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In Australia, public debate about recognition of the nation’s First Australians through constitutional change has highlighted the complexity and sensitivities surrounding Indigenous/state relations at even the most basic level of legal rights. But the unevenness of race relations has meant Aboriginal perspectives on race relations are not well known. This is an obstacle for reconciliation which, by definition, must be a reciprocal process. It is especially problematic in regions with substantial Aboriginal populations, where Indigenous visibility make race relations a matter of everyday experience and discussion. There has been considerable research on how settler Australians view Aboriginal people but little is known about how Aboriginal people view settler Australians or mainstream institutions. This paper presents the findings from an Australian Research Council project undertaken in partnership with Larrakia Nation Aboriginal Corporation. Drawing on in-depth interviews with a cross-section of Darwin’s Aboriginal residents and visitors, it aims to reverse the racial gaze by investigating how respondents view settler Australian politics, values, priorities and lifestyles. Through interviews with Aboriginal people this research provides a basis for settler Australians to discover how they are viewed from an Aboriginal perspective. It repositions the normativity of settler Australian culture, a prerequisite for a truly multicultural society. Our analysis argues the narratives of the participants produce a story of Aboriginal rejection of the White Australian neo-liberal deal of individual advancement through economic pathways of employment and hyper-consumption. The findings support Honneth’s arguments about the importance of intersubjective recognition by pointing to the way misrecognition creates and reinforces social exclusion.

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McCrary, Peyton, and Stephen L. Wasby. "Race Relations Litigation in an Age of Complexity." Journal of Southern History 63, no. 1 (February 1997): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211999.

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Brock, Euline W., and Michael J. Cassity. "Chains of Fear: American Race Relations Since Reconstruction." Journal of Southern History 51, no. 3 (August 1985): 453. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209279.

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Toplin, Robert Brent, and Michael J. Cassity. "Legacy of Fear: American Race Relations to 1900." Journal of Southern History 52, no. 2 (May 1986): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209674.

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Davila, J. "Brazilian Race Relations in the Shadow of Apartheid." Radical History Review 2014, no. 119 (April 1, 2014): 122–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2401969.

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