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1

Meng, Xianming, Mahinda Siriwardana, and Judith McNeill. "The Environmental and Employment Effect of Australian Carbon Tax." International Journal of Social Science and Humanity 5, no. 6 (2015): 514–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7763/ijssh.2015.v5.510.

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2

Ge, Xin Janet. "Did the Introduction of Carbon Tax in Australia Affect Housing Affordability?" Advanced Materials Research 869-870 (December 2013): 840–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.869-870.840.

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The Australian carbon pricing scheme (carbon tax) was introduced and became effective on 01 July 2012. The introduction of the carbon tax immediately increases the cost of electricity to a number of industries such as manufacturing and construction. Households were also affected as a result of these costs been passed through the supply chain of the affected industries. The carbon tax policy was introduced to addresses greenhouse emissions and energy consumption in Australia. However, the carbon tax policy may have introduced a number of economic risk factors to the Australian housing market, in particular the impact of housing affordability.
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Nugraha, Nur Arif. "Controversies of the Implementation of Carbon Tax Policy for the Australian Economy: Harmful or Beneficial?" Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 6, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.6.2.109-122.2017.

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Australian government had an experience in carbon tax policy implementation and evidently, it did not work out since it was enacted for the first time in 2012. The background of this policy was the Kyoto Protocol in 2007. In the beginning, Australia and United States considered as resistant countries. However, the government finally implemented carbon tax policy in 2012. There were many debates around this issue, especially two major parties, Labour and Liberal. After some considerations, the Australian government decided to repeal this policy in 2014. This study will focus on controversies around the implementation of carbon tax policy. The first part will describe the background of carbon tax policy. The next part will expose on positive impacts of the policy implementation on the Australian economy, while the following part will focus on negative impacts on household expenditures. The final part will conclude which actions the government should decide either continues or terminates carbon tax policy. Keywords: implementation, carbon tax policy, environment, household, economy
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4

SAJEEWANI, DISNA, MAHINDA SIRIWARDANA, and JUDITH MCNEILL. "HOUSEHOLD DISTRIBUTIONAL AND REVENUE RECYCLING EFFECTS OF THE CARBON PRICE IN AUSTRALIA." Climate Change Economics 06, no. 03 (July 9, 2015): 1550012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2010007815500128.

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The Australian Government introduced a carbon tax from 1 July 2012. The then opposition party leader, now Prime Minister, introduced legislation to repeal the tax. Amongst the many issues being debated is that of the incidence of the tax. In this study, we explore household consumption and income changes arising from a A$23 carbon price employing a computable general equilibrium model (entitled A3E-G). The model has been calibrated using a social accounting matrix database of Australia with 10 household income groups. This carbon price generates A$6.39 billion revenue while reducing Australia's carbon emissions by 11%. The empirical evidence suggests household level impacts range from proportional to mildly progressive tax incidence. In this study, we propose four revenue recycling options to overcome any undesirable distributional effects from the carbon price. Results indicate that revenue recycling through income tax reductions and uniform lump sum transfers improves post tax income levels and welfare towards middle and high income groups. A nonuniform lump sum transferring option favors low income households. Uniform reductions in commodity tax rates are not found to be welfare improving but we find positive impacts on export competitiveness from this option.
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Maxim, Maruf Rahman, and Kerstin Zander. "Green Tax Reform and Employment Double Dividend in Australia Should Australia Follow Europe’s Footsteps? A CGE Analysis." Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research 14, no. 4 (November 2020): 454–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973801020953310.

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Australia has one of the highest per capita carbon emissions, and its energy sector contributes significantly to the country’s carbon emissions. Renewable energy and climate change call for a shift from fossil fuels to low-carbon technologies for energy production. Policies aiming to reduce carbon emissions are perceived by many people as leading to higher living costs, but changes in energy policies can also lead to economic gains in the presence of revenue recycling. This article applies a computable general equilibrium approach to study the effect of energy tax in the Australian economy. Four different scenarios of green tax reform (GTR) are simulated to test the employment double dividend (EDD) potential. All four scenarios simulate changes in energy tax and one of four tax revenue recycling policies including (a) value added tax reduction, (b) payroll tax reduction, (c) goods and services tax (GST) reduction and (d) a mixture of all three recycling policies. The results show strong EDD potential of GST and payroll tax reduction when used along with energy tax in a revenue-neutral GTR approach. The study also presents a comparison of an optimal EDD inducive policy design between the European and Australian GTR approaches. JEL classifications: H23, C68, H21, Q48
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Luo, Le, and Qingliang Tang. "Carbon tax, corporate carbon profile and financial return." Pacific Accounting Review 26, no. 3 (November 10, 2014): 351–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/par-09-2012-0046.

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Purpose – This paper aims to investigate the impact of the proposed carbon tax on the financial market return of Australian firms. It also considers the differential tax effect on individual firms with different carbon profiles, including factors such as emissions costs, carbon disclosure and climate-change policies. Design/methodology/approach – Utilising the event-study method, the authors examine the market reaction to seven key carbon legislative information events that occurred from February 2011 to November 2011. The sample includes 48 different firms whose emissions-related data are available from Carbon Disclosure Project reports; thus, 336 firm-event observations are used for the cross-sectional analysis. Findings – The paper documents evidence that the proposed tax has an overall negative impact on shareholder wealth as measured by abnormal returns. The negative impact varies across sectors, with the most significant effect found in the materials, industrial and financial sectors. It was also found that a firm’s direct carbon exposure (as measured by Scope 1 emissions) is significantly associated with abnormal returns, whereas the indirect exposure (as measured by Scope 2 emissions) is not, because Scope 2 emissions are not covered by the tax. In addition, the findings suggest that the information content of the events is more notable during the early stages of the development of the carbon tax. Research limitations/implications – The sample is restricted to the largest firms with relevant carbon profile information. Thus, caution should be exercised when generalising the inferences. Practical implications – The introduction of the carbon tax was largely unexpected and most firms were unprepared for it; thus, their carbon policy appears inadequate and does not impress investors. An understanding of how the carbon tax affects shareholder value and welfare will encourage management to take proactive actions to mitigate the compliance costs of carbon legislation. Originality/value – The enactment of the Australian carbon tax perhaps represents one of the biggest social and economic restructuring events in the country’s history. Our results offer initial insight into its impact and suggest that investors would penalise firms with heavy direct operational emissions. In addition, Australian corporate carbon policy seems inadequate, so does not reverse the negative effect of the tax on the value of a firm.
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7

LO, Alex. "The Political Economy of Carbon Tax: International Practice and the Australian Model." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 01, no. 01 (December 2013): 1350007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748113500073.

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Carbon taxes create incentives for controlling greenhouse gases by putting a price on these emissions. In theory major carbon emitters would pay more under an effective carbon tax. In practice political considerations often dominate and consequently compromise effectiveness in emissions mitigation. Australia's carbon pricing mechanism is a recent example. It involves the use of a fixed-price instrument that resembles a carbon tax and will eventually turn into an emission trading scheme and enable price fluctuation. The policy design is however questionable for overcompensating big polluters and legitimizing the failure to curb emissions domestically. This paper offers a review of the development of carbon tax policies in various national contexts with a focus on Australia. Lessons from the international practices could provide a useful reference for China to advance its timely commitment to establishing a carbon pricing system.
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8

Kumarasiri, Jayanthi, and Sumit Lodhia. "The Australian carbon tax: corporate perceptions, responses and motivations." Meditari Accountancy Research 28, no. 3 (January 4, 2020): 515–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/medar-10-2019-0590.

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Purpose This study aims to explore how large Australian companies in emission intensive industries perceived the introduction of the Carbon Tax as an approach to carbon emissions regulation and as a tool for accountability. It also investigates the influence of perceptions of the new tax on the internal carbon emissions management practices and the motivations for such actions. Design/methodology/approach This study draws on transaction cost theory and legitimacy theory to address corporate perceptions, responses and motivations in relation to the Carbon Tax. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 18 senior managers directly responsible for the carbon emissions management of their companies. Findings The study found that the Carbon Tax, viewed by the high-emitting companies as a heavy financial burden, had a significant influence on moderating organisational legitimacy seeking behaviours. It is evident that the transaction cost issues in the form of the carbon pricing requirement has led to a change of focus to “management” rather than merely reporting to external stakeholders. This influenced companies to change their behaviour with the potential to internalise previous externalities of carbon pollution. Research limitations/implications This research highlights that a pricing signal in emissions regulations is essential in conjunction with external pressures to effectively stimulate emissions management actions in companies. It extends our understanding of legitimacy theory by suggesting that a mandatory pricing mechanism as explained by transaction cost economics has the potential to lead to actual changes in corporate behaviour through a focus on management rather than reporting. Practical implications The study highlights the important elements of any effective emissions policy designed to encourage strong emissions management actions from companies. Based on the findings of the study, it is evident that the Carbon Tax was a very effective mechanism in driving emission management actions, despite the general perception that any deficiencies associated with such a price mechanism could have a negative effect on the economy. Social implications Climate change is a critical issue for the modern society and this study discussed a short-lived policy tool in the Australian context that had the potential to change corporate behaviour in relation to carbon management. Originality/value This study is among the very few studies that have examined the influence of the Carbon Tax on internal emissions management practices of companies, and therefore, provides a unique dataset of corporate responses to the Carbon Tax. Given the short time frame that the Carbon Tax was in operation, the study enhances our understanding of the influence the Carbon Tax had on companies responsible for high greenhouse gas emissions.
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Dwyer, Larry, Peter Forsyth, and Ray Spurr. "Wither Australian Tourism? Implications of the Carbon Tax." Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Management 19, no. 1 (January 2012): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jht.2012.18.

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10

Siriwardana, Mahinda, Sam Meng, and Judith McNeill. "A CGE assessment of the Australian carbon tax policy." International Journal of Global Energy Issues 36, no. 2/3/4 (2013): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijgei.2013.061805.

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11

Meng, Sam, Mahinda Siriwardana, and Judith McNeill. "The contribution of carbon pricing to sustainable mining." International Journal of Rural Law and Policy, no. 1 (September 10, 2014): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ijrlp.i1.2014.3851.

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Reductions in greenhouse gas emissions are essential to reducing the rate and scale of anthropogenic climate change to levels that can sustain the planet’s biosphere. A carbon tax is a policy measure that is designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by increasing the prices of the highest carbon-polluting goods and services in an economy, thus encouraging substitution towards resultant relatively cheaper and less-polluting goods where possible. When Australia introduced such a tax in 2012, there was a fear that it could threaten the resources boom, considered the engine of Australian economic growth in recent years. By employing a computable general equilibrium model and an environmentally-extended Social Accounting Matrix, this paper demonstrates the effects of a carbon tax on the resources sector. The modelled results show that, in a flexible exchange rate regime, all resources within the sector will be affected negatively but to different degrees. The brown coal sector will be the hardest hit, with a 25.74 per cent decrease in output, 52.94 per cent decrease in employment and 89.37 per cent decrease in profitability. However, other resources in the sector would be only mildly affected. From the point of view of sustainability, the most significant results are that, under the carbon tax, the resources sector contributes considerably to the carbon emission reduction target of Australia. Given that brown coal accounts for only a small portion of the resources sector, it is reasonable to suggest that a carbon tax would not significantly affect the overall performance of the sector.
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12

Gunst, Andrew. "Carbon pollution (greenhouse gas) measurement and reporting." APPEA Journal 50, no. 1 (2010): 649. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj09042.

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Carbon reporting and emissions trading in Australia—both of which, in 2007, seemed unlikely—came into effect with the implementation of mandatory data reporting from July 2008 (Australia) and January 2010 (USA); the onus lies with emitting corporations to determine whether they must report. At the time of writing it is also likely that Australia and the USA will join Europe in placing a price on carbon by 2013. The background to the Australian regulations will be explored in this paper, along with comparisons made to regulations in other jurisdictions, including the new reporting scheme in the USA. To date, much of the public discussion in these countries has centred on the financial aspects of a carbon tax or emissions trading scheme; however, significant challenges exist in identifying and quantifying the emissions that the financial community seeks to trade, and business community understanding of the details of greenhouse emissions is not strong. Case studies from the Australian oil and gas and related industries will be used to explain counter-intuitive aspects of greenhouse gas emissions and their regulation, and to illustrate challenges in emissions measurement and reporting.
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Payne, Harold, and Janelle Manton. "Evolution of the Australian fiscal landscape and its impact on oil and gas investments in Australia." APPEA Journal 53, no. 2 (2013): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj12056.

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The oil and gas industry is among the most regulated and highly taxed sectors of the Australian economy. In recent times, the industry has been confronted with ongoing tax reforms that significantly impact the after-tax economics of projects. Examples include the introduction of the carbon pricing mechanism, the extension of the Petroleum Resource Rent Tax (PRRT) to the onshore oil and gas sector, the decision in the Esso case impacting on PRRT taxpayers, amendments to R&D tax incentives and modifications to the taxation system affecting mobile employees. Although the Business Tax Working Group recently did not make any recommendations to broaden the tax base to fund a reduction in the company tax rate, the desire to undertake further reforms that may impact the sector remains. The year ahead will see implementation of further transfer pricing reforms, ongoing consultation and review regarding the definition of exploration expenditure, and increasing focus on corporate international tax reform in line with global trends. Any reform has the potential to have a material impact on the capital- and exploration-intensive oil and gas industry, which also relies heavily on capital funding from multinational investors. This extended abstract analyses the recent reforms and their impact on the oil and gas sector, provides an outlook of other relevant areas of potential fiscal change, and assesses what this might mean for the Australian oil and gas industry.
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Meng, Sam, and Tien Pham. "The impact of the Australian carbon tax on the tourism industry." Tourism Economics 23, no. 3 (January 2015): 506–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/te.2015.0514.

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Dwyer, Larry, Peter Forsyth, Ray Spurr, and Serajul Hoque. "Economic Impacts of a Carbon Tax on the Australian Tourism Industry." Journal of Travel Research 52, no. 2 (October 8, 2012): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047287512461568.

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Meng, Sam, Mahinda Siriwardana, and Judith McNeill. "The Impact of the Australian Carbon Tax on Industries and Households." Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research 8, no. 1 (January 22, 2014): 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973801013506399.

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Wong, Kum Yeen, Joon Huang Chuah, and Chris Hope. "As an emerging economy, should Malaysia adopt carbon taxation?" Energy & Environment 30, no. 1 (July 20, 2018): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x18787273.

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On 1 July 2014, the Australian Government announced the abolition of its new carbon tax policy barely two years into implementation. The Australia’s policy U-turn raises a very important question: Should an emerging economy such as Malaysia adopt carbon and climate change policy as part of a larger tax reform? In order to answer this, the key issues, main driving forces and barriers in the use of carbon tax as an incentive-based instrument for economic and environmental policies purposes are examined. With the recent global climate challenges and the fiscal needs of the national budget, it is submitted that the implementation of a carbon tax framework in Malaysia should be regarded not as an ultimate goal in itself but as a starting point to develop the right behavioural response for a better and more comprehensive national fiscal and climate policy reform in the future.
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Murray, J. H., and E. A. Burns. "GREENHOUSE GAS ISSUES—ONE FOR THE AUSTRALIAN TAXATION OFFICE?" APPEA Journal 45, no. 1 (2005): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj04046.

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In the 21st century we are constantly bombarded with issues on the need to do more to protect the environment and deal with greenhouse gas issues. The petroleum industry world-wide has come under fire for the emissions produced as a by-product of the petroleum refining industry and all primary producers and refiners must develop strategies to reduce atmospheric carbon dioxide emissions. While it is probably fair to say Australia’s appetite for production and consumption of natural gas or LNG is much more environmentally friendly than the days of fossil fuel sources such as coal, there is still a long way to go to minimise emissions in the industry.Global oil and gas companies operating in Australia are leading the way to develop ways to reduce greenhouse emissions. Two examples are Gorgon joint venture plans for carbon dioxide sequestration for its gas development project and perhaps BHP Billiton’s comments that it sees potential for similar sequestration into coal seams onshore Australia in Queensland, South Australia or New South Wales.The costs of projects to re-use or re-inject or sequestrate greenhouse gases are likely to be significant. But are these operating costs of the taxpaying entities in question and would they qualify for tax relief for income tax or petroleum resource rent tax purposes? This paper looks at some of the projects now underway in Australia to reduce greenhouse emissions in the petroleum sector and assesses whether the type of costs likely to be incurred in such projects might qualify for tax relief under existing legislation.
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Meng, Sam. "How may a carbon tax transform Australian electricity industry? A CGE analysis." Applied Economics 46, no. 8 (January 22, 2014): 796–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036846.2013.854302.

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Meng, Xianming. "The Australian Agricultural and Resources Sectors under the Carbon Tax: A CGE Perspective." Applied Economics Quarterly 60, no. 1 (January 2014): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/aeq.60.1.1.

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Andersson, Fredrik NG, and Peter Karpestam. "The Australian carbon tax: a step in the right direction but not enough." Carbon Management 3, no. 3 (June 2012): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.4155/cmt.12.18.

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Copland, Simon. "Anti-politics and Global Climate Inaction: The Case of the Australian Carbon Tax." Critical Sociology 46, no. 4-5 (October 23, 2019): 623–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519870230.

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Action on climate change has enjoyed popular support in most Western countries. Despite this, successive governments have struggled to implement policy to tackle this issue. Using the case of opposition to the Clean Energy Act, passed in Australia to establish an emissions trading scheme, this paper argues that a growing and broad sentiment of distrust in political elites, described as ‘anti-politics’, can explain some of this contradiction. Particular forms of climate policy, in particular emissions trading schemes, have been successfully framed as policies that appeal to the interests of a new class of liberal elites while hurting ordinary working people. This frame was used successfully in Australia by conservative forces to oppose the Clean Energy Act. While used cynically by political leaders in this case, the paper argues that anti-political sentiment reflects genuine concerns about the detachment between the state and voting population. This detachment is reflected in neoliberal climate policies. Through briefly examining the cases of the Trump Administration’s withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the Gilets Jaunes protest movement, the paper argues that while formulating climate policy we must consider anti-political sentiment, developing responses to the climate crisis from a bottom-up rather than top-down approach.
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Meng, Xianming. "Will Australian Carbon Tax Affect the Resources Boom? Results from a CGE Model." Natural Resources Research 21, no. 4 (October 26, 2012): 495–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11053-012-9187-z.

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Meng, Samuel. "Is the agricultural industry spared from the influence of the Australian carbon tax?" Agricultural Economics 46, no. 1 (December 2, 2014): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/agec.12145.

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Mia, Parvez, Tarek Rana, and Lutfa Tilat Ferdous. "Government Reform, Regulatory Change and Carbon Disclosure: Evidence from Australia." Sustainability 13, no. 23 (November 30, 2021): 13282. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132313282.

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This paper examines the effect of two Australian environmental regulatory changes, specifically the Clean Energy Act (CEA) 2011 and the National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting (NGER) Act 2007 with reference to voluntary corporate carbon disclosure practices. In doing so, it describes the brief history of this carbon-related regulatory change, its scope, enforcement criteria and corporations’ disclosures. This is a longitudinal analysis of 219 annual reports of 73 listed corporations in Australia which were subjected to carbon tax and report carbon emissions as per the CEA 2011 and NGER Act 2007 accordingly. Any corporation or facility that emitted scope 1 emissions of 25,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2-e) or more were liable for a carbon tax in accordance with CEA 2011. Drawing on stakeholder theory and legitimacy theory, this study uses content analysis to examine corporate carbon disclosure. The findings suggest there is a considerable increase in the number of carbon-related disclosures following these regulations being enacted as law. In addition, carbon-specific communication has become much more prevalent and accounts for a larger proportion of the sampled organisations’ reported environmental information. The results of this study enrich the validity of the hypothesis that organisations would seek to legitimise their operations to stakeholders by increasing their environment-related declarations. The evidence presented in the analysis confirms the assertion that government environmental legislation/regulation has a positive impact on corporate behaviour and accountability. These findings have significant consequences for the government, decision-makers and the accounting profession, indicating that regulatory guidance enhances both mandatory and voluntary disclosure. It also offers key insights into the possible impacts of the carbon regulatory change for future research to consider.
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Williamson, Max. "General financial environment 2014." APPEA Journal 54, no. 1 (2014): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj13045.

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Research available from oil and gas industry commodity traders and bankers suggests relatively stable pricing of key commodities for the next two to three years. Barring another oil shock, or similar major international event, that will mean a positive atmosphere for longer term decision making by project developers and regulators. With a new, stable Federal Government and similar persuasion State Governments focused on repealing the carbon tax and developing key infrastructure around Australia including ports, it is not unreasonable to expect a period of real growth and project development, including a resurgence of interest in oil and gas exploration. Doubtless continuing pressure from political lobby groups and parties to try and claim some ground in areas like groundwater re-treatment and usage, and the repeal of the Mineral Resource Rent Tax and the carbon tax legislation packages, will be apparent. How the government may achieve these legislation changes will have significant impact on project feasibility and how projects are designed, operated and managed. Some of the fascinating developments in researching aspects of how the Australian industry will achieve its technical objectives and how they are supported by the research and development tax incentives are worth more than a cursory financial review. With a historically cheap cost of capital there will be increased focus on borrowing methodologies and supporting techniques, with equity only being freely available to the majors. The funding of exploration programs and the determination of what is research and development in those programs will be critical for smaller companies.
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Young, Doug. "The impact of the Carbon Tax regime on the petroleum and gas industries." APPEA Journal 52, no. 1 (2012): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj11015.

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The Clean Energy Act (CEA) and its related legislation received royal assent on 18 November 2011, ushering in a new era for the Australian industry, and for those who deal with it. Building on the 2007 National Greenhouse and Energy Reporting Scheme (NGERS), which mandates the measurement and reporting of greenhouse gas emissions and electricity production and consumption, the CEA imposes direct obligations on: individual industrial operations (facilities) that emit more than 25,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide, or its other equivalent greenhouse gases, from particular sources, in a year; suppliers of natural gas (at the point of last supply before the gas is burnt or otherwise used), for the emissions that will be generated when the gas is burnt; and, operators of land-fill facilities, such as local councils. While the primary emissions targeted by the scheme are produced by burning fossil fuels, they also include emissions such as the methane released when coal is mined. The obligations include the option of surrendering carbon units for each tonne of emissions, however, if this optional step is not performed, the mandatory payment of a tax, which far exceeds the cost of a unit, is enforced. The Australian Government will sell carbon units at a fixed price for the first three years, starting at $23, after which units will be auctioned for between $15 and the expected international unit price, plus $20. The supply of domestic units will be unlimited for the three fixed price years, but will be subject to a reducing cap in following years, consistent with the Government policy of reducing Australia’s emissions. The Government has created a monopoly for the supply of units for the first three years by prohibiting the use of overseas-sourced carbon units, and by only allowing 5% of the unit surrender requirements to be comprised of Australian generated carbon credits. Thereafter, for the first five of the flexible-charge years, only half the units can be sourced from overseas, with any apparent saving likely to be offset by the various taxes and charges applicable to the use of those units. Certain fuels will also be separately taxed. Entities, however, which acquire, manufacture or import fuels and would otherwise be entitled to a fuel tax credit, may be able to assume direct liability thus enabling them to acquire or manufacture fuel, free of the carbon tax component. Where the imposts will cause competitive disadvantage to industries that compete with entities from other countries that do not have similar imposts, some assistance is provided in the form of allocated units provided at no charge. Assistance is also available to coal-fired electricity generators, producers of liquefied natural gas, operators of gassy coal mines, and the steel industry (not discussed in this paper). This paper also explains, in detail, how liability is created, how to determine which entities are liable, the means of assigning liability to other entities, and the assistance available to various industries to help deal with the financial impact of the scheme on their operations. It also outlines the key concepts that underpin the scheme.
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Lewis, David. "Taxation aspects of climate change management measures." APPEA Journal 50, no. 1 (2010): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj09015.

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Climate change is undoubtedly one of the greatest economic, social, and environmental challenges now facing the world. The present Australian Government is committed to acting on climate change and Australia’s progress towards its emissions reduction targets is being closely watched internationally. To contribute effectively to global climate change action, Australia must demonstrate its ability to implement robust and sustainable domestic emissions management legislation. The Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS), modelled after the cap-and-trade system, continues to be debated by our policymakers, as the Government moves to re-introduce its preferred CPRS legislative package for the third time. The advent of climate change legislation is inevitable and its impact will be far-reaching. This paper reviews the fiscal aspects of the proposed CPRS legislation in the context of the oil and gas industry, and whether it is conducive to creating incentives for appropriate climate change response by the industry. In particular, this paper will consider: the direct and indirect tax features specifically covered in the proposed CPRS legislation and their implications; the areas of taxation that remain uncanvassed in the proposed CPRS legislation and aspects requiring clarification from the tax administration; the interaction between Petroleum Resource Rent Tax (PRRT) and the CPRS measures; the flow-on impacts to taxation outcomes resulting from proposed accounting and financial reporting responses to the CPRS legislation; the income tax and PRRT treatment of selected abatement measures; and, elements of a good CPRS tax strategy and compliance action plan.
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Dello, Lou. "2011 PESA industry review: production and development." APPEA Journal 52, no. 1 (2012): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj11007.

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2011 was a lacklustre year for Australian hydrocarbon production, however a stellar year for LNG development. Domestic gas production was flat despite two new gas developments, Reindeer/Devil Creek and Halyard/Spar, which came into production during the year. Oil production fell, primarily due to the redevelopment of North West Shelf oil facilities, with Kitan in the Timor Sea being the only new offshore oil field that commenced production. LNG production was also flat however, Final Investment Decisions (FID) were announced for five new LNG projects, including Ichthys early in 2012, bringing the combined value of all eight sanctioned LNG projects to more than $180 billion. This is a huge volume of development, not only for the industry but for the whole Australian economy. Importantly, it has also moved Australia closer to becoming the world’s largest LNG producer. Increasing development costs and competition for skilled labour still remain the biggest challenges for the industry. Introduction of the carbon tax was also an important development in 2011, marking a significant step towards a low-carbon economy and increasing the opportunity for natural gas, but also burdening trade-exposed industries like LNG. The success of unconventional gas in the United States and CSG in Australia has sparked a step-change in exploration and development of unconventional gas in onshore Australia. Consolidation in coal seam gas sector continued on the east coast with the two acquisitions of Eastern Star Gas by Santos and Bow Energy by Arrow Energy. Continuing to effectively engage with the community will be central to the industry’s success.
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Rootes, Christopher. "A referendum on the carbon tax? The 2013 Australian election, the Greens, and the environment." Environmental Politics 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 166–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644016.2014.878088.

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Warburton, A. M., and S. E. Singleton. "THE EMERGING MARKET IN CARBON CREDITS IN AUSTRALIA." APPEA Journal 47, no. 1 (2007): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj06025.

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Climate change policy in Australia is in a state of upheaval.The Federal Government, after years of opposing mandatory carbon constraints, has changed tack and is now investigating emissions trading as a possible means of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.With a federal election looming, the Labor Opposition has committed to ratifying the Kyoto Protocol and reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 60% (against 1990 levels) by 2050. Not to be left out, the State governments say they will introduce an emissions trading regime themselves, if the federal government of the day does not move quickly enough.It now seems clear that there will be some form of carbon price signal in Australia within the next five to 10 years. What is unclear is the form that the carbon constraints might take.Amid this policy uncertainty, large energy producers and users are starting to invest in emissions reduction projects in Australia, as a form of risk management for potential future carbon liabilities. These projects are unusual in that the carbon rights that are being traded are not recognised under any existing Australian statutory scheme, nor are they part of the Kyoto mechanisms. Consequently, they are not recognised by law and do not have any real value today. Their value is largely potential future value under some form of emissions trading scheme or carbon tax regime (which places a price on carbon emissions).These projects raise some novel issues for project developers and purchasers. What is the carbon right that is being sold? How do you frame it to maximise flexibility for use under a future carbon constraint regime?How do you ensure ongoing validity of the carbon right for an indefinite period into the future? For carbon sink projects, the purchaser will want some comfort regarding permanence of abatement of CO2 emissions.Project developers are often small start-up companies with few assets and limited cash flow. They may not be in a position to offer securities for performance. What mechanisms can a purchaser use to assist with start-up funding and also secure the rights they are purchasing?What pricing structures are available, particularly for future sales, against the background of a possible future carbon market?What obligations should the developer/seller have in relation to verification, monitoring and reporting of avoided emissions?How might projects be structured to involve multiple buyers to support the project and facilitate development of a market?
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32

Wong, Peter S. P., Nicholas Lacarruba, and Adam Bray. "Can a Carbon Tax Push the Australian Construction Sector toward Self-Regulation? Lessons Learned from European Union Experiences." Journal of Legal Affairs and Dispute Resolution in Engineering and Construction 5, no. 4 (November 2013): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)la.1943-4170.0000112.

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33

Marshall, Jonathan Paul. "A Social Exploration of the West Australian Gorgon Gas, Carbon Capture and Storage Project." Clean Technologies 4, no. 1 (February 9, 2022): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/cleantechnol4010006.

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Carbon capture and storage (CCS) appears to be essential for lowering emissions during the necessary energy transition. However, in Australia, it has not delivered this result, at any useful scale, and this needs explanation. To investigate the reasons for this failure, the paper undertakes a historical and social case study of the Gorgon gas project in Western Australia, which is often declared to be one of the biggest CCS projects in the world. The Gorgon project could be expected to succeed, as it has the backing of government, a practical and economic reason for removing CO2, a history of previous exploration, nearby storage sites, experienced operators and managers, and long-term taxpayer liability for problems. However, it has run late, failed to meet its targets, and not lowered net emissions. The paper explores the social factors which seem to be disrupting the process. These factors include the commercial imperatives of the operation, the lack of incentives, the complexity of the process, the presence of ignored routine problems, geological issues (even in a well-explored area), technical failures, regulatory threats even if minor, tax issues, and the project increasing emissions and consuming carbon budgets despite claims otherwise. The results of this case study suggest that CCS may work in theory, but not well enough under some contemporary forms of social organisation, and the possibilities of CCS cannot be separated from its social background. Social dynamics should be included in CCS projections to enhance the accuracy of expectations.
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34

Juan Ding, Ming, Ferry Jie, Kevin A. Parton, and Margaret J. Matanda. "Relationships between quality of information sharing and supply chain food quality in the Australian beef processing industry." International Journal of Logistics Management 25, no. 1 (May 6, 2014): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlm-07-2012-0057.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze supply chain practices, and supply chain food quality performance indicator in the Australian beef processing industry. Design/methodology/approach – A conceptual model was developed to test how supply chain practices: strategic alliance, customer focus, information sharing, information quality, Lean system and antecedent cooperative behavior: trust and commitment impact on food quality. A survey questionnaire to 600 Australian beef processors was conducted to collect the empirical data for testing of the formulated hypotheses. The stepwise multiple regression analysis was performed to test the hypothesized relationships. Findings – Strategic alliance, information quality and trust and commitment are significantly related to food quality. In particular, the standardized coefficient shows that information quality has a significant positive relationship with food quality. Research limitations/implications – As Lean principles have been widely adopted in the red meat industry, strategic alliance becomes even critical for maintaining cost and operation effectiveness in the beef supply chain. A various approaches in terms of innovative technologies can improve information quality and promote information sharing in the beef supply chain. To build trust and commitment among supply chain partners requires perception of mutual long-term goals. Practical implications – Australian Meat Manufacturers face greater regulatory challenges and restraints (product labeling, food safety and carbon tax) over the next five years. Therefore, to tackle the challenges, the findings of this research have significant practical implications. Originality/value – This study intends to fill the research gap and explore how advanced supply chain systems have a potential to provide contributions to Australian beef processing industry performance. Vertical integration between livestock producers, meat processors, wholesalers and retailers provides the opportunities for greater economies of scale in production and distribution.
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35

Allinson, W. G., D. N. Nguyen, and J. Bradshaw. "THE ECONOMICS OF GEOLOGICAL STORAGE OF CO2 IN AUSTRALIA." APPEA Journal 43, no. 1 (2003): 623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj02035.

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The economics of the storage of CO2 in underground reservoirs in Australia have been analysed as part of the Australian Petroleum Cooperative Research Centre’s GEODISC program. The economic analyses in the paper are based on cost estimates generated by a CO2 storage technical/economic model developed at the beginning of the GEODISC project. The estimates rely on data concerning the characteristics of geological reservoirs in Australia. The uncertainties involved in estimating the costs of such projects are discussed and the economics of storing CO2 for a range of CO2 sources and potential storage sites across Australia are presented.The key elements of the CO2 storage process and the methods involved in estimating the costs of CO2 storage are described and the CO2 storage costs for a hypothetical, but representative storage project in Australia are derived. The effects of uncertainties inherent in estimating the costs of storing CO2 are shown.The analyses show that the costs are particularly sensitive to parameters such as the CO2 flow rate, the distance between the source and the storage site, the physical properties of the reservoir and the market prices of equipment and services. Therefore, variations in any one of these inputs can lead to significant variation in the costs of CO2 storage. Allowing for reasonable variations in all the inputs together in a Monte Carlo simulation of any particular site, then a large range of total CO2 storage costs is possible. The effect of uncertainty for the hypothetical representative storage site is illustrated.The impact of storing other gases together with CO2 is analysed. These gases include methane, hydrogen sulphide, nitrogen, nitrous oxides and oxides of sulphur, all of which potentially could be captured together with CO2. The effect on storage costs when varying quantities of other gases are injected with the CO2 is shown.Based on the CO2 storage cost estimates and the published costs capturing CO2 from industrial processes, the economics are shown of combined capture and storage (that is, the sequestration process as a whole) for the major CO2 generation sites across Australia combined with potential compatible storage sites. Examples are shown of the volumes of CO2 that could be sequestered economically depending on the level of the carbon credit in a hypothetical carbon credit trading regime. Purely as an illustration, assuming hypothetically that a real carbon credit of US$50 per tonne applied and that the cost of capture was US$40 per tonne across the board, then preliminary indications are that, ignoring tax considerations, it would be economic to store about 180 million tonnes per year of CO2. This is equivalent to about 70% of the annual CO2 emissions from stationary sources in Australia in 2000.
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36

CORNWELL, ANTONIE, and JOHN CREEDY. "A CARBON TAX FOR AUSTRALIA." Economic Papers: A journal of applied economics and policy 14, no. 4 (December 1995): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-3441.1995.tb00104.x.

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37

Schiermeier, Quirin. "Anger as Australia dumps carbon tax." Nature 511, no. 7510 (July 2014): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/511392a.

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38

Robson, Alex. "Australia's Carbon Tax: An Economic Evaluation." Economic Affairs 34, no. 1 (January 24, 2014): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecaf.12061.

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39

Osmond, C. B. "C4 Photosynthesis: Thirty or Forty Years On." Functional Plant Biology 24, no. 4 (1997): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pp97032.

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The C4 pathway has served as a rallying point for so many creative contributions, a focus for attention from so many outstanding researchers, that any attempt to set the context 30 or 40 years on is doomed to offend the majority of one’s colleagues. However, there is one colleague whose personal research has set the standards to which we all aspire, and rarely attain; whose achievements have been applauded for more than a quarter of a century. Hal Hatch has brought great distinction to Australian plant science. This preamble deals with what is perhaps Australia’s most significant contribution to modern plant sciences research. It is certainly one of the main reasons why plant sciences research over the last decade or so has had more influence internationally (measured by relative citation impact), than any other field of biological research in Australia (Bourke and Butler 1994; Osmond 1995). Although we may take pride in this quantitative evidence, I believe we share a deeper sense of achievement in C4 pathway photosynthetic carbon metabolism. This deeper sense is reflected in the neatness, the comprehensiveness, that accompanied the unfolding of our understanding in this field. We can identify with Medewar (1968) that, above all else, researchers value discoveries first for their explanatory value, second for their clarifying power ‘the degree to which they resolve what has hitherto been perplexing’ and third, for the feat of originality involved, ‘the surprisingness of the solution to which it led’. Thirty or 40 years on, it is good to reflect on where we have come from, what has been achieved and, as this Symposium has defined, where we will go next. One acknowledged starting point is an incidental observation and an inspired guess of Haberlandt (1884), whose anatomical insight provoked a more comprehensive understanding of photosynthetic carbon metabolism in all its forms. There is no question that the insights and the confidence gained through progress in C4 photosynthesis research led to a mature view of photosynthetic carbon metabolism in C3 and CAM plants as well. Our perception of leaf photosynthesis has been refined through the integrative philosophy, and growth of research capability, that accompanied the unfolding of the C4 pathway. We are now presented with a plethora of well-defined new problems that tax our creativity in fields of gene expression, cell biology, ecophysiology and evolutionary biology, all arising from a desire to understand this remarkable pathway. In a musical contribution to an early C4 pathway conference, it was heralded that Roger Slack wanted a ‘C-through plant’ (Hatch et al. 1971). After 30 or 40 years, the essence of the C4 pathway is so transparent that it gives insight into some of the big questions in plant biology with the promise of more to come. Looking back, it seems natural to deal with the growth of research in C4 photosynthesis as phases of a generalised biological growth cycle.
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40

Spash, Clive L., and Alex Y. Lo. "Australia's Carbon Tax: A Sheep in Wolf's Clothing?" Economic and Labour Relations Review 23, no. 1 (February 2012): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530461202300105.

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41

Wu, Yongzhong, Kang Wen, and Xuelian Zou. "Impacts of Shipping Carbon Tax on Dry Bulk Shipping Costs and Maritime Trades—The Case of China." Journal of Marine Science and Engineering 10, no. 8 (August 12, 2022): 1105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jmse10081105.

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Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions in shipping have been receiving growing concerns in the maritime industry. Recently, the International Maritime Organization (IMO) is considering the introduction of a global shipping carbon tax, which has become the most talked-about topic in both industry and academia. To assess the potential impact of the carbon tax on maritime trades, a trade-volume-based model of shipping carbon emissions was developed. Considering that bulk shipping is the second-largest carbon emitter in the maritime industry and the low value-to-weight nature of bulk cargoes, the model was applied to analyze the dry bulk trade in China, one of the leading countries in the global dry bulk trade. The results show that the introduction of the carbon tax could have significant impacts on freight rates and commodity prices. Depending on the trading regions and the carbon charges, shipping freight rates would increase by 10–30%, which is equivalent to 1–4% of the trading prices. Additionally, since shorter shipping distances may have less emission per trading tonnage, the shipping carbon tax may significantly change the dry bulk trade patterns, resulting in China’s increasing reliance on nearby countries, e.g., India and Australia, for the import of key commodities. These findings can help shipping companies and sectors make better carbon reduction responses, such as redeploying their fleets, promoting the development of low-carbon shipping technologies, and increasing investments in Australia, as well as South and Southeast Asia.
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42

O’Hare, Janelle. "The role of the tax system in a greener future." APPEA Journal 60, no. 2 (2020): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj19103.

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Ahead of the commencement of action against climate change in 2020 under the Paris Agreement, COP24 saw nations come together to design the rule book for global emissions reductions. Australia also reinforced its commitment to the Paris Agreement and its emission reduction targets. Critical to this is the design of the rules for international trade in emissions permits or credits, which were due to be agreed in Madrid as part of the COP25 in December 2019. However, the participants failed to come to any consensus, getting caught up in technical issues such as the rules for carbon market mechanisms. Instead we wait for an intersessional meeting in Bonn in June 2020 and COP26 in Glasgow in November 2020. The tax policy approach and framework adopted in relation to the energy transition, including for example the introduction and tax treatment of any carbon price or emissions trading scheme, has the potential to either support or distort the ultimate objectives of the transition. So, what does the transition to a greener future mean for the tax mix and how it will it impact the revenues of government? What role does tax play in the energy transition? What are the current rules in Australia and how do they compare to other fiscal regimes globally? How can existing rules in Australia be adapted to best support the effective design of carbon pricing policies? What reforms are necessary?
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43

Pearce, Fred. "Australia's shiny new carbon tax is an empty promise." New Scientist 211, no. 2821 (July 2011): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(11)61674-6.

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44

Rankin, Mei-Leng, Kabossa Msimangira, and Ernest Mudogo. "Preliminary Perceptions on the Introduction of Carbon Tax in Australia." International Journal of Sustainability Policy and Practice 9, no. 1 (2013): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2325-1166/cgp/v09i01/55400.

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45

Chan, Ken. "Legislation of a historic but politically unpopular carbon tax in Australia." Carbon Management 3, no. 3 (June 2012): 243–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4155/cmt.12.21.

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46

Meng, Sam, Mahinda Siriwardana, and Judith McNeill. "The Environmental and Economic Impact of the Carbon Tax in Australia." Environmental and Resource Economics 54, no. 3 (September 12, 2012): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10640-012-9600-4.

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47

Warburton, Allison. "The future of carbon—direct action or ETS lite?" APPEA Journal 54, no. 2 (2014): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj13071.

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The future of carbon policy in Australia is still unclear, despite a change of government at the 2013 federal election. The Coalition Government is committed to repealing the existing carbon tax and replacing it with an incentive scheme to fund emissions-reduction projects under the banner of direct action. They may not, however, be able to get their legislative proposals for the repeal through the senate until mid-2014 or later. By the time of the APPEA Conference and Exhibition in 2014, businesses may have greater certainty on carbon policy than they have had for some time; however, this is unlikely. This extended abstract examines and reviews: the key carbon policy measures and carbon pricing mechanisms at the federal level; the key issues for the gas sector for 2014–15 if the carbon tax still exists; the operation of the coalition’s direct action plan and its implications and opportunities for the gas sector; and, other countries’ plans and actions in relation to carbon, as relevant to an increasingly international gas market.
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48

Komarova, A. V. "The main instruments of state regulation of the transformation of the fuel and energy balance." Interexpo GEO-Siberia 2, no. 4 (May 18, 2022): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33764/2618-981x-2022-2-4-165-170.

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The aim of the study is to analyze the experience of energy transition management policies in major fossil fuel exporting countries. The change in the structure of the fuel and energy balance in Canada, Australia, Norway, as well as Russia and the EU is assessed. The main trends associated with a significant decrease in the share of coal used and an increase in the share of natural gas and renewable energy sources for all the objects under consideration are identified. The analysis of carbon regulation policy revealed significant differences in the main applied principles. While Australia has a voluntary system of de facto subsidies for low-carbon activities, Canada is dominated by regional mandatory regulation, and Norway uses both tax instruments and EU cap-and-trade system.
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Chan, Ken. "Don't forget the weather in the axing of the carbon tax in Australia." Carbon Management 6, no. 1-2 (March 4, 2015): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20430779.2015.1035620.

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50

Riordan, Helen, Phil Cohen, and Stella Elkington. "Carbon capture clusters." APPEA Journal 62, no. 2 (May 13, 2022): S173—S176. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj21147.

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Net zero is an endeavour that will impact every corner of the world. We need global communication and collaboration. To move fast, the transition must become more efficient and spread the best solutions far and wide. For difficult to decarbonise industries, collaboration is essential. The other essential ingredient is policy. The UK banned diesel and petrol car sales from 2030. This is driving electric vehicle manufacturing and supply chains. The EU banned single-use plastics from 2021. Consequently, Coca Cola Europe announced 100% of their bottles would be based on recycled plastic. Norway introduced a carbon tax in 1991 to encourage research into low-carbon solutions. It became the first country to geologically sequester CO2 and the first to do it from an LNG facility. Ten years after the tax was introduced, Norway’s carbon emissions had dropped by 14%. Policies influence emissions. They drive not only environmental outcomes but also sustainable growth and the ability to future-proof their economies. In 2007 and 2012, the UK announced funding for a commercial-scale carbon capture and storage project, both times the programs were aborted. A third attempt, this time focussing on decarbonising four industrial clusters by 2030, was announced in 2018 along with the first ‘net-zero’ carbon cluster by 2040, with the support of a number of UK policies it is expected to progress to construction. This paper discusses the journey from policy through partnerships to the development of Carbon Capture and Hydrogen Clusters in the UK and looks at lessons learnt for Australia.
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