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1

Tiaradipa, Thurshina, and Nur Luthfi Hidayatullah. "Indonesia's Maritime Security Strategy in Countering Illegal Fishing." Sunan Ampel Review of Political and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (2024): 145–61. https://doi.org/10.15642/sarpass.2024.3.2.145-161.

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This research describes Indonesia’s maritime security strategy in countering illegal fishing through the Indonesia-Australia Fisheries Surveillance Forum in 2018-2022. The maritime border between Indonesia and Australia is prone to illegal fishing, which requires bilateral cooperation to resolve it. For this reason, Indonesia cooperates with Australia through the Indonesia-Australia Fisheries Surveillance Forum (IAFSF). This study uses descriptive qualitative method and the Maritime Security Strategy concept which includes Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) and new epistemic infrastructure, coordination and maritime security governance and operational coordination. The results of this research show that Indonesia’s Maritime Security Strategy within the IAFSF framework have been implemented by forming the 115 Task Force to enhance maritime domain awareness, developing a new epistemic infrastructure database of illegal fishing information, facilitating information exchange between Indonesia and Australia on illegal fishing cases, human resource capacity building for Indonesian staff, joint campaigns against illegal fishing, preparing alternative livelihoods for fishermen across the Indonesian-Australian maritime borders and Operation Gannet coordinated patrols between Bakamla and the Australian Border Force (ABF).
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Martinus, Kirsten. "Australian labour force changes under the reduced mobility of COVID-19." Australian Population Studies 6, no. 2 (2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37970/aps.v6i2.105.

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Background
 The geographic mobility of labour has long facilitated a well-functioning labour market for Australia, being of importance in skill-matching and jobs in regional economies. Disrupting the long-distance labour commute, COVID-19 border closures and community lockdowns had an immediate and significant impact on the Australian labour market.
 Aims
 The aim is to understand Australian labour force demography and provide an empirical understanding of how regions, and their respective states and territories, faired through the pandemic.
 Data and methods
 Using Australian Bureau of Statistics SA4 level labour force participation and unemployment data, the paper highlights regional changes between 2018 and 2021 - covering periods immediately before and after the emergence of COVID-19. Its analysis is contextualised by the respective state and territory and employment conditions underpinning labour demand via proxies of gross national product and state and territory gross product, gross real income and job vacancies.
 Results
 The paper finds variations in labour force change are dependent on regional industry economic profiles between and within states and territories. This was in part due to state and territory lockdown and border closure policies as well as respective industry economic profiles.
 Conclusions
 A more comprehensive mapping and understanding of labour force shifts over time will better capture the trajectories of regional labour markets. This will enable better targeting of specific policy outcomes at various levels of government, including to encourage industry diversity, support labour reskilling and the uptake of technologies. Such policies will be better placed to assist Australian labour force transitions post-COVID and efficient labour market functioning.
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Sholihah, Fetty Fidyatus, and Nur Luthfi Hidayatullah. "AUSTRALIA’S ROLE IN DEVELOPING INDONESIA’S CAPACITY BUILDING IN COMBATTING NARCOTIC CRIMES." SIYAR Journal 3, no. 1 (2023): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/siyar.2023.3.1.1-13.

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This research seeks to explain Australia's role, through the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and the Australian Border Force (ABF) in developing Indonesian National Narcotics Board’s (BNN) capacity building in dealing with narcotics crimes. Special skills are needed in dealing with narcotics crimes, both in the process of prosecution of criminals and crime prevention. The Indonesian National Narcotics Board faced several obstacles in handling narcotic crimes, including the lack of capacity in using technology to identify new kinds of drugs and capability to track down narcotic criminals. Hence, Australia observes that enforcement skills could be developed within Indonesia's capacity to deal with narcotics crimes. This study uses a descriptive research method with a qualitative approach to describe Australia’s role in developing Indonesia's internal and external capacity building.The result of this research shows that Australia's role in developing Indonesia's capacity building through conducting activities in the form of training which consists of skills, knowledge and attitude training. Australia’s training has improved BNN staff’s internal capacity in problem solving, integrity and knowledge. Australia has also improved BNN’s external capacity by developing K-9 facilities and granting dog runs.
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Ireland-Piper, Danielle, and Jonathan Crowe. "Whistleblowing, National Security and the Constitutional Freedom of Political Communication." Federal Law Review 46, no. 3 (2018): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600301.

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Whistleblowers promote the values of responsible government and the rule of law by drawing attention to criminal or other forms of wrongdoing in publicly accountable organisations. This article explores the relationship between whistleblowing, national security and the implied freedom of political communication under the Australian Constitution. Legislation such as the Crimes Act 1914 (Cth) (‘ Crimes Act’), the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Act 1979 (Cth) (‘ ASIO Act’) and the Australian Border Force Act 2015 (Cth) (‘ Border Force Act’) makes it an offence to reveal certain types of information obtained as a Commonwealth officer. The Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (Cth) (‘ PIDA’) offers limited protection to whistleblowers in the Commonwealth public sector, but this protection does not extend to information relating to intelligence operations. We argue that blanket criminalisation of unauthorised disclosure by Commonwealth officers or contractors under s 70 of the Crimes Act, along with similar prohibitions in s 35P of the ASIO Act and s 42 of the Border Force Act, offend the implied freedom of political communication by failing to strike an adequate balance between national security and organisational secrecy, on the one hand, and public debate and discussion, on the other. The courts should read down these laws to protect disclosures that hold significant public interest for discussion and debate over government policy or the performance of government officials.
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5

Hufnagel, Saskia. "'The Fear of Insignificance': New Perspectives on Harmonising Police Cooperation in Europe and Australia." Journal of Contemporary European Research 6, no. 2 (2010): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v6i2.268.

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Despite the fact that Australia and the European Union (EU) have different structures of governance, histories, and cultures, both entities face remarkably similar problems in relation to police cooperation across borders. Australia is divided in nine different criminal jurisdictions, each of them policed by its own police force. Problems of border crossing, information exchange and joint investigations therefore arise similar to those in the EU. These problems have intensified in the 20th century with globalisation and the increased mobility of offenders. Several strategies, both legal and administrative, have necessarily developed to secure inter-state borders. Many of these strategies, like joint investigation teams, common databases and mutual recognition can be compared to solutions developed in the EU. This article will analyse some of the strategies that have been developed in Australia and in the EU to out-balance the lack of borders within them. It will be discussed what the major common impediments to police cooperation are in both entities. As many problems of cross-border policing result from the fact that law enforcement strategies are purely regional, it will be explored how more advanced cooperation strategies could be harmonised at the EU and Australian Federal levels. The major inhibiting factor in relation to harmonisation of legal frameworks in both entities will be defined as ‘the fear of insignificance’ or the fear of state actors to lose their individual identities in the process of harmonisation.
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6

Millbank, Jenni. "What is the Responsibility of Australian Medical Professionals Whose Patients Travel Abroad for Assisted Reproduction?" Medical Law Review 27, no. 3 (2019): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/medlaw/fwy040.

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Abstract Australian medical professionals whose patients undertake assisted reproductive treatment abroad face a conflict: to try to provide optimal and on-going care for their patient at the same time as ensuring compliance with Australian legal, ethical, and professional rules which proscribe as unsafe or unethical key aspects of such treatment. A major suggestion from literature on medical travel is that risks to the patient can be mitigated through the involvement of the local professional. However, the force of legal regulation and ethical guidance in Australia strenuously directs clinicians away from involvement in overseas reproductive treatment. This article reports on 37 interviews with Australians travelling abroad for surrogacy, egg donation, and embryo donation, reflecting on patients’ experiences with Australian medical professionals both before and after they travelled. Patient reports demonstrate a fragmented and bewildering medical landscape in Australia, in which the ability to access domestic care and expertise varied markedly depending upon the kind of treatment patients were seeking abroad, and the mode of practice of the Australian doctor. Doctors practicing within licensed IVF clinics were notably more constrained than those outside such a setting. Patients seeking egg donation were offered information and received a wide range of diagnostic and preparatory treatments, while those seeking surrogacy were shunned, chided and offered limited (and sometimes covert) assistance. While recent changes to national ethical guidance improve clarity on information giving, the ethical and legal propriety of Australian medical professionals providing diagnostic or preparatory treatment for cross border reproduction remains uncertain.
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7

Prabowo, Angga Reza. "Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia-Australia di Era Pandemi Covid-19: Studi Kasus Kerjasama Bakamla-Australian Border Force." Bappenas Working Papers 5, no. 2 (2022): 176–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.47266/bwp.v5i2.169.

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Guna mencapai Indonesia sebagai Poros Maritim Dunia/PMD, diplomasi maritim memiliki peran yang penting. Berkaitan perihal dimaksud, Indonesia dan Australia memiliki landasan kerja sama di bidang maritim berdasarkan Joint Declaration on Maritime Cooperation tahun 2017, dan diperkuat dengan Plan of Action tahun 2018. Salah satu instansi pendukung pelaksanaan Plan of Action adalah Badan Keamanan Laut Republik Indonesia/Bakamla dan Australian Border Force/ABF. Disaat pelaksanaan Plan of Action, terjadi kondisi pandemi COVID-19 yang mempengaruhi implementasi kerja sama. Di sisi lain, berdasarkan konsep diplomasi maritim sebagaimana dikemukakan Le Mière, tulisani turut menganalisis bentuk dan tujuan diplomasi maritim antara Bakamla-ABF. Terkait implementasi, kedua instansi dapat menyesuaikan kondisi pandemi, dengan mengubah metode kegiatan sehingga diplomasi tetap terselenggara walaupun terjadi pengurangan intensitas kegiatan. Bentuk diplomasi maritim antara Bakamla-ABF tidak sepenuhnya menyerupai yang disampaikan Le Mière. Tujuan diplomasi maritim Bakamla-ABF adalah untuk membangun kepercayaan.
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Roberts, Leah, Michael J. Deml, and Katie Attwell. "‘COVID Is Coming, and I’m Bloody Scared’: How Adults with Co-Morbidities’ Threat Perceptions of COVID-19 Shape Their Vaccination Decisions." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 4 (2023): 2953. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20042953.

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Adults with comorbidities have faced a high risk from COVID-19 infection. However, Western Australia experienced relatively few infections and deaths from 2020 until early 2022 compared with other OECD countries, as hard border policies allowed for wide-scale vaccination before mass infections began. This research investigated the thoughts, feelings, risk perceptions, and practices of Western Australian adults with comorbidities aged 18–60 years in regard to COVID-19 disease and COVID-19 vaccines. We conducted 14 in-depth qualitative interviews between January and April 2022, just as the disease was starting to circulate. We coded results inductively and deductively, combining the Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM) and vaccine belief models. Non-hesitant participants believed COVID-19 vaccines were safe and effective at mitigating COVID-19′s threat and subsequently got vaccinated. Vaccine hesitant participants were less convinced the disease was severe or that they were susceptible to it; they also did not consider the vaccines to be sufficiently safe. Yet, for some hesitant participants, the exogenous force of mandates prompted vaccination. This work is important to understand how people’s thoughts and feelings about their comorbidities and risks from COVID-19 influence vaccine uptake and how mandatory policies can affect uptake in this cohort.
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Sinaga, Ridwan Stanley, and Ika Riswanti Putranti. "State of Play Civil Society Organization in Montara Incident in 2009." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 5, no. 2 (2021): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v5i2.9664.

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This paper seeks to explain the role of the West Timor Care Foundation (YPTB) in the 2009 Montara dispute using the concept of the Transnational Advocacy Network and the Boomerang Model. This study found that YPTB had a role as an external-pressure and agenda-setter for the Indonesian and Australian governments because it failed to accommodate community problems. Pressure is carried out by means of diplomacy and litigation to overcome government inconsistencies with implication in the bilateral atmosphere of the two governments. YPTB's efforts to influence this policy set in motion the Boomerang Effect as a way to settle the Montara settlement. This research is qualitative studies with purpose to investigate WTCF as an analyze unit and as the informant key. The results of this study contribute to understanding the processes that can mobilize interest groups and the ways in which they resolve disputes. The failure of governments to design interest triggers to use their networks and force changes to cross-border policies.
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Mortimer, S. I., J. H. J. van der Werf, R. H. Jacob, et al. "Preliminary estimates of genetic parameters for carcass and meat quality traits in Australian sheep." Animal Production Science 50, no. 12 (2010): 1135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/an10126.

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Using performance from progeny born in 2007 and 2008 generated by the Information Nucleus program of the Cooperative Research Centre for Sheep Industry Innovation, preliminary estimates of heritability were obtained for a range of novel carcass and meat attributes of lamb relevant to consumers, including carcass characteristics, meat quality and nutritional value of lamb. Phenotypic and genetic correlations of live animal traits with carcass composition and meat quality traits were also estimated. The data were from progeny located at eight sites, sired by 183 rams from Merino, maternal and terminal meat breeds and were representative of the Merino, Border Leicester × Merino, Terminal × Merino and Terminal × Border Leicester-Merino production types of the Australian sheep industry. Data were available from 7176 lambs for weaning weight, 6771 lambs for ultrasound scanning and 4110 lambs for slaughter traits. For the novel meat quality traits, generally moderate to high heritability estimates were obtained for meat quality measures of shear force (0.27 aged 1 day, 0.38 aged 5 days), intramuscular fat (0.39), retail meat colour (range of 0.09 to 0.44) and myoglobin content (0.22). The nutritional value traits of omega-3 fatty acids and iron and zinc contents tended to have low to moderate heritabilities (0.11–0.37), although these were based on fewer records. Fresh meat colour traits were of low to moderate heritability (0.06–0.21) whereas measures of meat pH were of low heritability (~0.10). For the carcass traits, estimates of heritability were moderate to high for the various measures of carcass fat (0.18–0.50), muscle weight (0.22–0.35), meat yield (0.24–0.35), carcass muscle dimensions (0.25–0.34) and bone weight (0.27). Results indicate that for most lamb carcass and meat quality traits there is sufficient genetic variation for selection to alter successfully these characteristics. Additionally, most genetic correlations of live animal assessments of bodyweight, muscle and subcutaneous fat with the carcass and meat quality traits were favourable. Appropriate definition of breeding objectives and design of selection indexes should be able to account for the small unfavourable relationships that exist and achieve the desired outcomes from breeding programs.
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11

Knight, M. I., H. D. Daetwyler, B. J. Hayes, et al. "Discovery and trait association of single nucleotide polymorphisms from gene regions of influence on meat tenderness and long-chain omega-3 fatty acid content in Australian lamb." Animal Production Science 52, no. 7 (2012): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/an11229.

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Whole genome association studies in humans have shown a strong relationship between omega-3 levels in plasma and single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNP) located close to genes whose protein products are involved in the biosynthesis of long-chain omega-3 fatty acids. In sheep and other livestock species, the calpain/calpastatin system is the principal influence on natural variation in meat tenderness between animals. Using targeted next generation sequencing, we sequenced the fatty acid desaturase locus (FADS1/2/3), ELOVL2 and SLC26A10 and the calpain/calpastatin (CAPN1/2/3 and CAST) gene loci of 35 industry sires from the Australian flock. A total of 753 SNP were identified and 182 of these SNP were selected for incorporation onto a research SNP panel that represented the genetic variation across the nine genes. A total of 1252 animals were genotyped from the Australian Sheep CRC Information Nucleus Flock for these SNP and the genomic association was calculated for omega-3 fatty acid content and objective meat tenderness in lamb. Six SNP within CAST and CAPN2 showed association with shear force at Day 5 post-mortem at a significance level of P ≤ 0.01. When these were fitted simultaneously in a mixed-model analysis with fixed effects and covariates, three SNP remained significant. These SNP each had an unfavourable effect on shear force of between 1.1 and 1.8 N, with a combined effect of 4.1 N. The frequency of the favourable alleles in the progeny measured indicates that these SNP hold good potential for improving the management of meat tenderness across Merino, Border Leicester and Terminal sire types. No SNP within the FADS1/2/3, ELOVL2 and SLC26A10 gene regions were associated with lamb muscle omega-3 levels. This indicates that genetic variation in the long-chain omega-3 biosynthesis pathway genes analysed here may not be important for omega-3 content in lamb within the Information Nucleus Flock population.
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Mittal, Rajkumari, Smita Dayal, and Praveen Gupta. "From crisis to comeback: the Silkyara collapse." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 15, no. 2 (2025): 1–28. https://doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-11-2024-0497.

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Learning outcomes The learning outcomes are as follows: to understand the contribution of leadership to the projects’ success and identify the key qualities of an effective project manager; understand the significance of project risk and evaluate alternative tools for risk management; to sensitize participants on how the development versus sustainability trade-off must be carefully planned and intermittently audited to create a strategic fit between ecological safety and high-value projects; and to make the participants understand the concept of crisis management and the various steps involved in managing a crisis-like situation. Case overview/synopsis Silkyara tunnel is part of the $1.5bn, 900-km-long Char Dham Highway Project (Four Holy Places Pilgrimage) in Uttarakhand, India. The tunnel was designed to connect four Hindu pilgrim sites in Uttarakhand (known as the land of gods). On 12 November 2023, a group of 41 workers got trapped when the tunnel collapsed. Rescue operations were launched, and several Indian Government and private agencies rushed towards the project site. These included National Highways and Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited, the Uttarakhand Police, the National Highway Authority of India, engineers from the Indian Army Corps of Engineers, the National Disaster Response Force, the State Disaster Response Force and the Border Roads Organization Authorities from International Rescue Services, headed by Arnold Dix, an Australian underground expert, and a micro-tunnelling expert, Chris Cooper, were called to lend their expertise in the rescue operation. The joint efforts focused on clearing the obstruction of 60 m and creating an exit passage for the trapped workers. After hardcore efforts by multiple stakeholders for several days, the government brought ‘rat-hole’ miners. These miners used manual mining methods for the last few meters to create accessibility for the trapped workers. All 41 workers were successfully rescued on 29 November 2023, and it became a joy-de-vivre moment for their families and all other stakeholders. The rescue mission named Operation Zindagi (which means Operation Life) proved successful, and all workers were safely removed from the disastrous trap, but the incident raised worrisome situations among the minds of stakeholders about safety versus development. Complexity academic level Postgraduate/Executive. Supplementary material Teaching notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 9: Operations and Logistics.
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McComas, Haydn W. "Ethical leadership within law enforcement agencies: pedagogical and cultural challenges." Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 5, no. 2 (2019): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-12-2018-0044.

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Purpose Effective ethical leadership is crucial for law enforcement leaders. Ultimately the presence or absence of ethical leadership has significant implications for society. Yet Western law enforcement agencies (LEAs) invest little by way of time, effort or understanding into how law enforcement leaders interpret and develop a sense of ethical competence for leadership. This is a significantly under-researched area within law enforcement anywhere in the world. The purpose of this paper is to assess, measure and more fully understand how social constructivism, problem-based learning (PBL) and self-reflection assist front-line leaders to learn and internalise ethical reasoning for leadership within a law enforcement environment. Design/methodology/approach The research was designed to assess, measure and more fully understand how social constructivism, PBL and self-reflection assist front-line leaders to learn and internalise ethical reasoning for leadership within a law enforcement environment. Data were collected during a two-day ethical leadership workshop delivered to 13 leaders in supervisory positions from the Australian Border Force and the Australian Federal Police. The pedagogical approach was to blend PBL and self-reflection within a social constructivist centred learning experience and measure changes in the ethical efficacy of the research participants through qualitative and quantitative measures. Findings The research suggests that blending PBL and self-reflection within a social constructivist learning environment can contribute towards law enforcement leaders’ learning and internalising of ethical reasoning. This is demonstrated through the measurement of ethical efficacy both before and after the learning experience, with particular growth evident towards understanding ethical perspectives and concepts. Research limitations/implications Limitations include the fact that results cannot be generalised due to the size of the case study. This is compounded by the fact that much of the data are self-reported and responses offered by the participants are subjective. As a result, much of the data were subject to the attitudes and personal perceptions of the participants thus making the information subjective. Aside from demonstrating an impactful learning approach, this research has highlighted that amongst contemporary Australian LEAs there has been little effort or progress towards finding meaningful and effective pathways to encourage or grow ethical efficacy. Practical implications Given challenges faced by LEAs, both Australian and international, the critical need for investment in learning for ethical leadership is both clear and emergent. Law enforcement ethical leadership learning cannot be satisfied through online learning and other cost-efficient means alone. A face-to-face problem-based and reflective learning environment that combines trust, tools and tension in equal measure offers promise for enhanced ethical efficacy. Achieving this requires significant investment in face-to-face learning utilising high-level facilitation skills. Social implications There is a deep and disturbing malaise within Australian LEAs in relation to ethical leadership development, exacerbated by the dearth of investment directed towards learning for front-line ethical leadership. Australian LEAs sit at the crossroads in relation to their application of ethical leadership learning. Given the recent challenges, if these agencies fail to fully engage with this opportunity, the cost will be unfortunately borne by all citizens. Originality/value The implication is a clear need to understand and establish the most effective way for law enforcement officers to grasp the importance of ethics and in doing so, learn ethical leadership. Understanding how law enforcement leaders interpret and develop a sense of ethical competence for leadership is a significantly under-researched area within adult learning and there is little evidence of similar effort within law enforcement anywhere in the world. The overarching objective of this research therefore was to identify pathways that strengthen and enhance ethical leadership as an enabler towards achieving just and corruption-free law enforcement services for the communities.
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Bochenek, Michael Garcia. "The Persistent, Pernicious Use of Pushbacks against Children and Adults in Search of Safety." Laws 12, no. 3 (2023): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws12030034.

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Border pushbacks, including at the European Union’s external borders and by countries such as Australia, Mexico, Turkey, and the United States, are common—and in fact have become a new normal. These border policing or other operations aim to prevent people from reaching, entering, or remaining in a territory. Screening for protection needs is summary or non-existent. Pushbacks violate the international prohibitions of collective expulsion and refoulement, and pushbacks of children are inconsistent with the best interests principle and other children’s rights standards. Excessive force, other ill-treatment, family separation, and other rights violations may also accompany pushback operations. Despite formidable obstacles such as weak oversight mechanisms, undue judicial deference to the executive, and official ambivalence, domestic court rulings and other initiatives show some promise in securing compliance with international standards and affording a measure of accountability.
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VARNEY, DENISE. "White-out: Theatre as an Agent of Border Patrol." Theatre Research International 28, no. 3 (2003): 326–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883303001160.

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In Australia in 2001, there was a marked escalation of debates about nation, national identity and national borders in tandem with a right-wing turn in national politics. Within the cultural context of debate about national identity, popular theatre became an unwitting ally of neo-conservative forces. Within popular theatre culture, the neo-conservative trend is naturalized as the view of the Anglo-Celtic-European mainstream or core culture that also embraces and depoliticizes feminist debates about home and family. Elizabeth Coleman's 2001 play This Way Up assists in the production of an inward-looking turn in the national imaginary and a renewed emphasis on home and family. The performance dramatizes aspects of what we are to understand as ordinary Australian life which might be interpreted as that which Prime Minister John Howard defends in the name of the National Interest. The cultural imaginary that shapes the production of the popular play is that of the conservative white national imaginary.
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Hodge, Paul. "#LetThemStay#BringThemHere: Embodied politics, asylum seeking, and performativities of protest opposing Australia’s Operation Sovereign Borders." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 37, no. 3 (2018): 386–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654418788868.

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The body is the object of border protection. Yet the body remains largely outside reigning notions of the political in debates on bordering practices and challenges to it. Exploring what bodies do in their performativity as they negotiate and resist the securitisation of forced migration can open up new ways of understanding the disruptive potential of the body. In this paper, I draw on Judith Butler’s seminal work on contingency and norms of existence, along with her musings on forms of assembly, and recent feminist scholarship on social movements, to think through what the #LetThemStay and #BringThemHere protests in Australia might signal as advocates for those seeking asylum put their bodies on the line to disrupt the federal government’s border protection policy – Operation Sovereign Borders. While people seeking asylum themselves are at the bodily forefront of opposition and resistance – their bodies and bodily tactics negotiating border enforcement technologies – it is the bodily performativities of advocates for those seeking asylum that are the focus of this paper. The paper describes the way linguistic and bodily performativity coalesce in these performativities of protest as advocates embody the sociality being asserted. By making explicit the embodied politics at play in these forms of assembly, I explore the transformative potential of the body in its myriad capacities adding to long-standing feminist calls for a ‘corporeal geopolitics’ in political geography, one that centres the already existing politics of bodies.
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Lestari, Diana, Syarifah Hudayah, and Irwansyah Irwansyah. "Ensuring Security in Economic Freedom: A Cross Case Between Indonesia's Border Neighbors." Jurnal Ekonomi dan Studi Pembangunan 15, no. 2 (2023): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um002v15i22023p047.

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An open economy allows for partnerships between countries. The urgency of this paper is to dedicate the government's concern to revitalizing weapons in finance, export–import, and empowering the military sector to maintain economic freedom in 8 countries. The objectivity of the study focuses on Indonesia's cross–border countries. Annual published data sourced from the Global Economy is compiled for 6 periods. Then, the comparative linear regression technique serves to articulate the analysis funds. Since 2016–2021, there are indications that there is a strong determination of arms imports, arms exports, GDP of the military, armed forces personnel, and military spending on economic freedom. Interestingly, it was found that variables that influence economic freedom include arms imports in Australia, Papua New Guinea and the Philippines, then arms exports in Indonesia, Australia and Papua New Guinea. In line with the GDP of the military which also affects economic freedom for Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Singapore and Thailand. Furthermore, only armed forces personnel have a systematic effect on Australia and Vietnam and military spending on Papua New Guinea and Malaysia. Therefore, the research output guides future studies to consider protective national military policy interventions as an alternative to driving national economic independence.
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Keneley, Monica. "Does Organizational Heritage Matter in the Development of Offshore Markets? The Case of Australian Life Insurers." Business History Review 87, no. 2 (2013): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680513000421.

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The globalization of financial markets over the past decade has focused the spotlight on the responsiveness of financial firms to international pressures. Insurance markets have traditionally relied on global networks not only to expand the insurers' sphere of influence but also to support domestic business. Until relatively recently, Australian insurance companies have not played a significant role in the development of international markets. However, in the last decade of the twentieth century Australian insurers ventured overseas on a scale without precedence. This article presents an historical perspective on the internationalization of the Australian life-insurance market with a view to understanding why these firms have been classified “late starters” in the internationalization stakes. In a broader capacity it provides insights into the impediments to overseas expansion and the forces encouraging or discouraging the development of cross border networks.
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Dowlah, Caf. "Cross-border labor mobility." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 13, no. 1 (2014): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-12-2012-0020.

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Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to examine convergence of economic interests – both empirically and theoretically – among labor-abundant (labor-sending) and labor scarce (labor receiving) countries, in the context of Mode 4 of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) of the WTO. The paper also explores regional trade associations as an interim alternative forum for promoting temporary cross-border labor mobility in the backdrop of failure of multilateral trade negotiations under the Doha Round. Design/methodology/approach – The research methodology of the paper involves literature review, an analysis of databases and theoretical findings, and a critical examination of pertinent empirical and secondary information on the subject matter. Findings – The findings reveal that although a convergence of economic interests seem to exist between the labor-sending and receiving countries for promoting cross-border labor mobility, this sector faces formidable trade and non-trade barriers across the world, especially in the developed countries. As multilateral trade negotiations under the Doha Round have failed to make any progress toward liberalization of this sector, regional trade associations, especially those pursued by the USA, Canada and Australia, seem to provide a credible alternative vehicle, as an interim measure, for further liberalization of this sector. These RTAs can serve as examples for other RTAs to promote regional mobility of labor. Research limitations/implications – Cross-border temporary labor mobility, as envisaged by GATs of the WTO, is a burgeoning field. Although some serious works are available, especially sponsored by the World Bank and some leading universities, there is a considerable dearth in this field, especially in respect to contribution from individual scholars and researchers. This paper fills the void to some extent by ascertaining factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility, by pointing out limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and by exploring the regional trade associations as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility. Practical implications – This paper points out factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility, ascertains crucial limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and explores the RTAs as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility – all these would have practical policy implications. Originality/value – The originality of the paper lies with its critical and careful review of existing literature and available databases, with the determination of factors and forces that help or hinder cross-border mobility in the contemporary world, in pointing out the limitations of multilateral trade negotiations under the WTO, and in exploring the RTAs as an interim measure for promoting cross-border labor mobility.
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Jain, Purnendra. "Hesitant Realism: China–India Border Tensions and Delhi’s Deepening Strategic Ties with Tokyo and Canberra." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (2021): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992529.

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The deadly conflict on the Ladakh border in June 2020 will force India to re-evaluate its approach to foreign policy. This dangerous turn, despite decades of mutual restraint, border talks, agreements and recent bonhomie between the Indian and Chinese leaders, has intensified the strategically tense environment of the Indo-Pacific region. China’s assertiveness in the South China and East China seas and its technology and trade tensions with a number of neighbouring Asian and Western nations have already raised political temperatures in global politics. In that light, this article considers how the June 2020 border incident may influence India’s strategic rethink, especially in relation to two key nations of the Indo-Pacific, Japan and Australia. The article suggests that forcing a re-evaluation of the strategic challenge posed by China, the June 2020 border confrontation has inspired a more realist edge to India’s security thinking. India is continuing the strategic autonomy with a multi-alignment approach it has favoured, but with a keener sense of realpolitik it is pressing ahead to deepen its defence and strategic alignments with like-minded nations in the Indo-Pacific region. This means that India is not abandoning its relations with traditional partners such as Russia to instead pursue a more formal alliance with one or a group of other powers. Rather, India is further developing strategic partnerships with the United States and its allies, while continuing strong relations with Russia and other long-standing partners to ‘balance’ its national security position. This article identifies India’s approach as ‘hesitant realism’, an explanatory term to explore India’s moves to balance its external relations through growing ties with Japan and Australia—two US allies that are key Indo-Pacific nations.
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Branco, Patrícia, Francesco Contini, and Richard Mohr. "Condition Critical." Law, Technology and Humans 5, no. 1 (2023): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/lthj.2922.

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The introduction to the ‘Condition Critical’ symposium explains the background to the series on the climatic and pandemic crises at the beginning of the 2020s. What is the role of the law in times of crisis? How does this force for continuity, predictability and order react to the discontinuity characteristic of disasters? The suspension of the law or its day-to-day operations is a moment of extreme danger, rivalling that of the disaster itself, in the licence it gives to powerful actors, governments and others to exercise unfettered force. Yet it also presents institutions, communities and disruptors with opportunities for reinvention and renewal. In this symposium, legal, political science, clinical psychology, history and sociology researchers investigate critical conditions from pandemic responses and extreme weather to terrorist attacks and parental disputes. Law courts have responded by modifying their operations and applying new technologies. This was observed in the United Kingdom and in cross-border European proceedings. A major terrorist trial in France established new architectural and information and communication technology configurations. Courts and the technologies they use can also cause critical incidents, including the disruption of artificial intelligence applications and the critical condition of the Italian justice system. Research into the Portuguese family courts investigated whether they alleviate or exacerbate disputes over the healthcare of children. Government responses to extreme weather events and the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic are studied at the intersection of law and politics in Australia. The individualising forces of neoliberal finance and law, and of urban communication technologies are criticised as dysfunctional when crises require solidarity.
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Corrin, Jennifer. "On the Borderline: Who Is a “Traditional Inhabitant” under the Torres Strait Treaty?" Law and Development Review 13, no. 1 (2020): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ldr-2019-0002.

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AbstractThe Torres Strait Treaty between Australia and Papua New Guinea (“PNG”) came into force in 1985. This unique treaty, which defines the maritime, seabed and fisheries boundaries between Australia and PNG, is recognised as one of the most complex, but imaginative maritime delimitation solutions in existence. The Treaty creates a Protected Zone with a view to safeguarding the traditional way of life and livelihood of traditional inhabitants of the Torres Strait and adjacent coast of PNG. Traditional inhabitants are allowed relatively unrestricted cross-border movement into the Protected Zone for the purpose of performing traditional activities. “Traditional inhabitants” are defined by the treaty, but the relevant provision is ambiguous and the question of who is within the terms of the Treaty is highly contentious. The problem is exacerbated by the competing layers of law which govern the Strait and surrounding Borderlands, and by the dissonance between State law, customary laws, and the practical application of the Treaty. This paper looks at the meaning of “traditional inhabitants” and some of the other issues surrounding this question.
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Lee, Murray, Mark Halsey, and Asher Flynn. "“Streets of menace”: Constructing and deconstructing youth “gangs” in two Australian cities." Oñati Socio-Legal Series 11, no. 5 (2021): 1114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1212.

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This paper explores the symbolic and instrumental impacts associated with labelling particular groups of young people as perpetrators of organised “gang” activity. Using case studies from two Australian cities, we point primarily to the constitutive and damaging nature of much media and public discourse about youth gang crime and show how young offenders’ disadvantage and disenfranchisement is rendered largely invisible or immaterial to understanding the causes and solutions to such problems. In an era of “fake news”, social media “echo chambers”, civil conflict, mass international migration/forced diasporas, as well as the reassertion of strong sovereign borders, we ask: how might one de-escalate the “monstering” of young people whose identity (and presence and place in society) is known primarily, if not exclusively, through the “noise” and visibility of their offending?
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Frelick, Bill, Ian M. Kysel, and Jennifer Podkul. "The Impact of Externalization of Migration Controls on the Rights of Asylum Seekers and Other Migrants." Journal on Migration and Human Security 4, no. 4 (2016): 190–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241600400402.

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Wars, conflict, and persecution have forced more people to flee their homes and seek refuge and safety elsewhere than at any time since the end of World War II. As displaced people and other migrants increasingly move out of the conflict-ridden and less developed regions of their displacement and into relatively rich and stable regions of the world, the countries of destination are increasingly working to contain and even stem the migration flow before it reaches their shores. Perversely, countries that have developed generally rights-sensitive standards and procedures for assessing protection claims of asylum seekers within their jurisdictions have simultaneously established barriers that prevent migrants, including asylum seekers, from setting foot on their territories or otherwise triggering protection obligations. Consequently, those who would otherwise have been able to avail themselves of asylum procedures, social support, and decent reception conditions are often relegated to countries of first arrival or transit that have comparatively less capacity to ensure protection of human rights in accordance with international standards. This paper seeks to develop a working definition of the externalization of migration controls and how such externalization of the border implicates the human rights of migrants, and asylum seekers in particular. Although the majority of those migrants seeking legal protections stay in countries neighboring their own, hundreds of thousands continue their journeys in search of protection and stability in more distant states, including in the European Union, the United States, and Australia. In response to the significant increase in asylum seekers arriving at their borders, all three entities have significantly increased deterrence measures with the hopes of keeping new arrivals from entering. This paper will thus highlight a number of the most troubling externalization strategies used by the European Union, the United States, and Australia. Finally, because rights-threatening externalization law, policies, and practices implicate the international legal responsibility of the destination states pursuing them, the paper will conclude by presenting recommendations that could strengthen protection of human rights in the context of state actions seeking to manage migration.
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Rinchinov, Artem B. "PRC's digital media amid the trade war with the United States: Conditions within the country and prospects for expansion." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 474 (2022): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/17.

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The article aims to highlight some of the features of Chinese information policy and state regulation in order to survey the current state of Chinese media theory within the country. In the sphere of China's foreign relations, the aim was to find evidence that, under conditions of economic pressure, China is moving from a policy of “soft power” towards its partner countries to the practice of building direct economic and infrastructural dependence. The theoretical part of the article is mainly based on the materials of the Chinese Tsinghua Institute. When studying the situation abroad, data from the Australian Institute for Strategic Policy and similar think-tanks in North America were used. According to the current Chinese media theory, all information sources inside the country make up three major groups with more than six subdivisions inside each group. Another point of Chinese media theory, which includes the “six forces” concept, brings much more controversy. According to it, “government” and “party force” are different actors while “capital force” has only limited influence over media content. This concept may be disputed by example of “Southern Model”, when one of the Chinese provinces used a lot of autonomy in its broadcasting policy. The autonomy came to an end, when the state-owned company SMC gained control over the province's broadcasting in 2007. This is one of the examples of how party, state and capital forces' acts combined and merged into one. Correlation analysis shows the interdependence between capital and state forces within the country. The article examines activities of Chinese media, government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGO), and communications corporations abroad. According to open-source data, the hugest economic intervention in media markets of developing countries made by China so far is united under the Digital Silk Road initiative. During the trade war, many Chinese companies, like Huawei, lost their western customers and markets access. By maintaining Chinese media market shut for foreign capital and by expanding own communication network beyond borders through the web of GONGO and favored contracts, Beijing gains an advantage in the ongoing trade war. Such impermanence shows the incompleteness of media theory in China. While being recent, it struggles to describe objective reality without notion that in highly monopolized and regulated spheres, like Chinese media market, the forces of national capital and government may act on behalf of each other. China, despite the lack of a sophisticated theoretical basis, gains control over the media policy in developing countries. The Chinese-built communication infrastructure, which allows controlling internet and mobile media, becomes fundamental for countries in Africa, South-East and Central Asia. Such a situation may lead these countries to fall into the Chinese sphere of influence.
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Jakubowicz, Andrew, and Mara Moustafine. "Living on the Outside: cultural diversity and the transformation of public space in Melbourne." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 2, no. 3 (2010): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v2i3.1603.

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Melbourne has been described as Australia’s most liveable and most multicultural city. What relation do these descriptions have to each other? How has the public culture of Victoria been influenced by the cultural diversity of the state? The political class in Victoria has tended to be more in favour of multiculturalism as a policy, more resistant to populist racism and more positive about immigration than elsewhere in Australia. How has this orientation been affected by the institutional embedding of ethnic power during the past four decades? The organization of ethnic groups into political lobbies, which have collaborated across ethnic borders, has brought about cultural transformations in the “mainstream”. Often the public experiences these transformations through changing uses of public spaces. This paper offers an historical sociology of this process, and argues for a view of public space as a physical representation of the relative power of social forces. It is based on research for the Making Multicultural Australia (Victoria) project. (http://multiculturalaustralia.edu.au). An online version of the paper inviting user-generated comments can be found at http://mmav1.wordpress.com.
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Missbach, Antje, and Frieda Sinanu. "“The Scum of the Earth”? Foreign People Smugglers and Their Local Counterparts in Indonesia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 4 (2011): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000403.

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Since 2008, the number of asylum seekers and refugees trying to reach Australia from Indonesia by boat has increased. With many of them hailing from conflict-ridden countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq and Sri Lanka, most entered Indonesia with short-term tourist visas or fraudulent papers or no documents at all. It is widely known that a significant number of these ‘irregular’ migrants pay various types of brokers (often labelled, accurately or otherwise, ‘human smugglers’) at least at one stage – either to enter the country or to escape it. As a non-signatory to the UN Refugee Convention, Indonesia does not permit local integration. While a substantial part of these migrants are detained in the 13 immigration detention centres scattered around the archipelago, many roam freely, looking for opportunities for onward migration. Due to the restrictive border protection arrangements between Australia and Indonesia and a number of bilateral intelligence measures for deterring ‘unwanted’ migrants, human smugglers have been gradually forced to adapt strategies, routes and prices. According to much of the available data, most human smugglers are not Indonesians but foreigners who have been lingering in Indonesia for many years. This article demonstrates, moreover, that these foreigners depend upon local contacts to successfully carry out their risky business. Most often, the Indonesian counterparts are solely facilitators or handymen, but in a number of cases Indonesian authorities have also been involved in this highly lucrative business.
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Ozoliņš, Jānis T. "The Politics of the Pandemic: The Rise of Authoritarianism in Australia." MEΘEXIS Journal of Research in Values and Spirituality I, no. I (2021): 73–97. https://doi.org/10.71210/mjrvs.1.a.5.

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Undoubtedly the past two years of the Covid-19 pandemic have been challenging for every nation. The response, however, has been varied. In this paper, beginning with a brief overview of how the virus has progressed in Australia, we consider some worrying developments. Although the speed with which state governments assumed emergency powers to deal with the virus showed a commendable degree of leadership, the continuing reliance on these powers to close state borders and to lockdown their citizens demonstrates a shift towards authoritarianism. Worse still, is the willing compliance of the majority of citizens in their own incarceration. The state of Victoria has the dubious honor of being the most locked down state in the world. The effect on mental health, particularly school children who have missed a significant portion of the school year, small businesses that have been forced to close, and workers unable to work from home, has been severe. State governments, by and large, have ignored this and continued to use lockdowns as the means of trying to control the spread of the virus. More recently, has come the realisation that eliminating the virus is not possible, and the end of lockdowns can only be achieved through mass vaccination. Rather concerningly, this has resulted in a further lurch towards an authoritarian state with growing support for mandating vaccination. We argue that the turn to totalitarianism should be resisted.
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Hamin, Zaiton. "Recent changes to the AML/CFT law in Malaysia." Journal of Money Laundering Control 20, no. 1 (2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-04-2015-0013.

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Purpose The aim of this paper is to examine some of the recent changes to the old anti-money laundering and anti-terrorism financing law, which is now known as the Anti-Money Laundering, Anti-Terrorism Financing and Proceeds of Unlawful Activities Act 2001. The paper will highlight the newly consolidated money laundering offences and the newly created offences including structuring of transactions or “smurfing”. Also, the transgression of cross-border movement of cash and negotiable instruments and tipping off about a money laundering disclosure will be assessed. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses a doctrinal legal research and secondary data, with the new AML/CFT legislation as the primary source. For comparative analysis, legislations in the UK, Australia and New Zealand are also examined. Secondary sources include case law, articles in academic journals, books and online databases. Findings The review of the AML/CFT law is timely and indicates the Malaysian government’s efforts to adhere to international standards set by the financial action task force. However, it is imperative that the Malaysian government addresses the remaining instrumental and normative deficiencies in the AML/CFT law to ensure that the recent legal changes are sufficiently comprehensive to prevent and regulate money laundering and terrorist financing within Malaysia. Originality/value This paper is a useful source of information for legal practitioners, academicians, law enforcement, policymakers, legislators, researchers and students.
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Bennett, Lorraine, and Ali Abusalem. "Building Academic Integrity and Capacity in Digital Assessment in Higher Education." Athens Journal of Education 11, no. 1 (2024): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/aje.11-1-5.

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The rapid spread of the COVID-19 pandemic in the first half of 2020 disrupted and changed higher education across the world, and into the future. Campuses were shut down, almost overnight. International and State borders were closed and business models that relied heavily on high-paying international students collapsed. University leaders and academics were forced to find new ways of attracting, engaging with, and retaining students. This paper describes a project that was undertaken in Australia in 2021 which investigated the implications of, and scope for online assessment in this ‘new virtual world’ of learning and teaching in higher education. After extensive research and consultation, the project developed a Digital Assessment Framework dubbed DASH C21, which stands for Digital Assessment Stretching Horizons for the 21st Century. The Framework is based on a set of underpinning principles and values; the Inputs. The Inputs feed into four Dimensions. These Dimensions are Practices and Pedagogies, Strategies, Emerging Technologies and Stretching Horizons. The Outputs are a series of authentic, innovative, experiential and forward looking, digital assessments, reinforced by academic integrity values. This paper will be of particular interest to higher education senior managers, academics, learning and teaching specialists, staff professional developers and curriculum designers. Keywords: Digital Assessment Framework
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Dillinger, Antoine, Annette D. George, and Romain Vaucher. "Evolution of a complex early Permian coarse-grained shoreline along a rift basin margin." Journal of Sedimentary Research 91, no. 3 (2021): 317–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2110/jsr.2020.063.

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ABSTRACT Tectonic activity in extensional basins has a profound control on accommodation and sediment supply through the interplay between footwall uplift and hanging-wall subsidence, and thus largely influences the three-dimensional architecture of syn-rift sequences. This is emphasized in areas close to major rift-border faults, where steep coastal reliefs and fluvial gradients produce compound facies zonation and stratigraphic styles with strong lateral variability. The lower Permian High Cliff Sandstone was deposited in an array of shallow marine environments along the margin of the northern Perth Basin during a protracted late Paleozoic rifting episode in Western Australian basins. The formation is composed of fluvio-deltaic and nearshore strata sharply overlying a thick succession of offshore mudstone that was deposited during a phase of tectonic quiescence. This basal contact likely reflects submarine erosion and is, therefore, interpreted as a regressive surface of marine erosion generated in response to forced regression. The facies arrangement consisting of interbedded sandstone, conglomerate, and heterolithic facies chiefly records the evolution of a low- to high-gradient paleoshoreline punctuated by coastal streams, steep sea cliffs, and back-barrier lagoons. Extraformational outsized clasts were probably emplaced by the erosion of exhumed basement and older sedimentary rocks through fluvial incision, wave sapping, or landsliding. The along-strike variability between low- and high-gradient shoreline deposits indicates a dynamic depositional setting with a complex tectonic influence. The basal regressive surface of marine erosion is attributed to footwall uplift during the early reactivation stage of basin-bounding normal faults and, therefore, records the initiation of a new syn-rift phase in the northern Perth Basin.
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Marsh, Nicole, Catherine O’Brien, Emily N. Larsen, et al. "Securing Jugular Central Venous Catheters With Dressings Fixed to a Liquid Adhesive to Prevent Dressing Failure in Intensive Care Patients (the STICKY Trial): A Randomized Controlled Trial." Critical Care Medicine 53, no. 2 (2025): e282-e293. https://doi.org/10.1097/ccm.0000000000006533.

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OBJECTIVES: Central venous catheters (CVCs) are vital for treating ICU patients. However, up to a quarter of CVCs fail from mechanical or infective complications. Poor securement of CVCs to the skin contributes to catheter failure, particularly CVCs placed in the jugular vein, which are highly vulnerable to pullout forces. This study evaluated the effectiveness of medical liquid adhesive (MLA) for improving jugular CVC dressing adhesion. DESIGN: Multisite parallel group, superiority, randomized controlled trial. SETTING: Four metropolitan Australian ICUs. PATIENTS: Eligible patients were 18 years old or older, within 12 hours of jugular CVC insertion, expected to need the CVC for greater than or equal to 72 hours, and remain in ICU for greater than or equal to 24 hours. INTERVENTIONS: Patients were randomly allocated (stratified by hospital and gender) to standard CVC dressings with the application of MLA to skin under the dressing border (intervention) or standard care CVC dressings (control). MEASUREMENTS AND MAIN RESULTS: The primary endpoint was dressing failure within 7 days due to lifting edges. Secondary outcomes included the total number of dressing changes, skin injury, and CVC failure. In total, 160 participants (82 control; 78 intervention) were enrolled. There were 22 (28%) and 41 (50%) cases of premature dressing failure in the intervention and control groups respectively (odds ratio, 0.39; 95% CI, 0.20–0.76; p = 0.005). The intervention group had fewer dressing changes (incidence rate ratio [IRR], 0.74; 95% CI, 0.55–0.99). Time to dressing failure (log-rank test; p = 0.12) and all-cause CVC failure (IRR, 1.44; 95% CI, 0.36–5.79) did not differ between groups. Three skin injuries occurred: one in the intervention (blister) and two in the control (maceration and skin tear) groups. CONCLUSIONS: MLA is associated with significantly decreased jugular CVC dressing failure and longer dressing dwell, with an acceptable safety profile. MLA should be considered to preserve jugular CVC dressings in ICU.
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Bashford, Alison, and Jane McAdam. "The Right to Asylum: Britain's 1905 Aliens Act and the Evolution of Refugee Law." Law and History Review 32, no. 2 (2014): 309–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000029.

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From the 1880s, states and self-governing colonies in North and South America, across Australasia, and in southern Africa began introducing laws to regulate the entry of newly defined “undesirable immigrants.” This was a trend that intensified exclusionary powers originally passed in the 1850s to regulate Chinese migration, initially in the context of the gold rushes in California and the self-governing colony of Victoria in Australia. The entry and movement of other populations also began to be regulated toward the end of the century, in particular the increasing number of certain Europeans migrating to the United States. It is perhaps unsurprising, then, that Britain followed this legal trend with the introduction of the 1905 Aliens Act, although it was a latecomer when situated in the global context, and certainly within the context of its own Empire. The Aliens Act was passed in response to the persecution of Eastern European Jews and their forced migration, mainly from the Russian Empire into Britain. It defined for the first time in British law the notion of the “undesirable immigrant,” criteria to exclude would-be immigrants, and exemptions from those exclusions. The Aliens Act has been analyzed by historians and legal scholars as an aspect of the history of British immigration law on the one hand, and of British Jewry and British anti-Semitism on the other. Exclusion based on ethnic and religious grounds has dominated both analyses. Thus, the Act has been framed as the major antecedent to Britain's more substantial and enduring legislative moves in the 1960s to restrict entry, regulate borders, and nominate and identify “undesirable” entrants effectively (if not explicitly) on racial grounds.
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McGreevy, PD, and PC Bennett. "Challenges and paradoxes in the companion-animal niche." Animal Welfare 19, S1 (2010): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0962728600002190.

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AbstractBy definition, the companion-animal niche demands merely that animals must provide companionship. At first glance, this may seem easy enough, but the forces that contribute to success in this niche are complex. Indeed, success as a companion is rarely measured in terms of biological fitness, and empirical measures of the breeding value of stock remain elusive. The challenges in the niche are manifold and reflect the need for companion animals to show behavioural flexibility, an attribute variously labelled compliance, tolerance, and even forgiveness. The borders of the niche are blurred and there is often negligible communication between buyers and suppliers of companion animals. In addition, demand for a given phenotype is subject to considerable flux. Paradoxically, companion animals may be victims of their own success. We value the social feedback they provide and yet often leave them alone for lengthy periods. There is an inherent tension between the desire to share the company of these animals and the reality that some humans find an animal's need for social contact, and indeed many species-specific behaviours, unacceptable. Also, the animal-sense of owners may be declining, reflecting reduced community exposure to animals in non-companion contexts, such as on farms and as modes of transport. Often, in the case of dogs, the companion-animal niche is occupied by a breed that was developed to work in a specific role that required endless energy and high reactivity. We select for conformation and movement in what were once working animals and yet many owners reject animals for behavioural traits that were subject to scarcely any primary selection. Since neutering of companion animals is, for many excellent reasons, now so common, the genes of outstandingly suitable pets are routinely lost to the gene pool. Companion animals may be living longer and yet, as they age, the dog-human relationship can shift diametrically. Senior dogs often become less appealing to and yet more dependent on, and needful of attention from, their owners. In Australia, urban companion-animal ownership per capita is declining in tandem with falls in living space. Despite this reduced demand, the pet industry uses positive imagery and targeted research to promote pet acquisition, helping to maintain a situation in which supply generally exceeds demand. This results in the annual euthanasia of thousands of excess animals in shelters and pounds. The pet industry also motivates owners to be consumers so it is unsurprising that expenditure on pets in Australia is rising. Sometimes food is promoted as a means of demonstrating affection. In many developed nations, unfortunately, pet owners have the resources to respond to marketing (among other forces) by overfeeding animals, often to the point of obesity. Obesity is considered to be a significant welfare problem for companion dogs. In summary, it seems that these shifts and growing paradoxes are making the companion-animal niche more challenging than ever. Perhaps science will help make the niche more predictable, but this alone will not guarantee the welfare of the animals that occupy it.
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Kostyuchenko, Valentyna. "International disclosure practices in reporting under COVID 19." Modern Economics 26, no. 1 (2021): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v26(2021)-08.

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Abstract. Introduction. The outbreak of COVID-19 has forced every country to impose strict measures to curb the spread of the virus, most countries have closed their borders, imposed restrictions on business, cut off transport, and these circumstances are extremely important for disclosure in financial statements, and complicate the process its compilation. Thus, these challenges and current conditions contribute to the importance of providing high quality information, as users of financial statements need timely, high quality and complete information, which is compiled through the prism of COVID-19 impact on the company, its financial condition, liquidity and future prospects. Purpose. Generalization of international disclosure practices in financial statements under COVID-19 and recommendations for resolving problems arising from the pandemic and affecting the reporting of economic entities. Results. Summarizing the recommendations provided in Australia and Belgium professional organizationsac, companies are required to disclose material uncertainties related to COVID-19 in their financial statements, including assessing the impact of the pandemic on the enterprise, identifying countermeasures taken and showing the impact on the Company's future operations. For goodwill impairment tests and other vulnerable items, the disclosure of material assumptions should be provided in sufficient detail, together with a description of the approach to determining the value assigned to each key assumption. These include assumptions about the duration and intensity of the effects of the cessation of operations and the recovery phase. The entity will also need to explain the significant impact of COVID-19 on the risks associated with the financial instruments and how it manages those risks. Conclusions. Having determined that the pandemic has a significant impact on the financial performance of companies around the world, we conclude that the burden of using the best, most accurate, truthful and accessible information in making sound and validated judgments and estimates that take into account the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Olbourne, Ben. "REFUGEES AND INTERNAL ARMED CONFLICTS." Cambridge Law Journal 60, no. 3 (2001): 441–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197301221199.

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Most people forced to flee across national borders do so to escape the consequences of internal armed conflicts. But the extension of protection to such people by the countries from which they seek asylum has proved to be uncertain. Most of these countries have undertaken protection obligations towards persons claiming refugee status in accordance with the 1951 Convention for the Protection of Refugees (“the Convention”). For the purposes of the Convention, a “refugee” is defined as any person who “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country” (Article 1A(2)). Although that definition is contained in an international instrument, national immigration laws incorporate or refer to it and its construction and application generally fall to national administrators and judges. It is, therefore, not altogether surprising that decision-makers in different countries reach different conclusions as to its scope and meaning. Such is the case with Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs v. Haji Ibrahim (2000) 175 A.L.R. 585, in which the High Court of Australia rejected the approach of the House of Lords in Adan v. Secretary of State for the Home Department [1999] 1 A.C. 293. At issue in both cases were claims for refugee status made by persons having fled Somalia, a country riddled by internecine clan conflict and lacking any recognisable governmental authority. Although the ultimate decision in each case turned on the appreciation of the specific findings of fact made by the initial adjudicators, a significant difference of approach in the application of the Convention definition may be identified.
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Duran, Kevin. "Reviewer Acknowledgements for International Business Research, Vol. 11, No. 12." International Business Research 11, no. 12 (2018): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v11n12p157.

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International Business Research wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated. International Business Research is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please find the application form and details at http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/ibr/editor/recruitment and e-mail the completed application form to ibr@ccsenet.org. Reviewers for Volume 11, Number 12 Abderrazek Hassen Elkhaldi, University of Sousse, Tunisia Ajit Kumar Kar, Indian Metal & Ferro Alloys Ltd, Bhubaneswar, Odisha, India Alina Badulescu, University of Oradea, Romania Anca Gabriela Turtureanu, “DANUBIUS” University Galati, Romania Andrea Carosi, University of Sassari, Italy Andrei Buiga, “ARTIFEX University of Bucharest, Romania Antonio Usai, University of Sassari, Italy Ashford C Chea, Benedict College, USA Celina Maria Olszak, University of Economics in Katowice, Poland Chemah Tamby Chik, Universiti Teknologi Mara (Uitm), Malaysia Christos Chalyvidis, Hellenic Air Force Academy, Greece Cristian Rabanal, National University of Villa Mercedes, Argentina Duminda Kuruppuarachchi, University of Otago, New Zealand Federica Caboni, University of Cagliari, Italy Federica De Santis , University of Pisa , Italy Fevzi Esen, Istanbul Medeniyet University, Turkey Filomena Izzo, University of Campania Luigi Vanvitelli, Italy Florin Ionita, The Bucharest Academy of Economic Studies, Romania Francesco Scalera, University of Bari "Aldo Moro", Italy Georges Samara, ESADE Business School, Lebanon Giuseppe Granata, University of Cassino and Southen Lazio, Italy Hanna Trojanowska, Warsaw University of Technology, Poland Hejun Zhuang, Brandon University, Canada Imran Riaz Malik, IQRA University, Pakistan Ionela-Corina Chersan, “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University from Iași, Romania Isam Saleh, Al-Zaytoonah University of Jordan, Jordan Joseph Lok-Man Lee, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong Khaled Mokni, Northern Border University, Tunisia L. Leo Franklin, Bharathidasn University, India M. Muzamil Naqshbandi, University of Dubai, UAE Marcelino José Jorge, Evandro Chagas Clinical Research Institute of Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, Brazil Maria Teresa Bianchi, University of Rome “LA SAPIENZA”, Italy Michele Rubino, Università LUM Jean Monnet, Italy Miriam Jankalová, University of Zilina, Slovakia Mohamed Abdel Rahman Salih, Taibah University, Saudi Arabia Mongi Arfaoui, University of Monastir, Tunisia Muath Eleswed, American University of Kuwait, USA Ozgur Demirtas, Turkish Air Force Academy, Turkey Prosper Senyo Koto, Dalhousie University, Canada Radoslav Jankal, University of Zilina, Slovakia Rafiuddin Ahmed, James Cook University, Australia Riaz Ahsan, Government College University Faisalabad, Pakistan Roxanne Helm Stevens, Azusa Pacific University, USA Sang-Bing Tsai, University of Electronic Science and Technology of China, China Sara Saggese, University of Naples Federico II, Italy Sumathisri Bhoopalan, SASTRA Deemed to be University, India Wejdene Yangui, Institute of High Business Studies of Sfax _ Tunisia (IHEC), Tunisia Yan Lu, University of Central Florida, USA Yasmin Tahira, Al Ain University of Science and Technology, Al Ain, UAE
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Mammadov Bakhtiyar, İlgar. "INCREASING DIFFERENCES IN THE LEVEL OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE WORLD AND MIGRATION PROCESSES." GEOGRAPHY AND TOURISM, no. 57 (2020): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2308-135x.2020.57.35-41.

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There are sharp differences in socio-economic and demographic development between countries located in different regions of the world. These differences are more pronounced between Western European countries, the United States, Canada, Japan, and developing countries. That is why there is a large influx of people around the world. Currently, the main immigration centres in the world are the United States, Canada, Australia and Western Europe. Migrants from regional conflicts are also widely involved in migration flows around the world. Their influx of Western European countries creates several issues. For this reason, the countries receiving foreign migrants pursue a strict migration policy. Sources and methods of research. To carry out the analyses the economic and social geography of the world, including scientific-analyses in the area of demographic development has been used. The reports of the UN Population Fund and the International Organization for Migration plays a pivotal role in this area. The analysis in the article is carried out with the help of statistics, the historical-geographical study of areas, mathematical analysis, comparative analysis methods. Scientific innovations and personal recommendation of the author. For the first time, the occurring migration processes in the world and their issues of dependence on the level of socio-economic the development has been analyzed in the article. Using scientific and statistical sources, the author conducted an analysis in this direction, identified the main regions of migration in the world, its relationship with demographic development, and defined its regulating methods. The analysis highlights that international migration is also increasing intensively as the differences in the level of development between the countries intensify. Summary of the study. European countries, the United States, Canada, Japan and Australia ensure sustainable development through the effective use of their economic potential and financial and technical capabilities. Problems in the field of demographic development in these regions, weak population growth, labour source shortages and problems create the need to accept foreign migrants. In most Asian and African countries, natural growth is still high, economic growth is slow in the face of high population growth in a short period, and the number of workplaces is many times fewer than the number of able-bodied people. The weak economic potential of this group of countries is not able to maintain the demographic potential. As a result, people migrate from rural to urban areas. Along with, external migration is intensive. National and ethnic conflicts, border disputes, civil wars, and socio-political instability in some parts of the world have led to the expulsion of millions from their native lands. According to the UN's data, 90% of international migrants migrate to other countries in search of work. Almost all countries of the world are involved in this process. At present, there are 232 mln. international migrants across the world and about half of them are concentrated in 10 countries. Countries that receive foreign migrants are forced to take serious measures to regulate it. Results. Differences in socio-economic and demographic development between countries in different regions of the world are growing, and international migration is taking place. High levels of natural growth in Asia, Africa and Latin America, as well as conflicts in North Africa, the Middle East, are contributing to the increase in migration. For this reason, countries receiving foreign migrants have a migration policy to regulate and, in most cases, reduce it. Today, about half of the world's immigrants live in 10 countries.
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Hinschberger, Florent, Jacques André Malod, Jean Pierre Réhault, and Safri Burhanuddin. "Contribution of bathymetry and geomorphology to the geodynamics of the East Indonesian Seas." Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France 174, no. 6 (2003): 545–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2113/174.6.545.

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Abstract Southeastern Indonesia is located at a convergent triple junction of 3 plates : the Pacific (including the Caro-line and Philippines plates), the Australian and the Southeast Asian plates (fig. 1). The age of the different basins : the North Banda Sea (Sula Basin), the South Banda Sea (Wetar and Damar Basins) and the Weber Trough has been debated for a long time. Their great depth was a reason to interpret them as remnants of oceanic domains either of Indian or Pacific ocean affinities. It has now been demonstrated from geochronological studies that these basins have formed during the Neogene [Réhault et al., 1994 ; Honthaas et al., 1998]. The crust has been sampled only in the Sula Basin, where basalts or trachyandesites with back-arc geochemical signatures have been dredged. Their ages range from 11.4 ± 1.15 to 7.33 ± 0.18 Ma [Réhault et al., 1994 ; Honthaas et al., 1998]. The study of the magnetic anomaly pattern of these basins confirms this interpretation and defines an age between 12.5 and 7.15 Ma for the North Banda Basin and between 6.5 to 3.5 Ma for the South Banda Basin [Hinschberger et al., 2000 ; Hinschberger et al., 2001]. Furthermore, the existence of volcanic arcs linked to subducted slabs suggests that these basins resulted from back-arc spreading and subduction slab roll-back. Lastly, the Weber Trough which exceeds 7 300 m in depth and is one of the deepest non subduction basins in the world, remains enigmatic. A compilation of existing bathymetric data allows us to present a new bathymetric map of the region (fig. 2 and 3). A comparison with the previous published maps [Mammerickx et al., 1976 ; Bowin et al., 1982] shows numerous differences at a local scale. This is especially true for the Banda Ridges or in the Sula Basin where new tectonic directions are expressed. In the North Banda Basin, the Tampomas Ridge, which was striking NE-SW in the previous maps, is actually NW-SE parallel to the West Buru Fracture Zone and to the Hamilton Fault scarp (fig. 6). This NW-SE direction represents the initial direction of rifting and oceanic spreading. In this basin, only the southeastern rifted margin morphology is preserved along the Sinta Ridges. The basin is presently involved in an overall compressional motion and its buckled and fractured crust is subducted westwards beneath East Sulawesi (fig. 4a, 5 and 6). The northern border of the North Banda Basin is reactivated into sinistral transcurrent motion in the South Sula Fracture Zone continued into the Matano fault in Sulawesi. The South Banda Sea Basin is divided in two parts, the Wetar and Damar Basins with an eastward increase in depth. The Wetar and Damar Basins are separated by the NNW-SSE Gunung Api Ridge, characterized by volcanoes, a deep pull apart basin and active tectonics on its eastern flank (fig. 4b and 7). This ridge is interpreted as a large sinistral strike-slip fracture zone which continues across the Banda Ridges and bends towards NW south of Sinta Ridge. The Banda Ridges region, separating the North Banda Basin from the southern Banda Sea (fig. 5 and 7), is another place where many new morphological features are now documented. The Sinta Ridge to the north is separated from Buru island by the South Buru Basin which may constitute together with the West Buru Fracture Zone a large transcurrent lineament striking NW-SE. The central Rama Ridge is made of 2 narrow ridges striking NE-SW with an « en-echelon » pattern indicating sinistral strike slip comparable to the ENE-WSW strike-slip faulting evidenced by focal mechanisms in the northern border of the Damar Basin [Hinschberger, 2000]. Dredging of Triassic platform rocks and metamorphic basement on the Sinta and Rama Ridges suggests that they are fragments of a continental block [Silver et al., 1985 ; Villeneuve et al., 1994 ; Cornée et al., 1998]. The Banda Ridges are fringed to the south by a volcanic arc well expressed in the morphology : the Nieuwerkerk-Emperor of China and the Lucipara volcanic chains whose andesites and arc basalts have been dated between 8 and 3.45 Ma [Honthaas et al., 1998]. Eastern Indonesia deep oceanic basins are linked to the existence of 2 different subduction zones expressed by 2 different downgoing slabs and 2 volcanic arcs : the Banda arc and the Seram arc [Cardwell et Isacks, 1978 ; Milsom, 2001]. They correspond respectively to the termination of the Australian subduction and to the Bird’s head (Irian Jaya) subduction under Seram (fig. 5). Our bathymetric study helps to define the Seram volcanic arc which follows a trend parallel to the Seram Trench from Ambelau island southeast of Buru to the Banda Island (fig. 2 and 5). A new volcanic seamount discovered in the southeast of Buru (location of dredge 401 in figure 7) and a large volcano in the Pisang Ridge (location of dredge 403 in figure 7 and figure 8) have been surveyed with swath bathymetry. Both show a sub-aerial volcanic morphology and a further subsidence evidenced by the dredging of reefal limestones sampled at about 3000 m depth on their flank. We compare the mean basement depths corrected for sediment loading for the different basins (fig. 9). These depths are about 5 000 m in the Sula Basin, 4 800 m in the Wetar basin and 5 100 m in the Damar basin. These values plot about 1 000 m below the age-depth curve for the back-arc basins [Park et al., 1990] and about 2000 m below the Parsons and Sclater’s curve for the oceanic crust [Parsons et Sclater, 1977]. More generally, eastern Indonesia is characterized by large vertical motions. Strong subsidence is observed in the deep basins and in the Banda Ridges. On the contrary, large uplifts characterize the islands with rates ranging between 20 to 250 cm/kyr [De Smet et al., 1989a]. Excess subsidence in the back-arc basins has been attributed to large lateral heat loss due to their small size [Boerner et Sclater, 1989] or to the presence of cold subducting slabs. In eastern Indonesia, these mechanisms can explain only a part of the observed subsidence. It is likely that we have to take into account the tectonic forces linked to plate convergence. This is supported by the fact that uplift motions are clearly located in the area of active collision. In conclusion, the bathymetry and morphology of eastern Indonesian basins reveal a tectonically very active region where basins opened successively in back-arc, intra-arc and fore-arc situation in a continuous convergent geodynamic setting.
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40

Duran, Kevin. "Reviewer Acknowledgements for International Business Research, Vol. 12, No. 3." International Business Research 12, no. 3 (2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v12n3p174.

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International Business Research wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated.
 
 International Business Research is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please find the application form and details at http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/ibr/editor/recruitment and e-mail the completed application form to ibr@ccsenet.org.
 
 Reviewers for Volume 12, Number 3
 
  
 
 Alireza Athari, Eastern Mediterranean University, Iran
 
 Anca Gabriela Turtureanu, “DANUBIUS” University Galati, Romania
 
 Andrea Carosi, University of Sassari, Italy
 
 Anna Paola Micheli, Univrtsity of Cassino and Southern Lazio, Italy
 
 Antônio André Cunha Callado, Universidade Federal Rural de Pernmabuco, Brazil
 
 Ashford C Chea, Benedict College, USA
 
 Bruno Marsigalia, University of Casino and Southern Lazio, Italy
 
 Chokri Kooli, International Center for Basic Research applied, Paris, Canada
 
 Christopher Alozie, Tansian University, Nigeria
 
 Cristian Marian Barbu, “ARTIFEX” University, Romania
 
 Duminda Kuruppuarachchi, University of Otago, New Zealand
 
 Essia Ries Ahmed, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Malaysia
 
 Federica Caboni, University of Cagliari, Italy
 
 Federica De Santis, University of Pisa, Italy
 
 Florin Ionita, The Bucharest Academy of Economic Studies, Romania
 
 Foued Hamouda, Ecole Supérieure de Commerce, Tunisia
 
 Francesco Ciampi, Florence University, Italy
 
 Francesco Scalera, University of Bari "Aldo Moro", Italy
 
 Gianluca Ginesti, University of Naples “FEDERICO II”, Italy
 
 Hillary Odor, University of Benin, Nigeria
 
 Ivana Tomic, IT Company CloudTech, Republic of Serbia
 
 Joanna Katarzyna Blach, University of Economics in Katowice, Poland
 
 Joseph Lok-Man Lee, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong
 
 Khaled Mokni, Northern Border University, Tunisia
 
 L. Leo Franklin, Bharathidasn University, India
 
 Ladislav Mura, University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia
 
 Leow Hon Wei, SEGi University, Malaysia
 
 Manuel A. R. da Fonseca, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), Brazil
 
 Marcelino José Jorge, Evandro Chagas Clinical Research Institute of Oswaldo Cruz Foundation, Brazil
 
 Maria do Céu Gaspar Alves, University of Beira Interior, Portugal
 
 Maria Teresa Bianchi, University of Rome “LA SAPIENZA”, Italy
 
 Miriam Jankalová, University of Zilina, Slovakia
 
 Mongi Arfaoui, University of Monastir, Tunisia
 
 Muath Eleswed, American University of Kuwait, USA
 
 Ozgur Demirtas, Turkish Air Force Academy, Turkey
 
 Pascal Stiefenhofer, University of Brighton, UK
 
 Prosper Senyo Koto, Dalhousie University, Canada
 
 Rafiuddin Ahmed, James Cook University, Australia
 
 Razana Juhaida Johari, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia
 
 Riccardo Cimini, University of Tuscia, Viterbo, Italy
 
 Roberto Campos da Rocha Miranda, University Center Iesb, Brazil
 
 Sang- Bing Tsai, University of Electronic Science and Technology of China, China
 
 Sara Saggese, University of Naples Federico II, Italy
 
 Shun Mun Helen Wong, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong
 
 Slavoljub M. Vujović, Economic Institute, Belgrade, Serbia
 
 Tariq Tawfeeq Yousif Alabdullah, University of Basrah, Iraq
 
 Valerija Botric, The Institute of Economics, Zagreb, Croatia
 
 Velia Gabriella Cenciarelli, University of Pisa, Italy
 
 Yan Lu, University of Central Florida, USA
 
 Yasmin Tahira, Al Ain University of Science and Technology, Al Ain, UAE
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41

Dr., S. Mohan. "VARIOUS VOICES, SIMILAR CONCERNS: NERUDA, WALCOTT AND ATWOOD." International Journal of Computational Research and Development 2, no. 1 (2017): 12–13. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.255315.

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Post-Colonial literature consists of a body of writing emanating from Europe’s former colonies which addresses questions of history, identity, gender and language. The term should be used loosely and hesitantly, for it is replete with contradictions and conundrums. Pablo Neruda, Derek Walcott and Margaret Atwood are the three post-colonial poets who have become cult figures for portraying socio-political conditions of their countries in contemporary times, discussing language and racial, identity as the most important measures for an individual culture to survive and for employing similar metaphors for instance, water and animal imagery in their poetry to get their point of view across to their readers. They displace a historical sense upon which their literary culture is founded and are acutely conscious of their place in time, of their own contemporaneity. Neruda, Walcott and Atwood deal largely with primary post colonial issues like linguistic and cultural transpositions, alienation and loss, displacement from one homeland and racial conflicts in the wake of Columbus’s discovery of America in 1492.But it would not be fair to club them as “post-colonial” poets. There are conflicts of identity and historicity in the works of all the three poets, but the subject matter they deal with so diverse that it is difficult to classify them under one category. Classifications such as “20<sup>th</sup>Century Poets” and “Post Colonial Poets” are too wide to bind securely the structural elements and subject matter of these poets. Such classifications raise other immediate and problematic questions regarding why only three writers should be included in these categories and many other especially poets from England, Australia and the other European countries or other continents be not classified as such. Even a categorization like “poets from Americas” does little to solve the equation. In my view, they should be called and considered as “three contemporary poets”. Neruda, Walcott and Atwood certainly belong to the 20<sup>th</sup>Century. While Walcott and Atwood are contemporary poets, Neruda remains their senior. According to places of origin, each of these poets comes from a different country and even the language (English) is not common to them. Neruda writes in Spanish and he has been translated into numerous western and eastern languages, English being one of them. Besides, Neruda’s concern is also with European Spain and he shaves many thoughts with those Spanish writers as well as the other writers of South America, other than Chile. Atwood’s language (English) is ensured by her birth in Canada, but she is very conscious of the language conflicts at home. There was a time when French became a principal issue in the politics of Quebec and Quebec’s succession from Canada seemed imminent. Atwood depicted her troubled nation as “Siamese twins joined at the head, each twin desperate to be an individual, but each caught in the other’s identity”. For Walcott, English, French and Creoles are all his languages although he is inevitably an English writer because of the colonial question of the previous centuries that brought his ancestors to the West Indies. Atwood’s poetry focuses on the question of identity with as much passion as Neruda and Walcott. There is a style and force in her writing that has a peculiarity of its own because she is precise in delineating her subject matter, and she very rarely tells an actual story. She performs mental transformations of identity as she looks at the Canadian pioneers, the displaced American Indians, the animals in the forests, the savage land buffeted by adverse weather conditions and, of course, the changing roles of women. The country stands in as a metaphor for all of them. They are most interested in the concepts of self-awareness and self-consciousness, and the ways in which they are displayed through space and time. There is constant metamorphosis in her images, but a recurring cycle is maintained where the same metaphors, similies and personification resonate through her work across genres. Their images are her lenses through which they perceives life as a force so persistent that it, too, needs to constantly change into other forms of self expression. To call Neruda, Walcott and Atwood “post-colonial poets” would thus be a blanket statement because one would expect post- colonial writings to include the work of other writers of the Diaspora, especially the Indian subcontinent, Africa, the Middle and the Far-East, where the colonisers ruled but did not settle. Neither the “20<sup>th</sup>Century” nor post-colonial demonstrates any singular movement in literature like Romantic or Neo-Classical writing does. Rather, the former are names given to a period of time when varying experiments in styles and writing came into focus because similarity of political events caused the intellectuals to be sensitive about the loss of culture. Boundaries were lost and replaced, and exile became an international condition. Thus, it is safer to narrow down the borders of Neruda, Walcott and Atwood and call them “contemporary poets” belonging to the other Americas beyond the United States. Neruda, Walcott and Atwood represent various voices and cultures that make up the grand mix of American identity and they are descended from the settler’s who made the New World possible. All of them portray socio-political conditions of their countries in contemporary times, factoring in war and colonization as significantly destructive forces for the human psyche. These poets also discuss language and racial identity as important measures for an individual culture to survive. Finally, they have certain similar metaphors running through the lines of their poetry- for instance, water and animal imagery. A single description for Neruda, Walcott and Atwood would be what T.S.Eliot wrote in his essay, ‘Tradition and Individual Talent’, that historical sense must be the foundation upon which literary culture stands, for it. <em>compels a man to write not merely with his own generation in his bones but... the whole of literature of his own country (which) has a simultaneous existence and composes a simultaneous order ... a sense of timelessness as well as the temporal and of the timeless and the temporal together is what makes a writer traditional ... what makes a writer most acutely conscious of his place in time, of his own contemporaneity.</em> To appreciate the “contemporaneity” of Neruda, Walcott and Atwood, we need to view them against the backdrop of their countries’ literatures, and engage ourselves in a close reading of the poems chosen. They are contemporary poets voicing their individual and nationalistic concerns while, at the same time, universalising their predicament--- a search for identity.
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AYANKOSO, Micheal Taiwo, Damilola Miracle OLUWAGBAMILA, and Olugbenga Samson ABE. "EFFECTS OF ACTIVATED CHARCOAL ON LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION: A REVIEW." Slovak Journal of Animal Science 56, no. 01 (2023): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36547/sjas.791.

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43

Saunders, John. "Editorial." International Sports Studies 42, no. 1 (2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/iss.42-1.01.

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Abstract:
Covid 19 – living the experience As I sit at my desk at home in suburban Brisbane, following the dictates on self-isolation shared with so many around the world, I am forced to contemplate the limits of human prediction. I look out on a world which few could have predicted six months ago. My thoughts at that time were all about 2020 as a metaphor for perfect vision and a plea for it to herald a new period of clarity which would arm us in resolving the whole host of false divisions that surrounded us. False, because so many appear to be generated by the use of polarised labelling strategies which sought to categorise humans by a whole range of identities, while losing the essential humanity and individuality which we all share. This was a troublesome trend and one which seemed reminiscent of the biblical tale concerning the tower of Babel, when a single unified language was what we needed to create harmony in a globalising world. However, yesterday’s concerns have, at least for the moment, been overshadowed by a more urgent and unifying concern with humanity’s health and wellbeing. For now, this concern has created a world which we would not have recognised in 2019. We rely more than ever on our various forms of electronic media to beam instant shots of the streets of London, New York, Berlin, Paris, Hong Kong etc. These centres of our worldly activity normally characterised by hustle and bustle, are now serenely peaceful and ordered. Their magnificent buildings have become foregrounded, assuming a dignity and presence that is more commonly overshadowed by the mad ceaseless scramble of humanity all around them. From there however the cameras can jump to some of the less fortunate areas of the globe. These streets are still teeming with people in close confined areas. There is little hope here of following frequent extended hand washing practices, let alone achieving the social distance prescribed to those of us in the global North. From this desk top perspective, it has been interesting to chart the mood as the crisis has unfolded. It has moved from a slightly distant sense of superiority as the news slowly unfolded about events in remote Wuhan. The explanation that the origins were from a live market, where customs unfamiliar to our hygienic pre-packaged approach to food consumption were practised, added to this sense of separateness and exoticism surrounding the source and initial development of the virus. However, this changed to a growing sense of concern as its growth and transmission slowly began to reveal the vulnerability of all cultures to its spread. At this early stage, countries who took steps to limit travel from infected areas seemed to gain some advantage. Australia, as just one example banned flights from China and required all Chinese students coming to study in Australia to self-isolate for two weeks in a third intermediate port. It was a step that had considerable economic costs associated with it. One that was vociferously resisted at the time by the university sector increasingly dependent on the revenue generated by servicing Chinese students. But it was when the epicentre moved to northern Italy, that the entire messaging around the event began to change internationally. At this time the tone became increasingly fearful, anxious and urgent as reports of overwhelmed hospitals and mass burials began to dominate the news. Consequently, governments attracted little criticism but were rather widely supported in the action of radically closing down their countries in order to limit human interaction. The debate had become one around the choice between health and economic wellbeing. The fact that the decision has been overwhelmingly for health, has been encouraging. It has not however stopped the pressure from those who believe that economic well-being is a determinant of human well-being, questioning the decisions of politicians and the advice of public health scientists that have dominated the responses to date. At this stage, the lives versus livelihoods debate has a long way still to run. Of some particular interest has been the musings of the opinion writers who have predicted that the events of these last months will change our world forever. Some of these predictions have included the idea that rather than piling into common office spaces working remotely from home and other advantageous locations will be here to stay. Schools and universities will become centres of learning more conveniently accessed on-line rather than face to face. Many shopping centres will become redundant and goods will increasingly be delivered via collection centres or couriers direct to the home. Social distancing will impact our consumption of entertainment at common venues and lifestyle events such as dining out. At the macro level, it has been predicted that globalisation in its present form will be reversed. The pandemic has led to actions being taken at national levels and movement being controlled by the strengthening and increased control of physical borders. Tourism has ground to a halt and may not resume on its current scale or in its present form as unnecessary travel, at least across borders, will become permanently reduced. Advocates of change have pointed to some of the unpredicted benefits that have been occurring. These include a drop in air pollution: increased interaction within families; more reading undertaken by younger adults; more systematic incorporation of exercise into daily life, and; a rediscovered sense of community with many initiatives paying tribute to the health and essential services workers who have been placed at the forefront of this latest struggle with nature. Of course, for all those who point to benefits in the forced lifestyle changes we have been experiencing, there are those who would tell a contrary tale. Demonstrations in the US have led the push by those who just want things to get back to normal as quickly as possible. For this group, confinement at home creates more problems. These may be a function of the proximity of modern cramped living quarters, today’s crowded city life, dysfunctional relationships, the boredom of self-entertainment or simply the anxiety that comes with an insecure livelihood and an unclear future. Personally however, I am left with two significant questions about our future stimulated by the events that have been ushered in by 2020. The first is how is it that the world has been caught so unprepared by this pandemic? The second is to what extent do we have the ability to recalibrate our current practices and view an alternative future? In considering the first, it has been enlightening to observe the extent to which politicians have turned to scientific expertise in order to determine their actions. Terms like ‘flattening the curve’, ‘community transmission rates’, have become part of our daily lexicon as the statistical modellers advance their predictions as to how the disease will spread and impact on our health systems. The fact that scientists are presented as the acceptable and credible authority and the basis for our actions reflects a growing dependency on data and modelling that has infused our society generally. This acceptance has been used to strengthen the actions on behalf of the human lives first and foremost position. For those who pursue the livelihoods argument even bigger figures are available to be thrown about. These relate to concepts such as numbers of jobless, increase in national debt, growth in domestic violence, rise in mental illness etc. However, given that they are more clearly estimates and based on less certain assumptions and variables, they do not at this stage seem to carry the impact of the data produced by public health experts. This is not surprising but perhaps not justifiable when we consider the failure of the public health lobby to adequately prepare or forewarn us of the current crisis in the first place. Statistical predictive models are built around historical data, yet their accuracy depends upon the quality of those data. Their robustness for extrapolation to new settings for example will differ as these differ in a multitude of subtle ways from the contexts in which they were initially gathered. Our often uncritical dependence upon ‘scientific’ processes has become worrying, given that as humans, even when guided by such useful tools, we still tend to repeat mistakes or ignore warnings. At such a time it is an opportunity for us to return to the reservoir of human wisdom to be found in places such as our great literature. Works such as The Plague by Albert Camus make fascinating and educative reading for us at this time. As the writer observes Everybody knows that pestilences have a way of recurring in the world, yet somehow, we find it hard to believe in ones that crash down on our heads from a blue sky. There have been as many plagues as wars in history, yet always plagues and wars take people equally by surprise. So it is that we constantly fail to study let alone learn the lessons of history. Yet 2020 mirrors 1919, as at that time the world was reeling with the impact of the Spanish ‘Flu, which infected 500 million people and killed an estimated 50 million. This was more than the 40 million casualties of the four years of the preceding Great War. There have of course been other pestilences since then and much more recently. Is our stubborn failure to learn because we fail to value history and the knowledge of our forebears? Yet we can accept with so little question the accuracy of predictions based on numbers, even with varying and unquestioned levels of validity and reliability. As to the second question, many writers have been observing some beneficial changes in our behaviour and our environment, which have emerged in association with this sudden break in our normal patterns of activity. It has given us the excuse to reevaluate some of our practices and identify some clear benefits that have been occurring. As Australian newspaper columnist Bernard Salt observes in an article titled “the end of narcissism?” I think we’ve been re-evaluating the entire contribution/reward equation since the summer bushfires and now, with the added experience of the pandemic, we can see the shallowness of the so-called glamour professions – the celebrities, the influencers. We appreciate the selflessness of volunteer firefighters, of healthcare workers and supermarket staff. From the pandemic’s earliest days, glib forays into social media by celebrities seeking attention and yet further adulation have been met with stony disapproval. Perhaps it is best that they stay offline while our real heroes do the heavy lifting. To this sad unquestioning adherence to both scientism and narcissism, we can add and stir the framing of the climate rebellion and a myriad of familiar ‘first world’ problems which have caused dissension and disharmony in our communities. Now with an external threat on which to focus our attention, there has been a short lull in the endless bickering and petty point scoring that has characterised our western liberal democracies in the last decade. As Camus observed: The one way of making people hang together is to give ‘em a spell of the plague. So, the ceaseless din of the topics that have driven us apart has miraculously paused for at least a moment. Does this then provide a unique opportunity for us together to review our habitual postures and adopt a more conciliatory and harmonious communication style, take stock, critically evaluate and retune our approach to life – as individuals, as nations, as a species? It is not too difficult to hypothesise futures driven by the major issues that have driven us apart. Now, in our attempts to resist the virus, we have given ourselves a glimpse of some of the very things the climate change activists have wished to happen. With few planes in the air and the majority of cars off the roads, we have already witnessed clearer and cleaner air. Working at home has freed up the commuter driven traffic and left many people with more time to spend with their family. Freed from the continuing throng of tourists, cities like Venice are regenerating and cleansing themselves. This small preview of what a less travelled world might start to look like surely has some attraction. But of course, it does not come without cost. With the lack of tourism and the need to work at home, jobs and livelihoods have started to change. As with any revolution there are both winners and losers. The lockdown has distinguished starkly between essential and non-essential workers. That represents a useful starting point from which to assess what is truly of value in our way of life and what is peripheral as Salt made clear. This is a question that I would encourage readers to explore and to take forward with them through the resolution of the current situation. However, on the basis that educators are seen as providing essential services, now is the time to turn to the content of our current volume. Once again, I direct you to the truly international range of our contributors. They come from five different continents yet share a common focus on one of the most popular of shared cultural experiences – sport. Unsurprisingly three of our reviewed papers bring different insights to the world’s most widely shared sport of all – football, or as it would be more easily recognised in some parts of the globe - soccer. Leading these offerings is a comparison of fandom in Australia and China. The story presented by Knijnk highlights the rise of the fanatical supporters known as the ultras. The origin of the movement is traced to Italy, but it is one that claims allegiances now around the world. Kniijnk identifies the movement’s progression into Australia and China and, in pointing to its stance against the commercialisation of their sport by the scions of big business, argues for its deeper political significance and its commitment to the democratic ownership of sport. Reflecting the increasing availability and use of data in our modern societies, Karadog, Parim and Cene apply some of the immense data collected on and around the FIFA World Cup to the task of selecting the best team from the 2018 tournament held in Russia, a task more usually undertaken by panels of experts. Mindful of the value of using data in ways that can assist future decision making, rather than just in terms of summarising past events, they also use the statistics available to undertake a second task. The second task was the selection of the team with the greatest future potential by limiting eligibility to those at an early stage in their careers, namely younger than 28 and who arguably had still to attain their prime as well as having a longer career still ahead of them. The results for both selections confirm how membership of the wealthy European based teams holds the path to success and recognition at the global level no matter what the national origins of players might be. Thirdly, taking links between the sport and the world of finance a step further, Gomez-Martinez, Marques-Bogliani and Paule-Vianez report on an interesting study designed to test the hypothesis that sporting success within a community is reflected in positive economic outcomes for members of that community. They make a bold attempt to test their hypothesis by examining the relationship of the performance of three world leading clubs in Europe - Bayern Munich, Juventus and Paris Saint Germain and the performance of their local stock markets. Their findings make for some interesting thoughts about the significance of sport in the global economy and beyond into the political landscape of our interconnected world. Our final paper comes from Africa but for its subject matter looks to a different sport, one that rules the subcontinent of India - cricket. Norrbhai questions the traditional coaching of batting in cricket by examining the backlift techniques of the top players in the Indian Premier league. His findings suggest that even in this most traditional of sports, technique will develop and change in response to the changing context provided by the game itself. In this case the context is the short form of the game, introduced to provide faster paced entertainment in an easily consumable time span. It provides a useful reminder how in sport, techniques will not be static but will continue to evolve as the game that provides the context for the skilled performance also evolves. To conclude our pages, I must apologise that our usual book review has fallen prey to the current world disruption. In its place I would like to draw your attention to the announcement of a new publication which would make a worthy addition to the bookshelf of any international sports scholar. “Softpower, Soccer, Supremacy – The Chinese Dream” represents a unique and timely analysis of the movement of the most popular and influential game in the world – Association Football, commonly abbreviated to soccer - into the mainstream of Chinese national policy. The editorial team led by one of sports histories most recognised scholars, Professor J A Mangan, has assembled a who’s who of current scholars in sport in Asia. Together they provide a perspective that takes in, not just the Chinese view of these important current developments but also, the view of others in the geographical region. From Japan, Korea and Australia, they bring with them significant experience to not just the beautiful game, but sport in general in that dynamic and fast-growing part of the world. Particularly in the light of the European dominance identified in the Karog, Parim and Cene paper this work raises the question as to whether we can expect to see a change in the world order sooner rather than later. It remains for me to make one important acknowledgement. In my last editorial I alerted you to the sorts of decisions we as an editorial and publication team were facing with regard to ensuring the future of the journal. Debates as to how best to proceed while staying true to our vision and goals are still proceeding. However, I am pleased to acknowledge the sponsorship provided by The University of Macao for volume 42 and recognise the invaluable contribution made by ISCPES former president Walter Ho to this process. Sponsorship can provide an important input to the ongoing existence and strength of this journal and we would be interested in talking to other institutions or groups who might also be interested in supporting our work, particularly where their goals align closely with ours. May I therefore commend to you the works of our international scholars and encourage your future involvement in sharing your interest in and expertise with others in the world of comparative and international sport studies, John Saunders, Brisbane, May 2020
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44

De Wit, Hans. "Internationalization of Higher Education." Journal of International Students 10, no. 1 (2020): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1893.

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Universities have always had international dimensions in their research, teaching, and service to society, but those dimensions were in general more ad hoc, fragmented, and implicit than explicit and comprehensive. In the last decade of the previous century, the increasing globalization and regionalization of economies and societies, combined with the requirements of the knowledge economy and the end of the Cold War, created a context for a more strategic approach to internationalization in higher education. International organizations such as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, and the World Bank, national governments, the European Union, and higher education organizations such as the International Association of Universities placed internationalization at the top of the reform agenda. Internationalization became a key change agent in higher education, in the developed world but also in emerging and developing societies. &#x0D; Mobility of students, scholars, and programs; reputation and branding (manifested by global and regional rankings); and a shift in paradigm from cooperation to competition (van der Wende, 2001) have been the main manifestations of the agenda of internationalization in higher education over the past 30 years. International education has become an industry, a source of revenue and a means for enhanced reputation. &#x0D; Quantitative data about the number of international degree-seeking students, of international talents and scholars, of students going for credits abroad, of agreements and memoranda of understanding, as well as of co-authored international publications in high impact academic journals, have not only been key manifestations of this perception of internationalization, but also have driven its agenda and actions. This perception has resulted in an increasing dominance of English in research but also teaching, has createdthe emergence of a whole new industry around internationalization, has forced national governments to stimulate institutions of higher education going international, and hasgenerated new buzz words such as “cross-border delivery” and “soft power” in the higher education arena. &#x0D; In the period 2010–2020, we have seen not only the number of international students double to 5 million in the past decade, but also we have noticed an increase in franchise operations, articulation programs, branch campuses, and online delivery of higher education. There is fierce competition for talented international students and scholars, and immigration policies have shifted from low-skill to high-skill immigration. National excellence programs have increased differentiation in higher education with more attention for a small number of international world-class universities and national flagship institutions that compete for these talents, for positions in the global rankings, for access to high impact journals, and for funding, at the cost of other institutions. There is also an increasing concern about the neo-colonial dimension.&#x0D; In the current global-knowledge society, the concept of internationalization of higher education has itself become globalized, demanding further consideration of its impact on policy and practice as more countries and types of institution around the world engage in the process. Internationalization should no longer be considered in terms of a westernized, largely Anglo-Saxon, and predominantly English-speaking paradigm. (Jones &amp; de Wit, 2014, p. 28)&#x0D; Internationalization became defined by the generally accepted definition of Knight (2008): “The process of integrating an international, intercultural or global dimension into the purpose, functions and delivery of post-secondary education,” describing clearly the process in a general and value neutral way. &#x0D; Some of the main trends in internationalization in the past 30 years have been:&#x0D; &#x0D; More focused on internationalization abroad than on internationalization at home&#x0D; More ad hoc, fragmented, and marginal than strategic, comprehensive, and central in policies&#x0D; More in the interest of a small, elite subset of students and faculty than focused on global and intercultural outcomes for all&#x0D; Directed by a constantly shifting range of political, economic, social/cultural, and educational rationales, with increasing focus on economic motivations&#x0D; Increasingly driven by national, regional, and global rankings&#x0D; Little alignment between the international dimensions of the three core functions of higher education: education, research, and service to society&#x0D; Primarily a strategic choice and focus of institutions of higher education, and less a priority of national governments&#x0D; Less important in emerging and developing economies, and more of a particular strategic concern among developed economies&#x0D; &#x0D; In the past decade, however, one can observe a reaction to these trends. While mobility is still the most dominant factor in internationalization policies worldwide, there is increasing attention being paid to internationalization of the curriculum at home. There is also a stronger call for comprehensive internationalization, which addresses all aspects of education in an integrated way. Although economic rationales and rankings still drive the agenda of internationalization, there is more emphasis now being placed on other motivations for internationalization. For example, attention is being paid to integrating international dimensions into tertiary education quality assurance mechanisms, institutional policies related to student learning outcomes, and the work of national and discipline-specific accreditation agencies (de Wit, 2019).&#x0D; Traditional values that have driven international activities in higher education in the past, such as exchange and cooperation, peace and mutual understanding, human capital development, and solidarity, although still present in the vocabulary of international education, have moved to the sideline in a push for competition, revenue, and reputation/branding. &#x0D; Around the change of the century, we observed a first response to these developments. The movement for Internationalization at Home within the European Union started in 1999 in Malmö, Sweden, drawing more attention to the 95% of nonmobile students not participating in the successful flagship program of the EU, ERASMUS. In the United Kingdom and Australia, a similar movement asked for attention to internationalization of the curriculum and teaching and learning in response to the increased focus on recruiting income-generating international students. And in the United States, attention emerged around internationalizing campuses and developing more comprehensive approaches to internationalization as an alternative for the marginal and fragmented focus on undergraduate study abroad on the one hand and international student recruitment on the other. &#x0D; These reactions were and are important manifestations of concern about the competitive, elitist, and market direction of internationalization, and are a call for more attention to the qualitative dimensions of internationalization, such as citizenship development, employability, and improvement of the quality of research, education, and service to society. A wide range of academic scholars and international education practitioners have pushed for change with their publications and presentations. A study for the European Parliament on the state of internationalization in higher education gave this push an extra dimension. Not only did the study provide a comprehensive overview of the literature and the practice of internationalization in higher education around the world, but also—based on a global Delphi Exercise—it promoted a new agenda for internationalization for the future, by extending the definition of Knight (2008), defining internationalization as follows:&#x0D; &#x0D; The intentional process of integrating an international, intercultural or global dimension into the purpose, functions and delivery of post-secondary education, in order to enhance the quality of education and research for all students and staff and to make a meaningful contribution to society. (de Wit et al., 2015)&#x0D; &#x0D; This definition gave a normative direction to the process by emphasizing that such a process does not proceed by itself but needs clear intentions, that internationalization is not a goal in itself but needs to be directed toward quality improvement, that it should not be of interest to a small elite group of mobile students and scholars but directed to all students and scholars, and that it should make a contribution to society. &#x0D; Over the past 5 years this new approach has received positive attention, and at the start of a new decade it is important to see if this shift back to a more ethical and qualitative approach with respect to internationalization is indeed taking place and what new dimensions one can observe in that shift.
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45

Fetty, Fidyatus sholihah, and Luthfi Hidayatullah Nur. "AUSTRALIA'S ROLE IN DEVELOPING INDONESIA'S CAPACITY BUILDING IN COMBATTING NARCOTIC CRIMES." January 1, 2023. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8063235.

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This research seeks to explain Australia&#39;s role, through the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and the Australian Border Force (ABF) in developing Indonesian National Narcotics Board&rsquo;s (BNN) capacity building in dealing with narcotics crimes. Special skills are needed in dealing with narcotics crimes, both in the process of prosecution of criminals and crime prevention. The Indonesian National Narcotics Board faced several obstacles in handling narcotic crimes, including the lack of capacity in using technology to identify new kinds of drugs and capability to track down narcotic criminals. Hence, Australia observes that enforcement skills could be developed within Indonesia&#39;s capacity to deal with narcotics crimes. This study uses a descriptive research method with a qualitative approach to describe Australia&rsquo;s role in developing Indonesia&#39;s internal and external capacity building.The result of this research shows that Australia&#39;s role in developing Indonesia&#39;s capacity building through conducting activities in the form of training which consists of skills, knowledge and attitude training. Australia&rsquo;s training has improved BNN staff&rsquo;s internal capacity in problem solving, integrity and knowledge. Australia has also improved BNN&rsquo;s external capacity by developing K-9 facilities and granting dog runs.
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46

Sholihah, Fetty Fidyatus, and Nur Luthfi Hidayatullah. "AUSTRALIA'S ROLE IN DEVELOPING INDONESIA'S CAPACITY BUILDING IN COMBATTING NARCOTIC CRIMES." January 1, 2023. https://doi.org/10.15642/siyar.2023.3.1.1-13.

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This research seeks to explain Australia&#39;s role, through the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and the Australian Border Force (ABF) in developing Indonesian National Narcotics Board&rsquo;s (BNN) capacity building in dealing with narcotics crimes. Special skills are needed in dealing with narcotics crimes, both in the process of prosecution of criminals and crime prevention. The Indonesian National Narcotics Board faced several obstacles in handling narcotic crimes, including the lack of capacity in using technology to identify new kinds of drugs and capability to track down narcotic criminals. Hence, Australia observes that enforcement skills could be developed within Indonesia&#39;s capacity to deal with narcotics crimes. This study uses a descriptive research method with a qualitative approach to describe Australia&rsquo;s role in developing Indonesia&#39;s internal and external capacity building.The result of this research shows that Australia&#39;s role in developing Indonesia&#39;s capacity building through conducting activities in the form of training which consists of skills, knowledge and attitude training. Australia&rsquo;s training has improved BNN staff&rsquo;s internal capacity in problem solving, integrity and knowledge. Australia has also improved BNN&rsquo;s external capacity by developing K-9 facilities and granting dog runs.
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47

Piller, Ingrid, Hanna Torsh, and Laura Smith-Khan. "Securing the borders of English and Whiteness." Ethnicities, October 21, 2021, 146879682110526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211052610.

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This article examines how racial and linguistic identities are constructed on the Australian reality TV show Border Security. Based on an analysis of 108 episodes of the show involving 253 border force officers and 128 passengers, we explore how the hegemonic Australian identity of the White native speaker of English is constructed on the show. Officers are represented as a relatively uniform group of heroes devoted to protecting Australia’s national security. Simultaneously, most of them look white and sound like native speakers of Australian English. In contrast to the officers, passengers, as their antagonists, do not have a predominant racial or linguistic profile. They are represented as highly diverse. What unites them is not any racial or linguistic profile but that they represent a security risk. Threat thus comes to be mapped onto diversity. The show’s schema of heroes and antagonists invites the audience to identify with the heroes. By identifying with the White-English heroes, the audience also comes to take on their power of judgment over its diverse linguistic and racial Others. The analysis shows how the White-English identity bundle is constructed as the authoritative and legitimate position of the judging knower. The article’s main contribution is to show how the raciolinguistic construct of the White-English complex is made hegemonic in a diverse society officially committed to multiculturalism.
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48

Ukwatte, Lalitha, Tehmina Khan, Pavithra Siriwardhane, and Sarath Lal Ukwatte Jalathge. "Accountabilities and stakeholder expectations regarding asbestos-free building materials supply chain: an actor-network theory perspective." Meditari Accountancy Research, January 27, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/medar-12-2021-1550.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore issues relating to imposing a ban on the importation of asbestos-contaminated building materials (ACBMs) in the Australian context to better understand the multiple accountabilities and consequences. Design/methodology/approach This study undertakes a qualitative content analysis of the multiple accountabilities and stakeholder expectations using the lens of actor–network theory. This study further explores the weaknesses and complexities associated with implementing a complete ban on asbestos, ensuring that only asbestos-free building materials are imported to Australia. This study uses data collected from 15 semi-structured interviews with stakeholders, responses from the Australian Border Force to a questionnaire and 215 counter accounts from the media, the Australian Government, industry organizations, non-governmental organizations and social group websites during the period from 2003 to 2021. Findings This study reveals that stakeholders' expectations of zero tolerance for asbestos have not been met. This assertion has been backed by evidence of asbestos contamination in imported building materials throughout recent years. Stakeholders say that the complete prevention of the importation of ACBMs has been delayed because of issues in policy implementations, opaque supply chain activities, lack of transparency and non-adherence to mandatory and self-regulated guidelines. Practical implications Stakeholders expect public and private sector organizations to meet their accountabilities through mandatory adoption of the given policy framework. Originality/value This research provides a road map to identify the multiple accountabilities, their related weaknesses and the lack of implementation of the necessary protocol, which prevents a critical aspect of legislation from being effectively implemented.
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49

Clyne, Michael. "Saving Us From Them." M/C Journal 5, no. 5 (2002). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1980.

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The public discourse on asylum seekers in the past year or so and the generation of hatred against them contains a strong linguistic element marking clear boundaries between 'ourselves' and the asylum seekers. I will discuss this linguistic dimension, which calls for vigilance and critical awareness in future discourses of exclusion. One of John Howard's political platforms in the victorious campaign, in which he replaced Paul Keating as Prime Minister was to liberate Australia of the 'political correctness' imposed by his opponents. In this respect, at least, he came close to the far right in Australian politics. For instance, he said of far right ex-Labor Independent Graeme Campbell: 'His attacks on political correctness echo many of the attacks I made on political correctness' (The Age, 18 June 1996). 'Political correctness' is a negative term for 'inclusive language' -- avoiding or being encouraged by stylistic or policy guidelines to avoid the choice of lexical items that may be offensive to sections of the population. The converse is the discourse of exclusion. Whether it excludes on the basis of ethnicity, religion, gender or any other basis, the discourse of exclusion creates a division between 'us' and 'them', partly on the basis of different lexical items for the two groups (Clyne, Establishing Linguistic Markers of Racism). Asylum seekers have been projected by politicians (especially those in the government) as not only different from the Australian people and therefore not belonging, but also as a threat to the Australian people. To demonstrate this projection it is worth considering some of the terms and formulations of exclusion and division that have been used. As Mungo MacCallum (41) argues, 'The first step was to get rid of the term 'refugee'; it has a long and honourable history and is generally used to describe people forced to flee from their homelands.' It might be more accurate to say that the government limited its use so that no honourable associations could be made with the current group of asylum seekers. There had been newspaper columns which had focused on the achievements and contributions to the nation of previous vintages of refugees; some communities consisted largely or entirely of refugees and their descendants, including some who had given longstanding support to the Liberal Party. The semantic narrowing of 'refugee' was illustrated in the Prime Minister's pronouncement (Herald-Sun, 8 Oct. 2001) when it was alleged that asylum seekers had thrown their children overboard: 'Genuine refugees don't do that'. Thus, refugee status in the public discourse was being related to their moral representation and not to any consideration of the threat of persecution in their homeland. While refugee status was officially a legal issue, when the Prime Minister interacted with the media and the voters, the asylum seekers were already excluded by guided popular opinion, for 'I don't want people like that in Australia'. The exclusionary line based on moral grounds was echoed by Alexander Downer (The Age, 8 Oct. 2001), who described the asylum seekers as lacking the civilized behaviour to be worthy to live in Australia: 'Any civilized person wouldn't dream of treating their own children that way'. So what could the asylum seekers be called? MacCallum (2002: 43) attributes to Philip Ruddock the verbal masterstroke' of reducing the identification of the asylum seekers to a 'one word label': 'unlawful'. However, this identification came in a number of facets. They were described on both sides of parliament as 'illegals', illegal arrivals', 'illegal immigrants' (e.g. Hansard, 29 Aug. 2001). All of these terms encourage the view of intrusion. In actual fact, whether people's arrival had been authorized by the government or not, there is no such thing as an 'illegal refugee'. Other descriptions ranged from 'occasional tourists' (Gary Hardgrave, Minister for Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs; House of Representatives, 30 Aug. 2001) '; to 'café latte poor' (Senator Robert Ray, former Labor Minister for Immigration), which assumes that only the poor can be refugees. Such descriptions suggested that the asylum seekers were dishonest imposters. But the term 'illegals' lowers asylum seekers to the status of 'non-people' and this gives others the licence to treat them in a way that may be different to those who are 'people'. This is reinforced by the fact that the asylum seekers are neither nice nor poor, and therefore cannot expect to attract support from the government (and, to a large extent from the opposition). The 'bully' image of the asylum seekers was propagated by comments on the behaviour of those allegedly harming their children, described by Ruddock as 'carefully planned and premeditated' (The Age, 14 Feb. 2002). It was reinforced by Peter Reith, who described the action as a 'premeditated attempt to force their way into the country' (The Age, 8 Aug. 2001). When Kim Beazley said: 'It is not unhumanitarian (sic) to try to deter criminals' (The Age, 8 Nov. 2001), he left it to our imagination or choice whether, in supporting the government's position, he wanted to defend us from the asylum seekers or from the 'people smugglers' of whom they are victims. However he put the asylum seekers directly or by association into the criminal category. The suggestion that the asylum seekers might be economic migrants masquerading as refugees enabled the government to differentiate them from 'battlers', who are likely to support action against any 'crooks' who will take the little the battlers have away from them. So far asylum seekers as 'bad cruel people' have been differentiated from 'genuine refugees' of the past, from a nation of 'civilized', gentle, child-loving people, and from Aussie 'battlers'. 'Queue-jumper' is a term that differentiates asylum seekers from both the 'mainstream' and the succession of migrants who have come at various times. This term occurs in several debates (used e.g. by Senator Ron Boswell and Kay Ellison, 29 Aug. 2001). Firstly, it invokes the twin cultural concepts of fairness and orderliness. The 'destruction' of 'political correctness' and especially Pauline Hanson's expressed views regenerated the notion that the needy were unfairly getting something for nothing that others had to work for. This included Aborigines, recently arrived migrants or refugees, single mothers, and even the disabled. The fact that there were no queues in Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, or the Palestinian Territories in which people could stand to fill in immigration applications was not taken into account. Queuing is very much an Anglo concept of orderliness, reflecting the strong linear emphasis in British-derived cultures, even in academic discourse and school essays and in formal meetings as I have discussed elsewhere (e.g. Clyne, Inter-cultural Communication at Work). In another sense, the 'queue jumper' is a repugnant person to migrants of all backgrounds. The impression is gained from the designation that asylum seekers are taking the place in a tight quota of their relatives (or people like them) waiting to be admitted under the family reunion scheme. In actual fact, the number of asylum seekers recognized as refugees does not affect other categories such as family reunion, and in fact, the quota for the humanitarian category wasn't nearly filled in 2001. The government's handling of asylum seekers is thus underpinned by two types of moral principles -- the schoolmaster principle -- They have to behave themselves, otherwise they will be punished, and the schoolchild principle (based on the perception)-- It ain't fair; he pushed in. Another term that has played an important role in the asylum seeker discourse is 'border protection'. This term featured prominently in the 2001 election campaign, when both major parties vied to persuade voters that they were best equipped to protect Australia. It lives on in the public discourse and relates both to contemporary international politics and to traditional Australian xenophobia. The 2001 federal election was fought in the context of the terrorist attacks on the twin towers and the American-led coalition against international terrorism. Thus, the term 'border protection' was necessarily ambiguous. Was it terrorists or asylum seekers who were being kept out? Or were they perhaps the same people? Even though many of the asylum seekers were claiming to be escaping from persecution by the terrorists or those who were harbouring them. Maybe the linking association is with Islam? It is possible that 'border protection' (like the Liberal Party's 1998 election slogan 'For all of us') is also ambiguous enough to attract opponents of multiculturalism without alienating its supporters.2 Boat-loads of new arrivals have long caused fear among Australians. For much of Australia's British history, we were terrified of invasions from our north -- not just the 'yellow peril', it even included the Russians and the French, from whom Australians were protected by fortresses along the coast. This was immortalized in the final verse of the politically incorrect early version of Advance Australia Fair: Should foreign foe e'er sight our coast Or dare a foot to land, We'll rouse to arms like siers of yore To guard our native strand; Brittania then shall surely know, Beyond wide oceans roll Her sons in fair Australia's land Still keep a British soul, In joyful strains, etc. In fact, the entire original version of Advance Australia Fair has a predominantly exclusionist theme which contrasts with the inclusive values embodied in the present national anthem. While our 'politically correct' version has 'boundless plains to share' with 'those who've come across the seas', they are only open to 'loyal sons' in the original, which is steeped in colonial jingoism. The gender-inclusive 'Australians all' replaces 'Australia's sons' as the opening appellation. Are our politicians leading us back from an inclusive and open identity? I do not have space to go into the opposing discourse, which has come largely from academic social scientists, former prime ministers, and ministers of both major parties, current politicians of the minor parties, and journalists from the broadsheet press and the ABC. Objections are often raised against the 'demonisation' and 'dehumanisation' of the asylum seekers. In this short article, I have tried to demonstrate the techniques used to do this. The use of 'illegal' and 'queue jumper' to represent asylum seekers differentiates them from 'refugees' and 'migrants' and has removed them from any category with whom existing Australians should show solidarity. What makes them different is that they are cruel, even to their children, dishonest and imposters, badly behaved, unfair and disorderly – enemies of the Australian people, who want to deprive them of their sovereignty. It is interesting to see this in contrast to the comment of a spokesperson from Rural Australians for Refugees (AM, Radio National, 26 Jan. 2002): 'We can't recognise our country anymore which was based on fairness and fair go'. Notes This is based on 'When the discourse of hatred becomes respectable – does the linguist have a responsibility?', a paper presented at the Australian Linguistic Society conference at Macquarie University, July 2001. Some of the same data was discussed in 'The discourse excluding asylum seekers – have we been brainwashed?' Australian Language Matters 10: 3-10, by the same author. Research assistance from Felicity Grey is gratefully acknowledged. 2 I thank Felicity Meakins for this suggestion. References Clyne, Michael. Inter-Cultural Communication at Work. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Clyne, Michael. 'Establishing Linguistic Markers of Racism.' Language and Peace. Ed. C. Schäffner and A.Wenden. Dartmouth: Aldershot, 1995. 111-18. MacCallum, Mungo. Girt by Sea (Quarterly Essay). Melbourne: Black, 2002. Markus, Andrew. 'John Howard and the Naturalization of Bigotry.' The Resurgence of Racism. Ed. G.Gray and C.Winter. Clayton: Monash University, Department of History (Monash Publications in History 24), 1997. 79-86. Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Clyne, Michael. "Saving Us From Them" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.5 (2002). [your date of access] &lt; http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Clyne.html &amp;gt. Chicago Style Clyne, Michael, "Saving Us From Them" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 5 (2002), &lt; http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Clyne.html &amp;gt ([your date of access]). APA Style Clyne, Michael. (2002) Saving Us From Them. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(5). &lt; http://www.media-culture.org.au/mc/0210/Clyne.html &amp;gt ([your date of access]).
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50

Luckhurst, Mary, and Jen Rae. "Diversity Agendas in Australian Stand-Up Comedy." M/C Journal 19, no. 4 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1149.

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Stand-up is a global phenomenon. It is Australia’s most significant form of advocatorial theatre and a major platform for challenging stigma and prejudice. In the twenty-first century, Australian stand-up is transforming into a more culturally diverse form and extending the spectrum of material addressing human rights. Since the 1980s Australian stand-up routines have moved beyond the old colonial targets of England and America, and Indigenous comics such as Kevin Kopinyeri, Andy Saunders, and Shiralee Hood have gained an established following. Additionally, the turn to Asia is evident not just in trade agreements and the higher education market but also in cultural exchange and in the billing of emerging Asian stand-ups at mainstream events. The major cultural driver for stand-up is the Melbourne International Comedy Festival (MICF), Australia’s largest cultural event, now over 30 years old, and an important site for dissecting constructs of democracy and nationhood. As John McCallum has observed, popular humour in post-World War II Australia drew on widespread feelings of “displacement, migration and otherness—resonant topics in a country of transplanted people and a dispossessed indigenous population arguing over a distinct Australian identity” (205–06). This essay considers the traditional comic strategies of first and second generation immigrant stand-ups in Australia and compares them with the new wave of post 9/11 Asian-Australian and Middle-Eastern-Australian stand-ups whose personas and interrogations are shifting the paradigm. Self-identifying Muslim stand-ups challenge myths of dominant Australian identity in ways which many still find confronting. Furthermore, the theories of incongruity, superiority, and psychological release re-rehearsed in traditional humour studies, by figures such as Palmer (1994) and Morreall (2009), are predicated on models of humour which do not always serve live performance, especially stand-up with its relational dependence on audience interaction.Stand-ups who immigrated to Australia as children or whose parents immigrated and struggled against adversity are important symbols both of the Australian comedy industry and of a national self-understanding of migrant resilience and making good. Szubanski and Berger hail from earlier waves of European migrants in the 1950s and 1960s. Szubanski has written eloquently of her complex Irish-Polish heritage and documented how the “hand-me-down trinkets of family and trauma” and “the culture clash of competing responses to calamity” have been integral to the development of her comic success and the making of her Aussie characters (347). Rachel Berger, the child of Polish holocaust survivors, advertises and connects both identities on her LinkedIn page: “After 23 years as a stand-up comedian, growing up with Jewish guilt and refugee parents, Rachel Berger knows more about survival than any idiot attending tribal council on reality TV.”Anh Do, among Australia’s most famous immigrant stand-ups, identifies as one of the Vietnamese “boat people” and arrived as a toddler in 1976. Do’s tale of his family’s survival against the odds and his creation of a persona which constructs the grateful, happy immigrant clown is the staple of his very successful routine and increasingly problematic. It is a testament to the power of Do’s stand-up that many did not perceive the toll of the loss of his birth country; the grinding poverty; and the pain of his father’s alcoholism, violence, and survivor guilt until the publication of Do’s ironically titled memoir The Happiest Refugee. In fact, the memoir draws on many of the trauma narratives that are still part of his set. One of Do’s most legendary routines is the story of his family’s sea journey to Australia, told here on ABC1’s Talking Heads:There were forty of us on a nine metre fishing boat. On day four of the journey we spot another boat. As the boat gets closer we realise it’s a boatload of Thai pirates. Seven men with knives, machetes and guns get on our boat and they take everything. One of the pirates picks up the smallest child, he lifts up the baby and rips open the baby’s nappy and dollars fall out. And the pirate decides to spare the kid’s life. And that’s a good thing cos that’s my little brother Khoa Do who in 2005 became Young Australian of the Year. And we were saved on the fifth day by a big German merchant ship which took us to a refugee camp in Malaysia and we were there for around three months before Australia says, come to Australia. And we’re very glad that happened. So often we heard Mum and Dad say—what a great country. How good is this place? And the other thing—kids, as you grow up, do as much as you can to give back to this great country and to give back to others less fortunate.Do’s strategy is apparently one of genuflection and gratitude, an adoption of what McCallum refers to as an Australian post-war tradition of the comedy of inadequacy and embarrassment (210–14). Journalists certainly like to bill Do as the happy clown, framing articles about him with headlines like Rosemary Neill’s “Laughing through Adversity.” In fact, Do is direct about his gallows humour and his propensity to darkness: his humour, he says, is a means of countering racism, of “being able to win people over who might have been averse to being friends with an Asian bloke,” but Neill does not linger on this, nor on the revelation that Do felt stigmatised by his refugee origins and terrified and shamed by the crippling poverty of his childhood in Australia. In The Happiest Refugee, Do reveals that, for him, the credibility of his routines with predominantly white Australian audiences lies in the crafting of himself as an “Aussie comedian up there talking about his working-class childhood” (182). This is not the official narrative that is retold even if it is how Do has endeared himself to Australians, and ridding himself of the happy refugee label may yet prove difficult. Suren Jayemanne is well known for his subtle mockery of multiculturalist rhetoric. In his 2016 MICF show, Wu-Tang Clan Name Generator, Jayemanne played on the supposed contradiction of his Sri Lankan-Malaysian heritage against his teenage years in the wealthy suburb of Malvern in Melbourne, his private schooling, and his obsession with hip hop and black American culture. Jayemanne’s strategy is to gently confound his audiences, leading them slowly up a blind alley. He builds up a picture of how to identify Sri Lankan parents, supposedly Sri Lankan qualities such as an exceptional ability at maths, and Sri Lankan employment ambitions which he argues he fulfilled in becoming an accountant. He then undercuts his story by saying he has recently realised that his suburban background, his numerical abilities, his love of black music, and his rejection of accountancy in favour of comedy, in fact prove conclusively that he has, all along, been white. He also confesses that this is a bruising disappointment. Jayemanne exposes the emptiness of the conceits of white, brown, and black and of invented identity markers and plays on his audiences’ preconceptions through an old storyteller’s device, the shaggy dog story. The different constituencies in his audiences enjoy his trick equally, from quite different perspectives.Diana Nguyen, a second generation Vietnamese stand-up, was both traumatised and politicised by Pauline Hanson when she was a teenager. Hanson described Nguyen’s community in Dandenong as “yellow Asian people” (Filmer). Nguyen’s career as a community development worker combating racism relates directly to her activity as a stand-up: migrant stories are integral to Australian history and Nguyen hypothesises that the “Australian psyche of being invaded or taken over” has reignited over the question of Islamic fundamentalism and expresses her concern to Filmer about the Muslim youths under her care.Nguyen’s alarm about the elision of Islamic radicalism with Muslim culture drives an agenda that has led the new generation of self-identified Muslim stand-ups since 9/11. This post 9/11 world is described by Wajahat as gorged with “exaggerated fear, hatred, and hostility toward Islam and Muslim [. . . ] and perpetuated by negative discrimination and the marginalisation and exclusion of Muslims from social, political, and civic life in western societies.” In Australia, Aamer Rahman, Muhamed Elleissi, Khaled Khalafalla, and Nazeem Hussain typify this newer, more assertive form of second generation immigrant stand-up—they identify as Muslim (whether religious or not), as brown, and as Australian. They might be said to symbolise a logical response to Ghassan Hage’s famous White Nation (1998), which argues that a white supremacism underlies the mindset of the white elite in Australia. Their positioning is more nuanced than previous generations of stand-up. Nazeem Hussain’s routines mark a transformation in Australian stand-up, as Waleed Aly has argued: “ethnic comedy” has hitherto been about the parading of stereotypes for comfortable, mainstream consumption, about “minstrel characters” [. . .] but Hussain interrogates his audiences in every direction—and aggravates Muslims too. Hussain’s is the world of post 9/11 Australian Muslims. It’s about more than ethnic stereotyping. It’s about being a consistent target of political opportunism, where everyone from the Prime Minister to the Foreign Minister to an otherwise washed-up backbencher with a view on burqas has you in their sights, where bombs detonate in Western capitals and unrelated nations are invaded.Understandably, a prevalent theme among the new wave of Muslim comics, and not just in Australia, is the focus on the reading of Muslims as manifestly linked with Islamic State (IS). Jokes about mistaken identity, plane crashes, suicide bombing, and the Koran feature prominently. English-Pakistani Muslim, Shazia Mirza, gained comedy notoriety in the UK in the wake of 9/11 by introducing her routine with the words: “My name’s Shazia Mirza. At least that’s what it says on my pilot’s licence” (Bedell). Stand-ups Negin Farsad, Ahmed Ahmed, and Dean Obeidalla are all also activists challenging prevailing myths about Islam, skin colour and terrorism in America. Egyptian-American Ahmed Ahmed acquired prominence for telling audiences in the infamous Axis of Evil Comedy Tour about how his life had changed much for the worse since 9/11. Ahmed Ahmed was the alias used by one of Osama Bin Laden’s devotees and his life became on ongoing struggle with anti-terrorism officials doing security checks (he was once incarcerated) and with the FBI who were certain that the comedian was among their most wanted terrorists. Similarly, Obeidalla, an Italian-Palestinian-Muslim, notes in his TEDx talk that “If you have a Muslim name, you are probably immune to identity theft.” His narration of a very sudden experience of becoming an object of persecution and of others’ paranoia is symptomatic of a shared understanding of a post 9/11 world among many Muslim comics: “On September 10th 2001 I went to bed as a white American and I woke up an Arab,” says Obeidalla, still dazed from the seismic shift in his life.Hussain and Khalafalla demonstrate a new sophistication and directness in their stand-up, and tackle their majority white audiences head-on. There is no hint of the apologetic or deferential stance performed by Anh Do. Many of the jokes in their routines target controversial or taboo issues, which up until recently were shunned in Australian political debate, or are absent or misrepresented in mainstream media. An Egyptian-Australian born in Saudi Arabia, Khaled Khalafalla arrived on the comedy scene in 2011, was runner-up in RAW, Australia’s most prestigious open mic competition, and in 2013 won the best of the Melbourne International Comedy Festival for Devious. Khalafalla’s shows focus on racist stereotypes and identity and he uses a range of Middle Eastern and Indian accents to broach IS recruitment, Muslim cousin marriages, and plane crashes. His 2016 MICF show, Jerk, was a confident and abrasive routine exploring relationships, drug use, the extreme racism of Reclaim Australia rallies, controversial visa checks by Border Force’s Operation Fortitude, and Islamophobia. Within the first minute of his routine, he criticises white people in the audience for their woeful refusal to master Middle Eastern names, calling out to the “brown woman” in the audience for support, before lining up a series of jokes about the (mis)pronunciation of his name. Khalafalla derives his power on stage by what Oliver Double calls “uncovering.” Double contends that “one of the most subversive things stand-up can do is to uncover the unmentionable,” subjects which are difficult or impossible to discuss in everyday conversation or the broadcast media (292). For instance, in Jerk Khalafalla discusses the “whole hating halal movement” in Australia as a metaphor for exposing brutal prejudice: Let me break it down for you. Halal is not voodoo. It’s just a blessing that Muslims do for some things, food amongst other things. But, it’s also a magical spell that turns some people into fuckwits when they see it. Sometimes people think it’s a thing that can get stuck to your t-shirt . . . like ‘Oh fuck, I got halal on me’ [Australian accent]. I saw a guy the other day and he was like Fuck halal, it funds terrorism. And I was like, let me show you the true meaning of Islam. I took a lamb chop out of my pocket and threw it in his face. And, he was like Ah, what was that? A lamb chop. Oh, I fucking love lamb chops. And, I say you fool, it’s halal and he burst into flames.In effect, Khalafalla delivers a contemptuous attack on the white members of his audience, but at the same time his joke relies on those same audience members presuming that they are morally and intellectually superior to the individual who is the butt of the joke. Khalafalla’s considerable charm is a help in this tricky send-up. In 2015 the Australian Department of Defence recognised his symbolic power and invited him to join the Afghanistan Task Force to entertain the troops by providing what Doran describes as “home-grown Australian laughs” (7). On stage in Australia, Khalafalla constructs a persona which is an outsider to the dominant majority and challenges the persecution of Muslim communities. Ironically, on the NATO base, Khalafalla’s act was perceived as representing a diverse but united Australia. McCallum has pointed to such contradictions, moments where white Australia has shown itself to be a “culture which at first authenticates emigrant experience and later abrogates it in times of defiant nationalism” (207). Nazeem Hussain, born in Australia to Sri Lankan parents, is even more confrontational. His stand-up is born of his belief that “comedy protects us from the world around us” and is “an evolutionary defence mechanism” (8–9). His ground-breaking comedy career is embedded in his work as an anti-racism activist and asylum seeker supporter and shaped by his second-generation migrant experiences, law studies, community youth work, and early mentorship by American Muslim comic trio Allah Made Me Funny. He is well-known for his pioneering television successes Legally Brown and Salam Café. In his stand-up, Hussain often dwells witheringly on the failings and peculiarities of white people’s attempts to interact with him. Like all his routines, his sell-out show Fear of the Brown Planet, performed with Aamer Rahman from 2004–2008, explored casual, pathologised racism. Hussain deliberately over-uses the term “white people” in his routines as a provocation and deploys a reverse racism against his majority white audiences, knowing that many will be squirming. “White people ask me how can Muslims have fun if they don’t drink? Muslims have fun! Of course we have fun! You’ve seen us on the news.” For Hussain stand-up is “fundamentally an art of protest,” to be used as “a tool by communities and people with ideas that challenge and provoke the status quo with a spirit of counterculture” (Low 1–3). His larger project is to humanise Muslims to white Australians so that “they see us firstly as human beings” (1–3). Hussain’s 2016 MICF show, Hussain in the Membrane, both satirised media hype and hysterical racism and pushed for a better understanding of the complex problems Muslim communities face in Australia. His show also connected issues to older colonial traditions of racism. In a memorable and beautifully crafted tirade, Hussain inveighed against the 2015 Bendigo riots which occurred after local Muslims lodged an application to Bendigo council to build a mosque in the sleepy Victorian town. [YELLING in an exaggerated Australian accent] No we don’t want Muslims! NO we don’t want Muslims—to come invade Bendigo by application to the local council! That is the most bureaucratic invasion of all times. No place in history has been invaded by lodging an application to a local council. Can you see ISIS running around chasing town planners? Of course not, Muslims like to wait 6–8 months to invade! That’s a polite way to invade. What if white people invaded that way? What a better world we’d be living in. If white people invaded Australia that way, we’d be able to celebrate Australia Day on the same day without so much blood on our hands. What if Captain Cook came to Australia and said [in a British accent] Awe we would like to apply to invade this great land and here is our application. [In an Australian accent] Awe sorry, mate, rejected, but we’ll give you Bendigo.As Waleed Aly sees it, the Australian cultural majority is still “unused to hearing minorities speak with such assertiveness.” Hussain exposes “a binary world where there’s whiteness, and then otherness. Where white people are individuals and non-white people (a singular group) are not” (Aly). Hussain certainly speaks as an insider and goes so far as recognising his coloniser’s guilt in relation to indigenous Australians (Tan). Aly well remembers the hate mail he and Hussain received when they worked on Salam Café: “The message was clear. We were outsiders and should behave as such. We were not real Australians. We should know our place, as supplicants, celebrating the nation’s unblemished virtue.” Khalafalla, Rahman, Elleissi, and Hussain make clear that the new wave of comics identify as Muslim and Australian (which they would argue many in the audiences receive as a provocation). They have zero tolerance of racism, their comedy is intimately connected with their political activism, and they have an unapologetically Australian identity. No longer is it a question of whether the white cultural majority in Australia will anoint them as worthy and acceptable citizens, it is a question of whether the audiences can rise to the moral standards of the stand-ups. The power has been switched. For Hussain laughter is about connection: “that person laughs because they appreciate the point and whether or not they accept what was said was valid isn’t important. What matters is, they’ve understood” (Low 5). 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